IB! 


. 

A  1          *o 


. 


•• 


THE 


Hiftory  of  Pennfylvania, 

I  N 

NORTH     AMERICA, 

FROM      THE 

Original  Inflitution  and  Settlement  of  that  Province,  under 
the  firft  Proprietor  and  Governor  WILLIAM  P-ENN, 
in  1 68 1,  till  after  the  Year  1742; 


WITH      AN 


INTRODUCTION, 


RESPECTING, 


The  Life  of    W.  PENN,  prior  to  the  grant  of  the  Province,  and  the  reKgioua 

Society  of  the  People  called  Balers; — with  the  firft  rife  of  the  neighbouring 

Colonies,  more  particularly  of  IVeft-Nnv-Jerfey,  and  the  Settlement 

of  the  Dutch  and  Sivcdes  on  Delaware* 


TO    WHICH    IS    ADDED, 


A  brief  Defcription  of  the  faid  Province, 

AND     OF     THE 

General  State,  in  which  it  flourifhed,  principally  between  the  Years  1760  and  1770. 

The  whole  including  a  Variety  of  Things, 

Ufeful  and  Jnterefting-  to  be  known,  refpecling  that  Country  in  early  Time,  &c» 

With  an  APPENDIX. 


Written  principally  between  the  Years  1776"  and  1780, 
BY     ROBERT    PROUD. 


I-ULCHRUM    EST    BENEFACERE    RETPUBLIC.E,    ETIAM    BENEDICERE    HAUD  ABSURD 
DUM  KST,   VEL  PACE  VEL  BELLO   CLARUM   FIERI  LICET."       Sal.  Catatln. 

SED  CUM  PLERIOJJE  ARBITRENTUR  RES  BELUGAS  MAJORES  ESSE  O^UAM  URBANASj 
MINUENDA  EST   H2EC   O?INIO."       ClG.   Ojf. 


VOLUME     I. 


Philadelphia  : 


PRINTED  AND   SOLD  BY  ZACHARIAH  POULSON,  JUNIOR, 

NUMBER    EIGHTY,     C  H  E  S  N  U  T-S  TR  EE  T, 

1797, 


"  William  Penn,  the  great  legiflator  of  the  Quakers  j* 
(in  Pennfylvahia)  "  had  the  fuccefs  of  a  conqueror,  in  efta- 
"  blifhing  and  defending  his  colony,  among  favage  tribes, 
"  without  ever  drawing  the  fword;  the  goodnefs  of  the 
"  moft  benevolent  rulers,  in  treating  his  fubjects  as  his 
**  own  children ;  arid  the  tendernefs  of  an  uriiverfal  father, 
"  who  opened  his  arms  to  all  mankind  without  diftinclioii 
"  of  feel  "or  party.  In  his  republic  it  was  not  the  religious 
"  creed,  but  perform!  merit,  that  entitled  every  member 
<c  of  fociety  to  the  protection  and  emoluments  of  the  flate.3* 

Effay  on  toleration,  by  Arthur  O'Leary* 


( The  copy-right  fecured  as  the  law  direfls.) 


TO   THE 

Defcendants  and  proper  SuccefTors 

OF     THE 

Firft  COLONISTS  and  early  SETTLERS 

O  F 

PENNSYLVANIA, 


UNDER     THE 


rft  Proprietor  and  Governor  WitLiAM  PENN, 


AND 


To  the  reft  of  its  Inhabitants, 
This  HISTORY  of  that  PROVINCE 

/  S      DEDICATED, 

BY  THE  AUTHOR, 


HE  following  hiftory  was  written  many  years  Thedefign- 
as  mentioned  in  the  title  page;  but  the  great 
change  in  this  country,  which  enfued,  and  was 
then  forming,  prevented  the  publication.  It  was 
not  only  intended  more  particularly  for  the  ufe  of 
the  defcendants  of  the  firfl  and  early  fettlers  of  the 
province,  but  alfo  for  a  general  information  to  all 
others,  refpecling  its  former  flate^  &c.  that  by  be- 
holding the  means,  by  which  fmall  things  become 
great,  and  what  formerly  made  the  country  happy, 
it  might  excite  a  fimilar  conduct  in  pofterity,  &c. 

^  Non  minor  eft  virtus  quam  quarere  farta  titeri." 
That  which  renders  people  happy,  i's  nccejjary  to  keep 
jbemfo* 

Though 

151829926 


4  Preface  dedicatory* 

The  means,  Though  the  materials  of  this  performance,  and 
or  mate-  t^e  regular  accounts  of  the  early  progrefiive  ad- 
vances of  this  country,  left  by  thofe  who  were 
moil  capable  of  giving  them,  appear,  in  fome 
things,  and  more  fo  at  particular  times,  very  de- 
fective, yet  the  compilation  is  made  from  the  bed 
that  could  be  had,  as  tranfmitted  from  the  moft 
early  fettlers,  and  their  fucceflbrs,  of  the  firft  re- 
putation and  character,  in  the  province;  as  well 
as  from  the  public  records,  and  fuch  other  ac- 
counts as  may  be  depended  on. 

c.  Pufey  &  Among  the  firfl  collectors  of  thefe  materials  ap- 
firft  coilec-  pears  to  have  been  Caleb  Pufcy^  one  of  the  early 
memoriaV  fettlers  of  Pennfyhania  from  about  London,  in 
£c.  1682;  who,  at  different  times,  was  both  of  the 

provincial  and  proprietary's,  or  governor's,  coun- 
cil, and  frequently  in  the  affembly.  He  lived 
many  years  ;  was  well  acquainted  with  the  public 
affairs,  and  faw  great  improvements  in  the  pro- 
vince, His  papers  after  his  deceafe,  in  1725,  were 
delivered  to  David  Llcyd  and  Jfaac  Nor  r  is;  and 
afterwards  to  James  I^ogan^  about  the  year  1732. 
From  thefe  perfons,  who  made  fuch  additions,  as 
came  within  their  obfervation,  they  afterwards 
parTed  to  John  Kinfey  ;  who,  in  conjunction  with 
leveral  others,  his  friends,  revifed  them  ;  and  they 
remained  in  his  poffeflion  till  his  death,  in  the  year 


The  character  of  thefe  perfons,  above  mentioned, 
xvho,  at  different  periods  of  time,  filled  fome  of 
the  moft  eminent  public  flations  in  the  province, 
will  further  appear  in  the  enfuing  hiftory;  as  be- 
ing men  who  had  not  only  the  bett  opportunity  of 
knowing  the  variety  of  incidents,  arid  the  true  fhite 
of  its  internal  affairs,  from  the  beginning,  but  alfo 
were  themfelves  actively  concerned  in  a  large  fhare 
of  the  public  tranfadions;  and  fome  of  them,  in 
the  different  interefls  both  of  the  proprietary  and  of 
Ms  oppofers, 

Bui 


Preface  dedicatory.  5 

But  the  perfon  who  took  the  moft  pains  to  adjuft  s. smith  & 
and  reduce  thefe  materials  into  fuch  order,  as  might  hisM.s.&c. 
be  proper  for  the  public  view,  before  that  of  the 
prefent  publication,  was  Samuel  Smith  of  Burling- 
ton,  in  Ncw-Jerfcy,  author  of  the  hiftory  of  that 
province;  whole  manufcript  (which  contained  on- 
ly the  fpace  of  about  forty  years)  after  his  deeeale, 
in  1776,  being  thought  by  divers  feniible  and  judi- 
cious perfons,  among  his  friends,  to  be  capable  of 
further  improvement,  and  ufeful  alterations,  or  ad- 
ditions, the  prefent  hiftory,  therefore,  is  publifhed, 
not  only  in  a  form,  different  from  that  of  S.  Smith's 
manufcript,  but  alfo  divers  particulars  therein,  are 
here  much  abbreviated,  especially  reflecting  the 
long  and  tedious  difputes  between  fonie  of  the 
governors  and  aiTemblies;  and  confiderable  addi- 
tions are  made,  from  other  accounts,  of  fuch  things 
as  were  either  not  at  all  touched  upon,  or  but  flight- 
ly  mentioned,  by  him;  befides  mod  of  the  notes, 
with  the  introduction^  and  the  dcfcrlpthn  of  the  pro- 
vince and  its  prefent  ft  ate ,  between  the  years  1760 
and  1770;  both  which  laft,  not  being  attempted  by 
him,  are,  for  the  moft  part,  entirely  new: — So 
that  the  whole  comprizes,  befides  what  may  be 
found  of  veracity,  in  other  publications,  refpecl- 
ing  the  province,  a  true  and  genuine  narrative  of 
the  different  public  tranfaclions,  the  great  and  va- 
rious improvements,  memorable  incidents,  enter- 
taining anecdotes,  and  things  worthy  to  be  known, 
ior  above  fixty  years,  befides  the  faid  prefent  Jiatey 
&c. 

The  reftoration  and  enjoyment  of  thofe  natural  SuVe&  of 
and  civil  rights  and  privileges,  of  which  men  origi-  the  hiitofys 
nally,  by  their  folly  and  wickednefs,  are  often  de* 
prived,  was  the  great  end,  for  which  the  prede- 
ceflbrs  of  the  prefent  inhabitants  of  Petinfyhania, 
at  firft,  peaceably  withdrew  into  this  retirement, 
from  thofe,  who,  at  that  time,  appeared  either  to 
have  loft,  or  too  partially  diftributed  them;  and 
the  prefervation  thereof  was  the  original  defign  of 

the 


Preface  dedicatory. 

the  civil  government  and  conflitution  of  the  pro* 
vince;  an  account  of  which,  &c.  is  the  principal 
fubjecl:  of  the  following  hiilory. 

Hence,  in  the  firft  rife,  and  early  progrefs,  of 
is  Provmce>  there  manifeflly  appears  a  remark- 
able and  extraordinary  example  of  that  excellent 
wifdom,  induftry  and  moderation,  whofe  effects 
are  replete  with  ufeful  inflruclion  to  pofterity,  for 
having,  in  reality,  rendered  a  people  fo  very  hap- 
py and  flourifhing; — not  proved  by  the  boafting 
of  mere  theory  and  anticipation,  but  by  a  happy 
experience  for  many  years. 

It  is  Hkewifc  by  means  of  the  fame  kind  of  evi- 
ncfitof  hif-  dence,  or  proof,  fo  far  as  hiflory  favors  us  with 
the  experience  of  former  times,  in  all  ages  ancl 
countries,  that  men  may  be  taught,  not  only  that 
the  happy  ftate  of  any  country  cannot  reafonably 
be  expected  long  to  continue,  in  the  fame  degree 
of  increafing  profperity,  as  before,  without  the 
continued  prevalence  of  principles  and  means, 
among  the  people,  in  general,  fimilar  to  thofe  by 
which  it  was  firfc  obtained;  but  alfo  how  liable 
fuch  a  happy  and  profperous  condition  is  again  to 
be  loft,  by  that  folly  or  depravity,  which  has  ever 
been  fatal,  where  it  got  the  afcendency,  though 
generally  under  the  moll  plaufible  appearances. 

"  Fa  Hit  enim  vitium  fpecie  virtutis  &  umbra** 
Evil  deceives  under  the  pretence,  or  appearance  of  good* 

Human  na-  ^or  t^le  hiftory  of  all  nations  abounds  with  in-, 
fiances  of  the  fame  nature,  operating  in  all  the 
&  .  defendants  of  Adam  and  Eve, .'which  we  are  told^ 
prevailed  in  thefe  firft  parents,  or  reprefentatives, 
of  mankind;  and  through  this  medium  of  hiflory, 
it  may  be  clearly  feen,  as  in  a  glafs,  that  too  much, 
or  very  great,  profperity  has  been,  and  confe- 
quently  may  ftill  be,  as  fatal  to  the  human  race, 
(which  is  capable  of  bearing  only  a  certain  propor- 
tion of  it)  as  the  extreme  of  adverfity;  and  that 
the  effects  of  plenty,  pride  and  ambition,  in  the 

one 


Preface  dedicatory.  .7 

one,  have  been,  and  thence  may  flill  be,  no  lefs 
pernicious,  than  thofe  of  want,  oppreilion  and  dif- 
trefs,  in  the  other;  —  But  how  little  have  pofterity 
profited  from  fuch  former  examples!  —  human  na- 
ture is  (till  the  fame;  —  the  interdicted  tree,  with 
its  forbidden  fruit  ,  is  (till  as  tempting  as  ever  it 
was. 

"  Felix  qiiem  faclunt  aliena  pericida  cautum" 
Happy  is  he  whom  the  harms  of  others  make  wary. 

How  often,  under  fome  plaufible  pretence  or  Men  iove 
other,  are  peace  and  improvement  wantonly  ex-  change,  &e. 
changed  for  war  and  deftruclion;  whole  natural 
confequence  are  violence  and  oppreflion!  —  Have 
we  not  feen  the  commencement  of  this  already, 
even,  within  our  borders,  in  this  young  country? 


which  the  former  had  Tendered  fo  flouriihing  and 
happy.  —  The  firft  and  early  colonifls,  or  fettlers  pennfyiva- 
and  makers  of  the  province,  left  the  finely  culti-  nia- 
vated  plains  of  Europe,  with  their  neareft  and 
deareft  connections  there,  to  enjoy  and  promote 
the  former,  in  this  wildernefs,  in  fuch  degree  of 
perfection,  as  feemed  importable  for  them  there, 
and  to  avoid  the  latter,  with  its  confequences  ;  — 
from  which,  in  an  eminent  degree,  it  is  mod 
manifefl,  their  wifdom,  virtue,  moderation,  and 
good  policy,  through  much  Jabor,  danger  and  ex- 
pence,  many  ways,  and  in  a  very  fignal,  pacific 
and  extraordinary  manner,  effected  the  deliverance 
and  prefervation  of  the  inhabitants,  while  they  di- 
rected the  affairs  of  the  colony,  and  for  fo  many 
years  prolonged  the  golden  days  of  Pennfyfoania. 

For,  as  there  appears  to  be  a  conftant  decay,  in  Happy  con- 
human  affairs,  and  all  things  have  their  beginning  fequui«*, 
and  end,  fo  is  it  not  mamfeft,  in  the  courfe  of  na-  &c' 
ture,  or  of  all  things  within  the  circle  of  human 
obfervation,  that  a  conftant  recurring  to  firft  prin- 
ciples, or,  that  a  renovation,  or  melioration,  to 
balance  this  decay,  is  always  neceflary,  both  in  an 
individual  and  collective  capacity?—  But  then  do 

all 


w.  Penn  a 
wife  pro- 

moter  of 

improve- 
meat,  &c. 


Extracts 
from  W. 
Penn's 

writings. 


Preface  dedicatory. 

all  the  boafted  improvement  of  men,  or  melio- 
ration of  the  human  race,  &c.  in  reality,  and  in 
the  general,  amount  to  any  more,  than  what  is 
intimated  by  this  fimilitude?  viz. 

"  Like  leaves  on  trees  the  race  of  man  is  found ; 
Now  green  in  youth,   now  withering  on  the 

ground ; 

Another  race  the  following  fpring  fupplies ; 
They  fall  fucceflive,  and  fucceffive  rife: 
So  generations,  in  their  courfe,  decay; 
So  flourifh  thefe,  when  thofe  are  paft  away." 

POPE'S   HOMER. 

The  worthy  founder  and  father  of  the  province 
appears  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  true 
means  of  this  melioration,  in  the  ftate  of  mankind, 
by  infifting,  fo  much  as  he  did,  on  the  early  culti- 
vation of  piety  arid  virtue,  and  on  a  good  educa- 
tion of  youth,  in  its  different  branches;  with  a  juft 
and  vigorous  magiftracy,  or  government,  and 
good  order ;  of  which  he  was  ever  the  firm  friend 
and  fupporter,  not  to  fay,  the  reformer,  or  impro- 
ver, of  it,  for  the  benefit,  and  further  happinefs 
of  civil  fociety ;  as  iufficiently  appears  by  his  writ- 
ings, and  in  his  excellent  example  of  that  of 
Pennfylvania; — in  which,  as  he  exhibited  himfelf 
a  ftrenuo-us  advocati,  and  a  remarkable  extender 
of  juftice,  mercy,  and  all  rational  liberty,  fo  was 
he  alfo  a  fevere  enemy  to  all  licentioufnefs,  injuf- 
tice,  and  criminal  indulgence  of  vice  and  wicked- 
nefs. 

"  There  can  be  no  pretence  (fays  he)  of  con- 
fcience,  to  be  drunk,  to  whore,  to  be  voluptuous, 
t;o  game,  to  fwear,  curfe,  blafpheme  and  prophane; 
no  fuch  matter.  Thefe  are  fins  againft  nature; 
and  againft  the  government,  as  well  as  againft  the 
written  laws  of  God.  They  lay  the  ax  to  the  root 
of  human  fociety;  and  are  the  common  enemies 
of  mankind.  It  was  to  prevent  thefe  enormities, 

that 


Preface  dedicatory.  g 

that  government  was  inftituted ;  and  (hall  govern-  Duty  of 
ment  indulge  that,  which  it  is  inftituted  to  cor-  the  masif- 
rect?  This  were  to  render  the  magiftracy  ufelefs,  and  tracy'  &c' 
the  bearing  of  thefword  vain;  there  would  be  then 
no  fuch  thing,  in  government,  as  a  terror  to  evil- 
doers; but  every  one  would  do  that,  which  he 
thought  right  in  his  own  eyes ;  God  almighty  deli- 
ver us  from  this  fort  of  tyranny!" 

"  Nothing  (continues  he)  weakens  kingdoms  Great  im- 
like  vice;  it  does  not  only  difpleafe  Heaven,  but 
difable  them;" — u  It  is  our  intereft  to  be  goodj 
and  it  is  none  of  the  leaft  arguments  for  religion, 
that  the  piety  and  practice  of  it  is  the  peace  and 
profperity  of  government;  and  confequently  that 
vice,  the  enemy  of  religion,  is,  at  the  fame  time, 
the  enemy  of  human  fociety,  What,  then,  mould 
be  more  concerned  for  the  prefervation  .of  virtue, 
than  government  ?  that,  in  its  abftradt,  and  true 
fenfe,  is  not  only  founded  upon  virtue,  but  with- 
out the  prefervation  of  virtue,  it  is  impoffible  to 
maintain  the  beft  conftitution,  that  can  be  made. 
And,  however  fome  particular  men  may  profper 
that  are  wicked,  and  fome  private  good  men  mif- 
carry,  in  the  things  of  this  world,  in  which  fenfe, 
things  may  be  faid  to  happen  alike  to  all,  to  the 
righteous  as  to  the  wicked^  yet  I  dare  boldly  affirm, 
and  challenge  any  man  to  the  truth  thereof;  that^ 
in  the  many  volumes  of  the  hiftory  of  all  ages  and 
kingdoms  of  the  world,  there  is  not  one  inftance  to 
be  found,  where  the  hand  of  God  was  againft  a 
righteous  nation,  or  when  the  hand  of  God  was  not 
againft  an  unrighteous  nation,  firft  or  Jaft;  nor 
where  a  juft  government  perifhed,  nor  an  unjuft 
government  long  profpered.  Kingdoms  are  rarely 
fo  fhort  lived  as  men ;  yet  they  ajfo  have  a  time  to 
die;  but  as  temperance  giveth  health  to  men,  fo 
virtue  gives  time  to  kingdoms ;  and  as  vice  brings 
men  betimes  to  their  graves,  fo  nations  to  their 


nun,*1 


[2]  Refpecllng 


lo  Preface  dedicatory. 

Modes  of       Refpecting  modes  of  government,  the  memo- 
govern-      table  founder  of  that  of  Pennsylvania  declares, — 

nient.  .    mi  -in  r  r  • 

"  Inere  is  hardly  one  frame  01  government,  in 
the  world,  fo  ill  defigned  by  its  firft  founder,  that, 
in  good  hands  would  not  do  well  enough;  and 
hiflory  tells  us,  the  befl,  in  ill  ones,  can  do  no- 
thing, that  is  great  or  good;  witnefs,  the  Jewifo 
and  the  Roman  Hates.  Governments,  like  clocks > 
go  from  the  motion,  which  men  give  them ;  and 
as  governments  are  made  and  moved  by  men,  fo 
by  them  are  they  ruined  too:  wherefore  govern- 
ments rather  depend  upon  men,  than  men  upon 
governments.  Let  men  be  good  and  the  govern- 
ment cannot  be  bad ;  if  it  be  ill  they  will  cure  it : 
but  if  men  be  bad,  let  the  government  be  never  fa 
good,  they  will  endeavour  to  warp  and  fpoil  it  to 
their  turn." — "  That,  therefore,  which  makes  a 
good  conflitution,  muft  keep  it,  viz.  men  of  wifdom 
and  virtue;  qualities,  that,  becaufe  they  defcend  not 
with  worldly  inheritances,  muft  be  carefully  pro- 
pagated by  a  virtuous  education  of  youth;  for  which 
after  ages  will  owe  more  to  the  care  and  prudence 
of  founders,  and  the  fucceflive  uiagiftracy,  than  to 
their  parents,  for  their  private  patrimonies" 

preatim-        "  I  would  think  (fays  he  in  another  place) 

eoo'cTedu^  ^at  tnere  are  ^ut  few  people  fo  vicious,  as  to  care 
cation.  to  fee  their  children  fo ;  and  yet  to  me  it  feems  a 
plain  cafe,  that,  as  we  leave  the  government,  they 
will  find  it:  if  fome  effectual  courfe  be  not  taken, 
what  with  neglect,  and  what  with  example,  impiety 
and  the  miferies  that  follow  it,  will  be  entailed  upon 
our  children.  Certainly  it  were  better  the  world 
ended  with  us,  than  that  we  mould  tranfmjt  our 
vices,  or  fow  thofe  evil  feeds,  in  our  day,  that  will 
ripen  to  their  ruin,  and  fill  our  country  with  mife- 
ries, after  we  are  gone;  thereby  expofmg  it  to  the 
curie  of  God,  and  violence  of  our  neighbours. 
But  it  is  an  infelicity  we  ought  to  bewail,  that  men 
are  apt  to  prefer  the  bafe  pleafures  of  their  prefent 
extravagances  to  all  endeavours  after  a  future 

benefit; 


Preface  dedicatory.  I  x 

benefit;  for,  befides  the  guilt,  they  draw  down 
upon  themfelves,  our  poor  pofterity  muft  be  greatly 
injured  thereby;  who  will  find  thofe  debts  and  in- 
cumbrances  harder  to  pay  than  all  the  reft,  we 
can  leave  them  under." 

"  Upon  the  whole  matter  (continues  he)  I  take  Good  ed*. 
the  freedom  to  fay,  that,  if  we  would  preferve  our  c,atifn  con" 

n  i  •  i  i  rr>        duClVC  tO 

government,  we  mult  endear  it  to  the  people.  To  good  go- 
do  this,  befides  the  neceflity  of  prefent,  juft  and  vemm&nt.  j 
wife  things,  we  muft  fecure  the  youth :  this  is  not 
to  be  done,  but  by  the  amendment  of  the  way  of 
their  education;  and  that  with  all  convenient  fpeed 
and  diligence.  I  fay,  the  government  is  highly 
obliged :  it  is  a  fort  of  truftee  for  the  youth  of  the 
kingdom;  who,  though  now  minors,  yet  will  have 
the  government,  when  we  are  gone.  Therefore 
deprefs  vice,  and  cherijh  virtue;  that  through  good 
education,  they  may  become  good;  which  will  truly 
render  them  happy  in  this  world,  and  a  good  way 
fitted  for  that  which  is  to  come.  If  this  be  done, 
they  will  owe  more  to  your  memories  for  their 
education,  than  for  their  eftates." 

Such  maxims  and  advice  are  of  univerfal  con-  Men's  opi- 
cernment,  and  interefting  to  all  governments ;  but  nions  varr 
the  opinions  of  different  men  frequently  vary  much  m  lc  ' 
on  the  fame  fubjecls;  and  that,  even,  on  impor- 
tant as  well  as  trifling  affairs ;  and  their  conduct  is 
no  lefs  cdntradiclory,  and  fometimes  feemingly  ir* 
rational;  they  are  fo  liable  to  embrace  oppofite  ex- 
tremes, that  they  often  deviate  from  the  middle  way 
of  rectitude :  Hence,  while  the  forward,  felfifh  and 
lefs  qualified,  frequently  from  finifter,  or  mean 
views,  folicit  and  fucceed  into  the  public  offices  and 
magiftracy,  as  well  as  into  divers  other  important  |°s^  ^ 
departments  of  life,  for  which  they  are  unfit  and  fe&  in  go- 
improper,  it  is  to  be  regretted,  that  fometimes  the  ^d^agi- 
more  worthy,  and  better  qualified,  who  are  aclu-  fbacy,  &c. 
ated,  in  what  they  do,  by  more  generous  principles, 
too  often  from  diffidence  of  their  own  abilities, 

and 


22  Preface  dedicatory. 

and  an  abhorrence  of  a  connection  with  others,  in 
their  improper  conduct,  entirely  decline  being  con- 
cerned in  fuch  ftations,  and  thereby  refufe  that  be- 
nefit, which  they  might  otherwife,  mod  probably, 
adminifler  to  themfelves  and  their  country. 

Some  pibus      But  ought  the  mifufe  of  a  right  and  neceffary 
men  incon-  thing  to  be  a  fufficient  reafon  for  rejecting  that  thing 
tfieircon-    altogether? — mail  the  abufe  and  perverfion  of  go- 
tiu<a,  &c.    vernment,  and  the  ill  adminiflration  of  the  magif- 
tracy,  by  wicked  men,  give  juft  occafion  for  any 
fober,  thinking  and  rational  perfon,  qualified  and 
fuitable  to  be  ferviceable  to  his  country,  in  that  very 
important  department,  to  condemn  the  right  ufe  of 
them?    and  entirely  to  refufe  his   afliftance  in  a 
thing  fo  neceffary  as  the  magidracy?- — whether  it 
be  from  political  confiderations,  or  a  perfuafion, 
that  the  execution  of  it  is,  in  fome  refpects,  con- 
trary to  the  nature  of  Chridianity  ? — like  the  Ana- 
iaptifts^  in  Germany  formerly,  in  the  time  of  Charles 
the  fifth;    and  as  indicated  by  the   conduct    of 
fome  in  later  years  ? — Certainly,  if'  fuch  reafoning, 
or  conduct,  as  this,  ought  to  prevail,  and  be  imi- 
tated, in  the  extreme,  then,  to  be  confident  with 
themfelves,  it   is  mod  manifed,  fuch  perfons  as 
reafon  and  act  thus,  ought  to  poflefs  no  private 
property ; — religion  itfelf,  under  pretence  of  which 
this  notion,  or  conduct,  feems  to  have  been  found- 
ed, mould  no-  longer  be  profefTed  by  them; — nay, 
they  abfolutely  ought  to  defid  from  propagating 
their  own  fpecies! — Becaufe  thefe  things  are  molt 
of  all  abufed,   or  perverted;    from  which  have 
flowed  the  greated  evils  in  the  world ;  and  in  con- 
fequence  of  the  lad  arife  all  the  wickednefs  and 
unhappinefs  of  mankind,    &c.   for  the  redraint 
and  correction  or  remedy,  of  which,  it  has  pleafed 
divine  Providence  mercifully  to  ordain  government 
and  magidracy,  &c.  and  to  communicate  know- 
ledge and  ability  to  the  indudry  of  men,  for  that 
happy  purpofe: — But  who  is  not  able  to  fee  the 

inconfidency 


Preface  dedicatory.  13 

inconfiftency  of  fuch  reafoning? — How  ftrangely 
liable  are  mankind  to  err! — how  varioufly  do  they 
go  aflray,  even,  under  well  intended  views ! — Men 
may  go  north  till  they  come  fouth. 

But  Pennfyfoania  was  fettled  upon  very  different  pennfylva- 
principles ; — for  it  was  impoffible  for  the  govern-  ni'a  an  ex- 
ment  of  it  to  be  founded  on  fuch  notions;  William  t^coun" 
Penn  was  far  from  being  actuated  by  the  extrava-  tries,  &c, 
gance  of  this  kind  of  enthufiafm,  in  giving  fuch 
an  excellent  example  to  mankind,  and  (hewing 
them  how  happy  it  is  poilible  for  men  to  live  in  the 
world,  if  they  pleafe:  for,  while  he  diflinguifhed 
between  the  too  general  abufe  of  power,  and  the 
exertion  of  a  jufl  authority,  he  laid  a  foundation 
for  happy  confequences ;  as  manifefled  in  the  late 
glorious  example  and  profperity  of  the  province, 
to  fuch  a  degree  of  both  private  and  public  felicity, 
as  hath  exceeded  that  of  mod  other  countries, 
that  we  know  of,  in  the  world,  confidering  its 
age,  fituation,  extent,  and  other  circumftances : — 
This,  though  defectively  exhibited,  will,  at  leaft, 
in  part,  appear  in  the  following  hiftory,  and  in 
the  {ketch  of  the  general  ftate  of  the  country  be- 
tween the  years  1760  and  1770,  at  the  conclu- 
fion.  During  all  which  golden  age  of  the  province, 
the  effects  of  William  Penrfs  government  and  con- 
duct appear  to  have  excelled  thofe  of  the  wife  Solon* 
fo  far  as  the  effects  of  peace.,  and  prevention  of  mili- 
tary evils  and  deftruction  are  preferable  to  thofe  of 
war : — For  by  reafon  of  the  natural  injuflice,  and 
the  violent  operation  of  the  latter,  the  happy  con- 
fequences of  the  former  are  generally  impaired,  or 
deftroyed,  and  never  can  be  long  preferved  by  it ; 
fo  that  the  emphatical  expreffions  of  the  great  legif- 
lator  of  Athens i  as  recorded  by  Plutarch  in  his  life 
of  Solon,  appear  more  applicable  to  the  lawgiver 
of  Pcnnfyfaania,  viz. 

«  Whut 


14  Preface  dedicatory. 

"  What  pow'r  was  fit  I  did  on  all  bellow; 
Nor  rais'd  the  poor  too  high,  nor  prefs'd  too  low; 
The  rich  that  rul'd,  and  every  office  bore, 
Confin'd  by  laws,  could  not  opprefs  the  poor; 
Both  parties  I  fecur'd  from  lawlefs  might; 
So  none  prevail'd  upon  another's  right." 

Various  But  ambition  is  rooted  in  human  nature,  and 
bitUm°  &c"  demands  reflraint ;  it  aflumes  all  manner  of  appear- 
ances whatfoever,  and  is  now  working  wonders, 
in  the  world,  under  the  name  of  equality  and  the 
rights  of  man; — Hence  to  miilake  innovation  for 
renovation,  and  a  love  of  change  for  melioration, 
connected  with  fuch  an  idea  of  fclf-independmcy^  as 
is  inconfiHent  with  the  enlargement  of  civilization, 
or  of  the  focial  happinefs  of  mankind,  in  any  great 
or  extenfive  degree,  have  ever  produced  thofe  per- 
nicious confequences,  which  have  flowed  from  the 
revolutionary  governments  of  nations  and  coun- 
tries ;  whofe  felicity  confifts  in  the  unity,  harmony, 
or  a  jufl  dependency  of  their  parts ;  and  the  more 
extenfive  thofe  parts -are,  in  fuch  a  flate,  the  greater 
and  more  durable  is  mod  likely  to  be  the  happinefs 
of  thofe  very  conftituent  and  particular  parts,  as 
well  as  of  the  whole;  and  vice  verfd. 
Compari-  jror  as  an  afTemblage  of  fimilar  rays  of  light 
cffeAs  of  adds  to  the  luilre  of  each  individual  ray,  of  which 
unity,  &c.  it  is  compofed ;  and  the  larger  the  affemblage,  fo 
much  greater  is  that  luilre,  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  rays;  fo  the  happy,  or  unhappy  flate 
of  mankind  individually  may  be  confidered,  as 
augmented,  or  diminiflied,  beyond  the  poflibility 
of  a  folitary  enjoyment  only,  according  to  the  ge- 
neral prevalency  and  extenfivenefs  of  thefe  two  dif- 
ferent flates,  in  a  national  or  colle&ive  capacity: — 
The  jufl  and  proper  confideration  of  which  might 
incitement  ^ave  no  final  1  tendency  to  incite  men  more  effec- 
to  unity  &  tually  to  cultivate  and  extend  fuch  a  Hate  of  har- 
monv  anj  unity  in  the  world,  as  neceffarily  mufl, 
above  all  other  means,  ever  constitute,  preferve 

and 


Preface  dedicatory.  15 

and  increafe,  or  advance,  their  felicity,  fo  far  as 
human  nature  is  capable  of  it,  both  in  a  particu- 
lar and  general  relation ;  rather  than  the  contrary, 
or  difcord,  rebellion  and  revolt,  fo  often  advocated, 
purfued,  and  in  the  end,  unhappily  experienced, 
under  the  plaufible  name  and  falfe  appearance,  of 
melioration. 

But  how  muchfoever  the  recommendation  and  Original 
extenfion  of  unity,  concord  and  amity,  with  a  due  hap^inefs°f 
fubmiflion,  in  civil  fociety,  may  be  contrary  to  the  and  mifery 
ambition,  and  felfifh  views,  of  an  independent  and  ?u 
rebellious  Jpirit,  in  any  age,  or  country,  yet  it  is 
moft  certain  that  as  the  former  conflituted  the  ftate 
of  original,  and  moft  complete,  felicity,  fo  the  latter 
occafioned  the  contrary;  and  cannot,  in  the  na- 
ture of  things,  do  otherwife; — and  that  human 
happinefs  may  be  much  further  increafed,  or  aug- 
mented, both  in  an  individual  and  collective  capa- 
city, than  either  idlenefs  or  wickednefs  will  permit 
many  to  believe,  or  think  poffible,  thc  province  of  Example  of 
Pennfyfoania  has  afforded  a  very  fignal  example ?  P^nnfVlva" 
and   inconteftible   proof,    to    the    admiration    of 
flrangers ;  and  doubtlefs  far  beyond  the  credibility 
of  many,  who  are  not  fufficiently  acquainted  with 
the  early,  as  well  as  the  later  ftate  of  the  country. 

To  conclude,  as  the  world  is  faid  to  have  been  HOW  goo4 
formed  out  of  a  chaos,  and  that  order  fprung  from  {^"eve 
diforder,  by  the  effect  of  Omnipotence ;  fo,  in  the  and  rd 
rife  of  this  province,  appears  a  remarkable  inftance  ed* 
pf  happy  confequences,  from  apparent  unhappy 
caufes; — rational  liberty,  with  an  equal  participa- 
tion of  natural  and  civil  rights,  and  religious  pri- 
vileges, with  the  glorious  effects,  have  rifen  out 
of  oppreflion,  perfecution  and  bigotry: — But,  as 
tjie  abufe  of  the  former  has  always  introduced  the 
latter,  fooner  or  later ;  and  as  human  nature  ever 
remains  to  be  the  fame,  fo  the  reverfmg  of  thofe  en- 
joyments continues  to  be  no  lefs  incident  to  the  hur 
man  race,  than  it  was  in  former  ages  of  the  world  \ 

and 


l6  Preface  dedicatory. 

and  their  prefervation  depends  as  much  upon  the 
wifdom  and  conduct  of  the  pofleflbrs  of  them,  as 
their  reftoration  will  do,  on  means  fimilar  to  thofe, 
which  raifed,  and  fo  long  preferred,  the  happy 
flate  of  the  province  of  Pennfyfoania* 


Philadelphia^  1797^ 


INTRODUCTION. 


CONTENTS 

O  F     T  H  £ 

INTRODUCTION. 


PART  THE  FIRST. 

The  parentage,  birth  and  education  of  William  Penn,  with  the  time 
and  manner  of  his  embracing  the  religion  of  the  people  called 
Quakers,  &C. 
In  the  account  of  the  religious  fyftem  and  manners  of  the  £>ua1ters9 

are  comprehended: 

1.  The  time,   motive  and  manner  of  their  firft  rife,  and  becoming 

a  religious   fociety. 

2.  Their  firft  and  chief  principle.  &c. 

3.  Their  worfhip  and  miniftry,  withfome  of  their  chief  and  particular 

doctrines. 

Their  other  tenets,  do&rines,  practices  ajid  cuftoms,  more  pecu- 
liar to  them  than  to  other  people,  are  ranged  under  the  following 
heads,  viz. 

1.  Their  jnjtice,  veracity  and  true  Chriflian  fortitude* 

2.  Their  temperance  and  moderation. 

3.  Their  charity  and  loving  one  another* 

4.  Under  the  firft  of  thefe  heads  are  coniprifed : 

Their  difufe  of  faltering  titles,  and  their  not  refpecling  perfons,  &c. 
Their  ufmg  the  plain  and  true  fpeech  of  thou  and  thee,  to  a  fmgfe 

perfon,  &c. 

Their  difufe  of  the  common  falutations,  &c. 
Their  non-obfervance  of  hoiy-days,  fajl-days,  &c. 
Their  manner  of  naming  the  months,  and  days  of  the  week,  &C« 
Their  refufmg  to  pay  tithes,  prieJIS  wages,  &c* 
Their  ftrictly  paying  the  government  taxes,  dues,  &c. 
Their  not  iuffering  the  Negro  or  Jlave-trade  among  them. 
Their  refufmg  tofwear  on  any  occafion. 
Their  fortitude,  in  valiantly  fuffering  for  their  teftimony- 

5.  Under  the  fecond  head  are., 

Their  difufe  of  gaming,  fports,  playst  &c. 
Their  avoiding  fuperfluity,  viz. 

In  their  diet  and  difcourfe. 

In  their  furniture  arid  apparel. 

At  their  llrtks,  marriages  and  funerals* 

£3]    .  6.  Undef 


1 8  Contents  of  the  Introduftion. 

6.  Under  the  third  head  are  reprefented: 

Their  loving  one  another,  and  refraining  from  Jaw-fuitr,  among  tkejn- 

felves. 

Their  loving  enemies,  and  not  ^fighting ,  but  /offering,  &c- 
Their  charity  to  the  poor  : — With  ibme  conclufions  on  divers  of  thefe 

things,  from  R.  Barclay. 

7.  Their  marriages,,  births,  turials  and  difcipTine,  from  lP.  Penn;  con- 
cluded with  fome  further  hints  of  the  temper,  and  general  difpe- 
fition  of  mind,  and  of  the  practice  of  this  people,  in  early  time, 
from  W.  Penn,  and  W.  Edmundfon. 

Further  account  of  the  life  of  William  Penn,  contmued  till  about  the 
time  of  the  grant  and  fettlement  of  Pennfyhania. 


PART  THE  SECOND. 

1 .  Firft  European  difcoveries  of  the  different  parts  of  America,  by 
Spain,  Portugal  and  England,  from  the  year  1492  to  1497. 

2.  Summary  of  the  ancient  Virginia;  and  of  the  Diitch  and  Swede's 
pretenfions  to  what  Was  called  New  Nefhtrland  by  the  former,  and 
New  Swedeland  by  the  latter  : — With  a  fketch  of  the  firft  fetdement, 
government  and  revolutions  of  thefe  people  on  the  Delaware  15ay  and 
river; — Including  fome  account  of  the  Maryland  grant  to  the  Lord 
Baltimore,  in  1632 ;  and  of  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
under  the  Britifii  government  in  1664. 

3.  Firit  rife  of  New-Jerfey,  in  1664 ;  and  fome  account  of  the  En- 
gliih  adminiftration  by 'the  governors  of  N.  Tork,  over  the  country  on 
Delaware,  till  it  was  retaken  by  the  Dutch,  in  1673  ; — and  of  the  go- 
vernment there,  after  it  was  furrendered  to  England. 

4.  Divifronof  Ncw-Jerfey  into  Eaft  and  Wejl  New-Jerfeyt  in  1676; 
whereby  W.  Penn  firft  became  concerned  in  the  latter; — With  a  fum- 
mary  of  the  firft  fettlement  and  public  tranlacHons  of  Weft  New-Jcrfey, 
by  the  Quakers,  &c.  continued  from  the  diviiion  of  the  province,  in 
1676,  till  about  the  time  of  W.  Penn's  obtaining  the  grant  of  Pennfyl- 
i>ania,  in  1681,  &c. 

5.  A  fketch  of  the  religious  (late  of  Weft  N.  Jerfey,  about  that  timey 
with  fome  further  hints  of  its  general  fituation,  or  ftate,  till  the  fur- 
render  of  the  refpeclive  proprietary  governments  to  the  crown,   in 
1702. 

Note,  When  the  a.onths  are  mentioned  in  their  numerical  order,  in  the  following 
hiftory,  Marchu  jnderitood  to  be  the  firft  month  of  the  year,  before  the  change 
cf  tke  ftyle,  in  i  r^z;  aficr  which  the  year  commenced  on'  the  firft  of  January. 

INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


PART  THE  FIRST. 

CONTAINING, 

MEMOIRS 


O   F      T    H    E 


LIFE 

O    F 

W   I   L   L  I  A  M     P  E  N  N, 

Prior  to  his  founding  the  Province  of  Pennfyhania; 

AND    INCLUDING, 

A  general  and  comprehenjive  view  of  the  rife,  princi- 
ples',  religious  Jy/tem  andpraclice,  or  manners,  of 
the  people  called  QUAKERS,  who  firft  fettled 
the  province,  under  his  government. 


JL  HE  wifdom  of  former  ages,  when  tranfmitted,  office  and 
in  writing,  to  poflerity,  is  an  ineftimable  treafure ;  ufe  ef  hif; 
hut  the  aftions  of  illuftrious  and  virtuous  perfons,  tor5>  ' 
in  the  fame  manner  exhibited,  is  ftill  more  benefi- 
cial: by  the  former  our  judgments  are  rightly  in- 
formed, and  our  minds  brought  into  a  proper  way 
of  thinking;  by  the  latter  we  are  animated  to  an 
imitation;  and  while  the  excellency  of  noble  ex- 
amples is  difplayed  before  our  underflandings,  our 
minds  are  infpired  with  a  love  of  virtue.    This  ap- 
pears to  be  the  office  of  hiflory;  by  which  every 
fucceeding  age  may  avail  itfelf  of  the  wifdom,  and, 
even,  of  the  folly,  of  the  preceding,  and  become 
wifer  ancl  happier  by  a  proper  application.  Tfa  ough 

this 


2O  JntroduBion. 

this  medium  when  we  view  the  conduct  of  thofe 

freat  men  of  antiquity,  who  have  benefited  man- 
ind,  in  their  moft  effential  interefts,  they  ap- 
pear frequently  to  have  been  a&uated  by  motives, 
the  mofl  difmterefled,  and  attended  with  a  fatisfac- 
tion  more  than  human ! — Adverfity,  which  refines 
men,  and  renders  them  more  fit  to  benefit  the  hu- 
man race,  is  a  frequent  concomitant  of  worthy 
minds;  and  apparent  fuccefs  doth  not  always  imme- 
diately attend  noble  and  juft  defigns: — When  a  So- 
crates is  put  to  death,  wifdom  and  truth  feem  to  fuf- 
fer;  and  when  an  Arlftldes  is  exiled,  juflice  appears 
to  be  in  difgrace.  But  virtue  is  its  own  reward,  and 
depends  not  on  the  fluctuating  opinions  of  mortals, 
nor  on  the  breath  of  popular  applauf e ;  which  is 
often  on  the  fide  of  error,  and  entirely  oppofite  to 
the  real  interefts  of  its  votaries. 

•w.  penn  An  example  of  true  wifdom  and  fortitude,  is 
an  example  no  lefs  confpicuous  in  the  venerable  founder  of  the 
d™  province  of  Pennfylvaniay  the  truly  great  and  wor- 
thy  William  Penny  than  in  many  of  the  celebrated 
fages  and  legiflators  of  former  ages ;  who,  in  oppofi- 
tion  to  the  vulgar  notions  of  the  times  in  which  they 
lived,  have  feemingly  fuifered  in  their  own  particu- 
lars, in  order  to  benefit  mankind:  this  will  appear 
in  the  following  {ketch  of  his  life,  both  with  reipect 
to  his  religion  in  joining  with  the  people  called  jQua- 
kers,  and  likewife  in.  fettling  the  province  itfelf.  In 
both  of  which  his  engagement  for  the  happinefs  of 
men  was  not  unattended  with  a  large  fjiare  of  that 
difficulty  and  oppofition,  to.  which  the  mofl  excel- 
lent undertakings  are  generally  expofed :  but  minds 
of  fuch  exalted  virtue  are  actuated  by  motives  above 
mortality,  and  indifputably  are  influenced  by  fome- 
thing  divine;  without  which,  as  Cicero  fays,  "  there 
never  was  a  really  good  and  great  man.* 

His 

*   "    CrtJfitJurtt  ejl  ncmincm  v'irtrum  btnvrum  ialcm  fuffi,    ntji  adj 
jpfo;    &  ntmo  un^uam  fuit  Mir  Kia.«rWs  f-r.c  ajfiatu  aliquo  divtHo'* 

Cic,  de  nat^ra 


Introduftlon. 


21 


His  father,  Sir  William  Penn,  was  of  eminent  or  his  r» 
character;  and  fervcd  both  under  the  parliament, 
and  king  Charles  the  fecond,  in  feveral  of  the  higheft 
maritime  offices.*  He  was  born  in  Briflol,  anno 
1621;  and  married  Margaret ,  daughter  of  John 
Jafper,  of  Rotterdam  in  Holland,  merchant;  by 
whom  he  had  his  fon  William  Penn.  He  was  him- 
felf  the  fon  of  captain  Giles  Penn,  feveral  years 
conful  for  the  Engtijh,  in  the  Mediterranean;  and 
of  the  Penns  of  Penns-hdge^  in  the  county  of  Wilts; 
and  thofe  Penns  of  Penn,  in  the  county  of  Bucks; 
and  by  his  mother,  from  the  Gilberts,  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Somerfet,  originally  from  Torkjkire. 

He  was  addicted  from  his  youth  to  maritime  af-  His 
fairs,  and  made  captain  at  twenty-one  years  of  age; 
rear  admiral  of  Ireland,  at  twenty-three;  vice  ad- 
miral of  Ireland,  at  twenty-five;  admiral  to  the 
Straits,  at  twenty -nine;  vice  admiral  of  England, 
at  thirty-one;  and  general  in  the  firft  Dutch  war, 
at  thirty-two.  Whence  returning,  anno  1655,  he 
was  a  parliament  man  for  the  town  of  Weymo-uih ;  in 
1660,  he  was  made  commhTioner  of  the  admiral- 
ty and  navy,  governor  of  the  town  and  fort  of 
Kings  ail  \  vice  admiral  of  Munjier,  and  a  member 
of  that  provincial  council ;  and  anno  1 664,  he  was 
chofen  great  captain  commander  under  the  Duke 
of  Tork,  in  that  fignal,  and  mod  evidently  fuccef- 
ful  fight  with  the  Dutch  Fleet. 

Thus  he  took  leave  of  the  fea,  but  continued  His  dsat 
flill  in  his  other  employments,  till  1669;  at  which 
time,  through  bodily  infirmities,  contracted  by  the 

care 

*  W.  Pcnn,  In  his  printed  works,  fays  further  refpe&ing  his  father, 
Admiral  Penn;- — "  He  was  engaged  both  under  the  parliament  and  king; 
but  not  as  an  aclor  in  the  domeftic  troubles;  his  compafs  always  fleering 
him  to  eye  a  national  concern,  and  not  inteftine  wars.  His  fervice, 
therefore,  being  wholly  foreign,  he  may  be  truly  laid  to  ferve  his  country, 
rather  than  either  of  thele  interetts,  fo  far  as  they  were  dhtinct  from 
«rach  other." — Again,  "  In  the  attack  on  Htfpaniola,  his  employ  was 
only  as  general  of  the  fleet;  from  which  the  mifcarriage  did  not  arife; 
.,'.  was  owing  to  the  land  forces,  over  which  he  had  no  command. 

PJC^W'I  Work*, 


IntroduEiion. 

care  and  fatigue  of  public  affairs,  he  withdrew, 
prepared  and  made  for  his  end.     He  died  at  Wan- 
fiead^  in  the  county  of  E/fix,  on  the  1  6th.  day  of 
September  1670,  in  the  49th.  year  of  his  age; 
leaving  a  plentiful  eftate,  in  England  and  Ireland, 
with  his  paternal  blefling  to  his  fon  William;  to 
whom  he  was  perfectly  reconciled,  after  the  great 
difpleafure,  he  had  before  conceived  at  his  joining 
in  religious  fociety  with  the  Quakers;  —  "  Thus 
(fays  his  fon)  from  a  lieutenant  he  palfed  through  all 
the  eminent  offices  of  fea  employment,  and  arrived 
to  that  of  general,  about  the  3oth.  year  of  his  age;  in 
a  time  full  of  the  biggeft  fea  action,  that  any  hiflory 
mentions;  and  when  neither  bribes  nor  alliance, 
favour  nor  affection,  but  ability  only,  could  pro- 
mote." —  Having  acquitted  himfelf  with  honor  and 
fidelity,  in  all  his  public  offices,  after  the  reftora- 
tion  he  was  knighted  by  king  Charles  the  fecond, 
and  became  a  peculiar  favorite  of  yamcs^  duke  of 
Tork;    whofe  friendfhip,   favor  and  benevolence 
et-  were   after  his  death,  continued  to  his  fon;  which, 

«er  to  W.      .  .  n     j       r     »         i    i 

Popple  af-  in  a  particular  manner  he  requeued  or  tne  auke, 
s.    on  kjs  death  bed. 


Birth  and  The  memorable  William  Penn,  fon  and  heir  of 
education  the  above  mentioned  Sir  William^  or  admiral  Penn, 
anc*  t^le  ^r^-  ProPrietor  and  governor  of  Pennfyl- 
vania,  was  born  in  London,  on  the  fourteenth  day 
of  October,  1644.  He  was  endowed  with  a  good 
genius;  and  his  father,  from  the  promifing  pro- 
fpect,  which  he  had,  of  his  advancement  was  in- 
duced to  give  him  a  liberal  education:  He  accord- 
ingly made  fuch  early  improvements  in  literature, 
that,  about  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  age,  he  was 
entered  a  ftudent  at  Chrlft's  church  college  in  Oxford. 

At  this  time  more  particularly  (fays  the  writer 
Ox"  of  his  life)  began  to  appear  in  him  a  difpofition  of 
mind  after  true  fpiritual  religion;  of  which  before 
he  had  received  fome  feiife  and  tafle,  through  the 
miniflry  of  Thomas  Loe,  a  preacher  under  the  de- 

nomination 


frttroduftioti, 

nomination  of  a  Quaker.  In  this  place,  he,  and 
certain  {Indents  of  that  univerfity,  withdrawing 
themfelves  from  the  national  way  of  worfliip,  held 
private  meetings,  for  the  exercife  of  religion; 
where  they  both  preached  and  prayed  among  them- 
felves; which  gave  great  offence  to  the  heads  of 
the  college.  He,  being  then  but  fixteen  years  of 
age,  was  fined  for  non-conformity;  and,  at  laft, 
for  his  perfevering  in  the  like  religious  practices, 
was  expelled  the  college. 

From  thence,  after  he  returned  home,  he  ftill 
retained  the  fame  turn  of  mind,  and  continued  to 
prefer  the  fociety  of  fober  and  religious  perfons. 
His  father,  judging  this  to  be  a  great  obftacle  in 
the  way  of  his  fons  preferment,  endeavoured,  by 
divers  means  to  deter  and  divert  him  from  it.  For 
which  purpofe,  after  having  ufed  both  the  force  of 
perfuafion  upon  his  mind,  and  the  feverity  of 
{tripes  upon  his  body,  without  fuccefs,  he  at  length 
was  fo  far  incenfed  againft  him,  that,  in  great  re- 
fentfnent  of  rage,  he  turned  him  out  of  his  houfe! 

His  patience  furmounted  this  difficulty,  till  his  He 
father's  affection  had  fubdued  his  anger.  He  then  him  to 
lent  him  to  France  in  company  with  fome  perfons  F 
of  quality,  who  were  making  a  tour  thither. 
He  continued  there  a  considerable  time,  till  a  quite 
different  converfation  had  diverted  his  mind  from 
the  ferious  thoughts  of  religion.  There  he  acquir- 
ed the  knowledge  of  the  French  language^  and  a 
perfectly  accomplifhed,  polite  and  courtly  behavi- 
our. His  father,  on  his  return,  thinking  the  inten- 
tion of  his  travels  was  fully  anfwered,  received  him 
with  great  fatisfaction.  His  conduct  and  behavi- 
our, for  fome  time  after  this,  being  reprefented  to 
be  fuch  as  juftly  entitled  him  to  the  character  of  a 
complete  young  gentleman. 

About  the  year   1664  his  fpiritual  conflict,  or  1664. 
religious  exercife  of  mind,  is  faid  to  have  been  very 
great:  his  natural  inclination,  his  lively  and  active 

difpofition 


'2  4  Introduction. 

HI*  great  difpolitioji,  his  acquired  accompliihments,  his  fa* 
eonflia  of  ther>s  favour,  the  refpeft  of  his  friends  and  ac- 

mind    and  .  Tin  i  ri« 

refoktion.  quanitances,  did  ftrongly  prefs  him  to  embrace  the 
glory  and  pleafures  of  this  world,  then,  as  it  were, 
courting  and  carefling  him,  in  the  bloom  of  youth, 
to  accept  them;  but,  his  earned  fupplication  be- 
ing to  the  Almighty  for  prefervarion,  he  was,  in 
due  time,  providentially  favoured  with  refolution 
and  ability  to  overcome  all  oppofition  and  to  pur- 
fue  his  religious  profpeft,  and  what  he  believed 
was  his  belt  intereft,  through  all  the  reproaches, 
and  perfecutions  which  attended  him. 

He  is  fully  In  the  year  1666,  and  the  22d.  of  his  age,  his 
Cf"hinoua  fatner  committed  to  his  care  and  management  a 
ke«  prind-  confiderable  eftate,  in  Ireland;  which  occafioned 
pies  in  ire-  his  refidence  in  that  country ;  there,  beiner  at  Cork* 

land.  ...  .  r    i  11      i \    r\         i 

at  a  religious  meeting  or  the  people  called  Quakers ^ 
he  was  thoroughly  and  effectually  convinced  of  their 
principles,  by  means  of  the  preaching  of  Thomas 
Loe,  before  mentioned;  \vhofe  miniftry  ten  years 
before  had  made  fome  impreilions  upon  his  under- 
ftanding ;  fo  that  he  afterwards  conftantly  attended 
the  religious  meetings  of  that  people,  even  through 
the  heat  of  perfecution. 

j667  Being  again  at  a  meeting  in  Cork,  in  the  year 

w     Penn  l^7 ->  ^ej  witn  niany  others,  was  apprehended, 
committed  and  carried  before  the  mayor,  who,  obferving  that 
with  prith.n  k*s  drefs  difcovered  not  the  Quaker,  would  have 
Quakers,     fet  him  at  liberty,  upon  bond  for  his  good  beha- 
viour; which,  refufing  to  give,  he  was,  with  about 
eighteen  others,  committed  to  prifon;  he  had  du- 
ring his  refidence  in  Ireland,  contracted  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  many  of  the  nobility  and  gentry ; 
and,  being  now  a  prifoner,  he  wrote  a  letter-,  on 
the  occafion,  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  lord  prefident 
of  Murijter;  wherein  he  briefly  informed  him  of 
his  fituation,    pleaded  his  innocence,  and  boldly 
exhibited  the  inconfiftency  with  true  chriftianity,  as 
well  as  the  ill  policy,  of  fiich  kind  of  perfecution^ 

efpecially 


Introduction.  2  if 

especially  in  Ire/and.  The  earl  immediately  ordered 
his  difcharge.  But  his  imprifonment  was  fo  far 
from  terrifying  him,  that  it  ftrengthened  him  in  his 
refolution  of  a  clofer  union  with  that  people,  whofe 
religious  innocence  appeared  to  be  the  only  crime, 
for  which  they  fufferecL 

His  more  openly  joining  with  the  Quakers  now  1667. 
brought  him  under  that  reproachful  name;  and  He  openly 
the  compliments  and  carefles  of  his  companions  Joins     tho 
were  changed  into  feoffs  and  derifion ;  and  he  be-  ^a 
came  a  by-word,  and  the  fubjecl:  of  fcorn  and  con- 
tempt both  to  the  profelfor  of  religion,  and  to  the 
profane* 

His  father  by  a  letter  from  a  nobleman  of  his  Great  con< 
acquaintance,  being  informed  of  the  fituation  of  his  teft  be- 
fon,  fent  for  him  home.  Upon  his  return,  though  J™"  a^ 
there  was  no  great  alteration  in  his  drefs,  yet  the  him. 
manner  of  his  deportment,  and  the  folid  concern 
of  mind,  which  he  appeared  to  be  Under,  were 
manifefl  indications  of  the  truth  of  the  information 
which  his  father  had  received ;  who  thereupon  at- 
tacked him  afrelh.  "  And  here  my  pen  (fays  the 
writer  of  his  life)  is  diffident  of  her  abilities  to  de* 
fcribe  that  moil  pathetic  and  moving  conteft,  be- 
tween his  father  and  him*  His  father,  by  natural 
love,  principally  aiming  at  his  fon's  temporal  ho- 
nour; he,  guided  by  a  divine  impulfe,  having 
chiefly  in  view  his  own  eternal  welfare ;  his  father 
grieved  to  fee  the  well  accomplilhed  fon  of  his  . 
hopes,  now  ripe  for  worldly  promotion,  voluntari- 
ly  turn  his  back  on  it;  he,  no  lefs  afflicted,  to 
think  that  a  compliance  with  his  earthly  father's 
pleafure,  was  inconfiftent  with  an  obedience  to  his 
heavenly  one;  his  father  prefling  his  conformity 
to  the  cuftoms  and  fafhions  of  the  times;  he  mo- 
deflly  craving  leave  to  refrain  from  what  would 
hurt  his  confcience ;  his  father  earneflly  entreating 
him,  and,  almofl  on  his  knees,  befeeching  him  to 
yield  to  his  defire;  he,  of  a  loving  and  tender  dil- 
[4]  pofition 


2  6  Introdiiill'j  ti , 

pofition,  in  extreme  agony  of  fpirit,  to  behold  hi^ 
father's  concern  and  trouble;  his  father  threatening 
to  difinherit  him;  he  humbly  fubmitting  to  his  fa* 
ther's  will  therein ;  his  father  turning  his  back  on 
him  in  anger;  he  lifting  up  his  heart  to  God,  for 
ftrength,  to  fupport  him  in  that  time  of  trial!" 

\remarka-  During  this  contefl,  the  writer  of  his  life  men- 
bie  iniiance  tions  one  very  remarkable  inflance,  among  others, 
fm~  of  his  fmcerity: — "  His  father,  finding  him  too 
fixed,  to  be  brought  to  a  general  compliance  with 
the  cuftomary  compliments  of  the  times,  feemed 
inclinable  to  have  born  with  him,  in  other  refpects , 
provided  he  would  be  uncovered,  in  the  prefence 
of  the  king,  the  duke  and  himfelf;  this  being  propof- 
ed,  he  defired  time  to  confider  of  it;  which  his 
father  fuppofing  to  be  with  an  intention  of  con- 
fulting  his  friends,  the  Quakers,  about  it,  he  allur- 
ed him  that  he  would  fee  the  face  of  none  of  them, 
but  retire  to  his  chamber,  till  he  fhould  return  him 
an  anfwer.  Accordingly  he  withdrew,  and,  hav- 
ing humbled  himfelf  before  God,  with  failing  and 
fupplication,  to  know  his  heavenly  rnind  and  will, 
he  became  fo  llrengthened  in  his  refolution,  that.* 
returning  to  his  father,  he  humbly  fignified,  that 
he  could  not  comply  with  his  defire  therein/* 

"  When  all  endeavours  proved  ineffectual  to 
furns^him  ^a^e  m's  conflancy,  and  his  father  faw  himfelf  ut- 
out  of  doors  terly  difappointed  of  his  hopes,  he  could  no  longer 
a     fecond  endure  him  in  his  fight,  but  turned  him  out  of 
doors  the  fecond  time.    Thus  expofed  to  the  chari- 
ty of  his  friends,  having  no  other  fubfiftence,  (ex- 
cept what  his  mother  privately  fent  him)  he  endur- 
ed the  crofs  with  a  chrlflian  patience  and  magna- 
nimity, comforting   himfelf  with  the  promife  of 
Chrift; — "  Verily  I  fay  unto  you,  there  is  no  man,  that 
hath  left  houfc,  or  parents,  or  brethren,  or  wife,  or 
children,  for  the  kingdom  of  God's  fake,  who  Jhall 
not  receive  many  fold  more,  in  this  prcfent  time,  and 
in  the  world  to  come,  life  cverlajtivg" 

«  After 


<c  After  a  confiderable  time,  his  fleady  perfeve-  His  father's 
ranee  evincing  his  integrity,  his  father's  wrath  be-  wfathf°me 

r  tf/-°  i    V      i      •  i  •    i  .     what  abat- 

came  iomewhat  mollified,  io  that  he  winked  at  his  ed. 
return  to,  and   continuance   in  his  family;  and 
though  he  did  not  publicly  feem  to  countenance 
him,  yet,  when  imprifoned  for  being  at  meetings, 
he  privately  ufed  his  intereft  to  get  him  releafed." 

"  About  the  year  1668,  being  the  24th.  of  his  j668, 
age,  (continues  the  writer  of  his  life)  he  frrft  ap- 
peared in  the  work  of  the  miniilry,  rightly  called 
to,  and  qualified  for,  that  office;  being  fent  of  God 
to  teach  others  what  himfelf  had  learned  of  him ; 
commiilioned  from  on  high,  to  preach  to  others 
that  holy  f elf -denial ^  which  himfelf  had  practifed; 
to  recommend  to  all  that  ferenity  and  peace  of  con- 
fcience,  which  himfelf  had  felt;  walking  in  the 
light,  to  call  others  out  of  darknefs;  having  drank 
of  the  water  of  life,  to  direct  others  to  the  fame 
fountain ;  having  tafted  of  the  heavenly  bread,  to 
incite  all  men  to  partake  of  the  fame  banquet;  being 
redeemed  by  the  power  of  Chrlft,  he  was  fent  to 
call  others  from  under  the  dominion  of  Satan,  into 
the  glorious  liberty  of  the  fons  of  God,  that  they 
might  receive  remiflion  of  fins,  and  an  inheritance 
among  them  that  are  fanctified  through  faith  in 
Jefus  Chrift." 

Qf  the  rife,  religious  principles  and  praclice,  &fr.  of 
tbe  people  called  Quakers. 

Before  I  proceed  to  be  more  particular  refpec-  Account 
ting  Will} am  Penn,  I  mall  here  intermit  the  further  of  the  Qua* 
account  of  his  life;   and,  that  the  reader  might  ker*»  &c* 
have  fome  juft  idea  of  the  people,  with  whom  he 
joined  in  religious  fociety,  and  who  firft  fettled  the 
province  of  Pennfyhania,  under  him,  I  (hall  next 
exhibit  a  fhorl  Summary-  of  the  rife,  religious  prin- 
ciples, general  fyitem  and  practice  or  manners,  of 
the  people  called  Quakers,  fufficient  for  the  pur- 
pofe,  principally  extracted  from  their  own  accounts, 

and* 


2  8  Introduction. 

and  in  their  own  words,  referring  the  more  in* 
quifitive  enquirer  to  their  particular  writings,  for 
further  information,* 

Evidences        Nothing  can  be  a  more  fignal  evidence  of  an 
cf    God's  over-ruling  Providence,  fuperintending  the  works 

providence,      r     ,  '    .  i     i  •       o  •  i  i       r     i  • 

in  the  riie  ox  the  creation,  and  directing  the  end  or  things, 
of  the  Qua-  than  the  rife  of  good  out  of  evil;  and  the  conver- 
iion  of  the  wicked  machinations  of  perverfe  man- 
kind to  good  purpofes :  that  out  of  perfecution  and 
hatred  ihould  fpring  charity,  and  mutual  bene- 
volence; that  from  tyranny  and  ignorance  mould 
flow  rational  liberty,  and  true  knowledge,  is  as 
manifeft  a  demonftration  of  an  all  preferring  caufe, 
as  the  creation  itfelf  is  evident  of  its  own  exiftence : 
this  appears,  in  part,  from  the  rife  of  the  religious 
people  called  Quakers ^  and  the  fettling  of  the  flou» 
riming  province  of  Pennfylvania. 

Time  of  Near  the  middle  of  the  1 7th.  century,  during  the 
ie  rife  of  cjv]j  wal«5  m  England^  when  men  were  tearing  each 

jeers.  -  other  in  pieces,  and  when  confufion  and  bloodfhed 
had  overfpread  the  nation,  many  fober  and  thinking 
perfons  of  the  different  religious  focieties,  weigh- 
ing the  uncertainty  of  human  affairs,  and  behold- 
ing the  various  viqifptudes  in  the  political  fyftem, 
after  having  examined  the  many  vain  and  futile  opi- 
nions, and  abfurd  cufloms,  in  religion,  which  were 
either  Tmpofed,  praclifed  or  infilled  on,  by  the 
various  profefibrs  of  Christianity ^  under  all  deno- 
minations, in  that  country,  withdrew  themfelves 
from  their  affemblies  for  divine  worlhip ;  and, 
having  their  minds  turned  to  what  appeared  to 
them  more  rational,  and  confident  with  a  rightly 
informed  underiianding,  and  a  life  more  congru- 
ous, or  agreeable,  to  the  mind  of  that  Deity  which 
is  fpiritual,  and  communicates  his  goodnefs  and 

knowledge, 

*  Among  other  writings  of  this  people,  ^he  reader  is  referred  to  the, 
following : 

Their  hiftory,  by  W.  Sewel,  in  folio,  and  by  J.  PvUtty,  in  4to.  Their 
fuffcrings,  in  two  vols.  folio,  by  J-of.  Beffe,  alfo  to  the  works,  or  writings, 
of  R.  Barclay,  W.  Penn,  G.  Fox,  If.  Penington,  Samuel  Fifher,  E(J.  Buy* 
jough5}  Fr.  Howgill,  Thomas  Story,  with  many  others. 


Introduction.  29 

knowledge  more  nearly  through  a  medium  of  his 
own  nature;  and  places  the  human  mind  above 
the  reach  of  terreilrial  influence;  they  thence  fell 
into  that  practical  belief,  and  chriftian  conduct, 
which  gave  rife  to  this  religious  fociety.* 

It  was  not  till  the  year  1650,  that  the  name  of  w^  £rft 
Quakers  was  impofed  on  them ;  who  before  had  ge-  called  Qua. 
nerally  gone  under  the  denomination  of  profejjors^  kers" 
or  children^  of  the  light;  but  the  mod  common  ap-  l6j>a 
pellation,  by  which  they  diftinguimed  themfelves 
from  others,  and  even  to  this  day,  is  by  the  name 
cf  Friends. 

"  Now  thefe  people  (faith  Robert  Barclay,  one  caufe  and 
of  their  early  and  principal  writers)  who  hold  forth  manner  of 
the  principles  and  doctrines  hereafter  to  be  menti-  ^    ^ 
oned,  were  not  gathered  together  by  an  unity  of  uniting  1^ 
opinion,  or  by  a  tedious  and  particular  difquifition  of  fouetJ- 
notions  and  opinions,  requiring  an  aflent  to  them, 
and  binding  themfelves  by  leagues  and  covenants 
thereto ;  but  the  manner  of  their  gathering  was  by  a 
fecret  want;  which  many  truly  tender  and  ferious 
fouls  in  divers  and  fundry  feds,  found  in  themfelves, 
which  put  each  feel  in  learch  of  fomething  beyond 
all  opinion;  which  might  fatisfy  their  weary  fouls, 
even,  the  revelation  of  God's  righteous  judgment 
in  their  hearts,  to  burn  up  the  unrighteous  root 
and  fruits  thereof;  that,  the  fame  being  dellroyed, 
and  done  away,  the  inward  peace  and  joy  of  the 
holy  fpirit,  in  the  foul,  might  be  felt  to  abound, 
and  thence  power  and  life  to  follow  him,  in  all  his 
commandments.     And  fo  many  came  to  be  joined 
and  united  together  in  heart  and  fpirit,  in  this  one 
life  of  righteoufnefs,  who  had  been  long  wandering 

in 

*  It  may  he  here  noted,  that  the  fame  unhappy  and  diftra&ed  times 
likewife  originally  gave  rife  to  the  inftitution  of  the  Royal  Society,  in  Lon- 
don: When  men  were  tired  out  with  wars,  contentions,  and  the  changes 
confequent  thereon,  divers  perfons  of  genius  and  fortune  began  to 
turn  their  minds  from  the  broils  of  ftate  affairs,  to  a  philosophic  life;  and 
by  degrees  formed  that  venerable  body,  for  the  promotion  of  fcicnce  and 
natural  knowledge;  a  fociety,  which  has  done  no  fmall  honour  to  the 
Brit'fi  niition,  and  has  been  of  great  benefit  to  mankind. 

Ytfe  fpedhtor,  No.  262,  on  the  rife  of  the  R.  Society, 


3  o  Introduction* 

in  the  feveral  feels;  and  by  the  inward  unity,  came 
to  be  gathered  in  one  body ;  from  whence,  by  de- 
grees, they  came  to  find  themfelves  agreed  in  the 
plain  and  iimple  doftrines  of  ChrlJL  And  as  this 
inward  power,*  they  longed  for,  and  felt,  to  give 
them  vidory  over  fin,  and  bring  the  peace,  that  fol- 
lows thereon,  was  that,  whereby  they  were  brought 
into  that  unity  and  community  together;  fo  they 
came  firft  thence  to  accord  in  the  univcrfal  preach- 
ing of  this  power  to  # //,  and  directing  all  unto  it ; 
which  is  the  firft  and  cklefeft  principle  held  by 
them,  viz. 

rirft  and  "  That  there  is  fomewhat  of  God,  fome  light, 
chief  prin-  fome  grace,  fome  power,  fome  meafure  of  thefpirit, 
!*16  *°me  divine,  fpiritual,  heavenly,  fubflantial  life 
and  virtue,  in  all  men ;  which  is  a  faithful  witnefs 
againft  all  unrighteoufnefs,  and  ungodlinefs  in  the; 
heart  of  man,  and  leads,  draws,  moves  and  inclines 
the  mind  of  man  to  righteounefs,  and  feeks  to  leav- 
en him,  as  he  gives  way  thereunto,  into  the  nature 
of  itfelf ;  whereby  an  inward,  thorough  and  real  re- 
demption may  be  wrought  in  the  hearts  of  all  men, 
of  whatfoever  nation,  country  or  kindred  they  be, 
notwithftanding  whatfoever  outward  knowledge, 
or  benefit,  they  may  be,  by  the  providence  of  God, 
deprived  of:  becaufe  whatfoever  they  want  of  that, 
yet  fuch  a  meafure  of  this  light,  feed,  life  and 
word,  is  communicated  to  all,  as  is  fufficient  truly 
to  convert  them  from  the  evil  of  their  ways,  puri- 
fy and  cleanfe  them,  and  confequently  bring  them 
to  falvation.  And  in  the  affirming  of  this,  they  do 

*  Whence  the  name  of  Quakers  impofed — 
It  may  be  obferved,  "  that  through  the  deep  and  inward  operation 
of  this  poiver  in  them,  a  dread  took  hold  on  them,  not  only  to  the  be-, 
getting  of  God's  fear  in  their  hearts,  but  even  to  the  reaching  and  in- 
Uniting  of  their  outward  man,  hence  the  name  of  ^taters,  or  Tran- 
/.;''/v,  hath  been  in  reproach,  by  their  enemies  call  upon  them,  which 
icrvcth  to  ditlinguifh  them  from  others,  though  n<,t  aJJ'umcd  by  them  ; 
yet  as  the  Chrijlians  of  old,  albeit  the  name  of  Chrijlian  was  caft  upon 
them  by  way  of  reproach,  gloried  in  it,  as  defiring,  above  all  things,  to- 
be  accounted  the  followers  of  Chrijl ;  fo  they  alio  are  glad  the  world 
reproacheth  them  as  fuch,  who  tremble  before  the  LorJt  and  'who  ivori  out 
tba-ir  falvation  in  fear  and  trembling" 


Introduction*  3  \ 

not  at  all  exalty^,  or  nature;  (as  do  the  Socmians) 
in  that  they  freely  acknowledge  that  man's  nature 
is  denied  and  corrupted,  and  unable  to  help  him 
one  Hep,  in  order  to  falvation;  judging  nothing 
more  needful  than  the  full  and  perfecl  denial  and 
mortification  of  felf,  in  order  thereunto.  Nor  do 
they  believe  this  feed,  light  and  grace  to  be  any  part 
of  man's  nature;  or,  any  thing  that  properly,  or 
-eflentially,  is  of  man ;  but  that  it  is  a  free  grace 
and  gift  of  God,  freely  given  to  all  men,  in  order 
to  bring  them  out  of  the  fa/I,  and  lead  them  to  life 
eternal.  Neither  do  they  fuppofe  this  feed,  word 
and  grace,  which  is  fufficient  to  lead  to  falvation, 
to  be  given  to  men  without  Chrift  ;  for  they  believe 
it  to  be  the  purchafe  of  Chrtft's  death,  W/JG  lofted 
death  for  every  man :  fo  that  they  confefs  all  to  be 
derived  to  them  in  and  by  Chrift,  the  mediator; 
to  whom  they  afcribe  all.  Yea,  they  believe  this 
light,  grace  and  feed  to  be  no  other,  but  a  meafure 
of  that  life  and  fpirit,  that  was  in  Chrift  Jefus ; 
which,  being  in  kirn,  who  is  the  head,  in  the  ful- 
nefs  of  it,  is  from  him,  (in  whom  it  refideth)  as 
he  is  afcended  up  unto,  and  glorified  in,  the  hea- 
vens, extended  to  all  men,  in  order  to  redeem  them 
from  fin,  and  convert  them  to  God." 

"  Thus,  according  to  this  principle,  without 
attributing  any  thing  to  felf  or  to  the  nature  of 
man,  or,  claiming  any  thing  without  Chrift,  the 
unlverfal  love  of  God  to  all  men  is  exhibited ;  where- 
by the  njlfems  of  falvation  by  Chrift,  and  reconci- 
liation umo  God,  is  fo  afferted,  that  no  man  is  al- 
together excluded  from  it,  but  each  fo  reached, 
as  puts  him  into  a  capacity  to  be  faved." 

Hence,  as  it  naturally  arifes  from  this  univerfal  Definition 
•principle,  the  church  Catholic,  or  unlverfal,  with-  of  the 
out  which  there  can  be  no  falvation,  is  by  them  ^^^ 
underflood  to  comprehend  all  perfons,  or  fo  many,  univ 
of  every  nation  and  kind  of  people,  without  ex-  &c* 
veption,  whether  they  hav.e  the  knowledge  and  be- 
nefit 


32  Introduction. 


Barclay's  nefit  of  the  fcrlpturcs  and  chrifllaniiy  outwardly  b/ 
apology.  worj  or  not5  as  are  obedient  to  the  principle  of 
the  holy  light  and  teilimony  of  God,  in  their  hearts* 
fo  as  thereby  to  become  cleanfed  and  fanctified ;  of 
which  Catholic  church  there  may  be  members  both 
among  Heathens,  Turks,  Jews,  and  all  the  feve- 
ral  forts  of  Chriftians. 

particular  And  this  they  think  may  not  be  derogatory  from 
outward  £  the  propriety  and  neceflity  of  a  particular  outward 
diurdi  vifible  church  of  Chrift;  which  is  abfolutely  requi- 
ibid.  fite,  where  God  affords  the  opportunity  of  the 
knowledge  Gtchrtftianity;  as  it  confifls  of  a  fociety* 
or  number  of  perfons,  who,  through  the  belief 
of  the  true  principles  and  doclrines  of  the  chrifti- 
an  faith;  their  hearts  being  united  by  the  fame  lovo 
of  God,  and  their  understandings  informed  in 
the  fame  truths,  aflbciate  and  affemble  together, 
for  divine  worfhip  ;  to  bear  a  joint  teftimony  for 
the  truth,  againft  error;  and  for  the  mutual  edifica- 
tion and  flrengthening  of  one  another: — So  that  a 
perfon  may  be  a  member  of  the  true  Catholic  churchy 
who,  at  the  fame  time,  may  not  be  a  member  of 
any  particular  church  of  Chrift:  but,  that  no  man 
can  properly  be  a  real  member  of  a  particular 
church  of  Chrift,  who  is  not  one  of  the  Catholic 
church ;  and  that  the  outward  teftimony  and  pro* 
feflioa  of  chnftianity  can  only  be  requifite  to  be 
believed  and  held  forth,  where  it  is  known,  or 
revealed,  and  not  other  wife. 

of  their  Confident  with  the  nature  of  this  univerfol  prin* 
cipley  and  the  difinition  of  the  church  arifing  there- 
from, appears  to  be  their  worjkip.;  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  account  of  it,  given  by  themfelves,  was 
more  diverted  of  thofe  numerous  external  and  bo- 
dily exercifes  and  performances,  which  either  the 
ignorance  or  ingenuity  of  men,  had  introduced, 
under  the  fpecious  pretence  of  thereby  rendering 
themfelves  more  acceptable  to  zfpiritual  Being,  than 
that  of  any  other  religious  iocieties,  known  to 

them 


IiitroduEllon.  33 

them,  at  that  time,  under  the  name  of  Chriftians : — 
A  worfhip,  which  they  profefled  to  be  fpiritual,  and 
performed  in  the  mind;  not  being  confined  to  par- 
ticular perfons,  times,  places,  nor  ceremonies;  but 
more  congruous  to,  or  confident  with  the  nature  of 
a  fpiritual  divinity,  the  object  of  all  true  wor/hip, 
according  to  the  New  Teftament ;  which  exprefsly 
declares,  "  that  the  worfhip  of  God  ought  to  be  per- 
formed in  fpir  it  and  in  truth,  and  not  to  be  confined  to 
aay  external  mode,  place  or  particular  perfon;  and 
for  this  reafon,  becaufe  God  is  a  fpirit ;  and  confe- 
quently  a  fpiritual  <worjhip  is  the  fole  rational,  and 
mojl  agreeable  to  his  nature:" — This  is  the  only  pre- 
cept, or  declaration,  concerning  divine  worfhip; 
and  the  manner  of  it,  which  is  left  us  by  the  au- 
thor of  Chriftianity. 

Hence  faith  R.  Barclay,  "  Albeit,  I  fay  that  Barclay's 
this  worfhip  is  neither  limited  to  times,  places  nor  aFol<)gy- 
perfons;  yet  I  would  not  be  underflood,  as  if  I 
intended  the  putting  away  all  fet  times  and  places  to 
worjkip:  God  forbid  I  fhould  be  of  fuch  an  opi- 
jiion.    Nay,  we  are  none  of  thofe  that  forfake  the 
affembling  of  themfefoes  together;  but  have  even, 
certain  times  and  places,  in  which  we  carefully 
meet  together  to  wait  upon  God,  and  worfhip  him. 
To  meet  together  we  think  neceflary  for  the  peo- 
ple of  God;  becaufe,  fo  long  as  we  are  cloathed 
with  this  outward  tabernacle,  there  is  a  neceffity  to 
the  entertaining  of  a  joint  andviftblefellowfiip,  and 
bearing  of  an  outward  teftimony  for  God,  and 
feeing  of  the  faces  of  one  another;  that  we  may 
concur  with  our  perfons,  as  well  as  fpirits;" — 
which  meeting  together  is  no  part  of  worfhip  in 
itfelf,  but  only  a  preparatory  accommodation,  iu 
order  to  a  public  vifible  wormip;  which  confiftg,  \vor»hip d 
when  met,  in  a  filent  watching  and  waiting  upon  the    Qua^ 
God  in  themfelves,  (or  in  their  minds)  and  a  be-  ker£ 
ing  gathered  from  all  vifibles  thereinto.     And  as 
every  one  is  thus  ilated,  they  come  to  find  the  good 
over  the  evil,  and  the  pure  overjhe  impure;  in 

whi.ck 


34  Introduction* 

which  God  reveals  himfelf,  and  draweth  near  ta 
every  individual ;  and  fo  he  is  in  the  midft,  in  the 
general  5  whereby  each  not  only  partakes  of  the 
particular  refrefliment  and  ftrength,  which  comes 
from  the  good  in  himfelf,  but  is  a  fharer  of  the 
whole  body,  as  being  a  living  member  of  the  bo- 
dy, having  a  juft  fellowfhip  and  communion  with 
fill.  And,  as  this  worfhip  is  ftedfaftly  preached, 
and  kept  to,  it  becomes  eafy;  though  it  be  very 
hard,  at  fir  ft,  to  the  natural  man;  whofe  roving 
imaginations,  and  running  worldly  defires,  are  not 
eafily  brought  to  filence.'V— "  And,  as  every  one 
is  thus  gathered,  and  fo  met  together  inwardly,  in 
their  fpirits,  as  well  as  outwardly,  in  their  perfons, 
there  the  fecret  power  and  virtue  of  life  is  known< 
to  refrefh  the  foul,  and  the  pure  motions  and 
breathings  of  God's  fpirit  are  felt  to  arife;  from 
which,  as  words  of  declaration,  prayers  or  praifes, 
arife,  the  acceptable  worfhip  is  known,  which  edi- 
fies the  church,  and  is  well  pleafmg  to  God.  And 
no  man  here  limits  the  fpirit  of  God,  nor  bringeth 
forth  his  own  conned  and  gathered  fluff;  but 
every  one  puts  that  forth,  which  the  Lord -puts 
into  their  hearts;  and  it  is  utt erred  forth,  not  in 
man's  will  and  wifdom,  but  in  the  evidence  and  de- 
•monftration  of  the  fpirit  and  of  power.  Yea,  though 
there  be  not  a  word  fpoken,  yet  is  the  true  fpiritual 
worfhip  performed,  and  the  body  of  Chrift  edified ; 
yea,  it  may  and  hath  often  fallen  out  among  us, 
that  divers  meetings  have  palled  without  one  word  > 
and  yet  our  fouls  have  been  greatly  edified,  and 
our  hearts  wonderfully  overcome  with  the  fecret 
ienfe  of  God's  power  and  fpirit;  which,  without 
words,  have  been  miniitered  from  one  veflel  to 
another." — "  Many  are  the  bleffed  experiences, 
which  I  could  relate  of  \&i$Jilence,  and  manner  of 
war/hip ;  yet  I  do  not  commend,  and  fpeak  offilencC) 
as  if  we  had  a  law  in  it^  to  ihut  out  praying  or 
preaching,  or  tied  ourfelves  thereunto;  not  at  all: 
For,  as  our  worfhip  confiils  not  in  the  words,  fo, 

neither- 


heither  in  ftlcnce,  as  filencc;  but  In  an  holy  depend-  *     , 

tftftt?  tf/*  £/?£  mind  upon  God:  from  which  depend- 
arice  filence  neceffarily  follows,  in  the  firft  place^ 
until  words  can  be  brought  forth,  which  are  from 
God's  fpirit.  And  God  is  not  wanting  to  move, 
in  his  children,  to  bring  forth  words  of  exhorta- 
tion, or  prayer,  when  it  is  needful;  fo  that  of  the 
many  gatherings  and  meetings  of  fuch  as  are  con- 
vinced of  the  truth,  there  is  fcarcc  any,  in  which 
God  raifeth  not  up  fome  or  other,  to  minifter  to 
his  brethren;  that  there  are  few  meetings,  that 
are  altogether  Jllent"—"  And  when  any  are, 
through  the  breaking  forth  of  this  power,  conftrain- 
ed  to  utter  a  fentence  of  exhortation  or  praife,  or 
to  breathe  to  the  Lord,  in  prayer,  then  all  arc 
fenfible  of  it;  for  the  fame  life  in  them  anfwers  to 
it,  as,  in  ivdter,  face  ciifivcreth  to  face." — •"  And 
there  being  many  joined  together  in  the  fame  work^ 
there  i:s  an  inward  travail  and  wreftling;  and  alfo, 
as  the  meafure  of  grace  is  abode  in,  an  overcom- 
ing of  the  power  and  fpirit  of'  darknefs  (in  the 
rnind:)  and  thus  we  are  often  greatly  ftrengthened 
and  renewed  in  the  fpirits  of  our  minds,  without 
a  word,  and  we  enjoy  and  poffefs  the  holy  fellow- 
foip  and  communion  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Chrlft; 
by  which  our  inward  man  is  nourifhed  and  fed; 
which  makes  us  not  to  dote  upon  outward  water, 
and  brciid<\nd  wine,  in  our  fpiritual  things." — "  This 
is  that  divine  and  fpiritual  ivorflrip,  which  the  world 
neither  knoweth  nor  underftandeth,  which  the  vul- 
ture's eye  feeth  not  into." — "  And  its  excellency 
is  fuch,  that  it  can  neither  be  flopped,  intercepted 
nor  counterfeited  by  the  malice,  or  power  of  men 
or  devils,  as  all  others  can." 

As  that,  which  is  neceflary  to  make  a  man  a 
Chrijlian,  fo  as  without  it  he  cannot  be  truly  one,  of- 
inuit  conlequently  be  much  more  neceltary  to  make  mit 
a  man  a  miniiler  of  Chriftianiifr  (feeing  the  one  is 
a  degree  above  the  other,  and  has  it  included \|n  it) 
fo  this  people  accordingly  m^hitained  tha^as  the 

inward 


j6  IntroduEllon. 

inward  call,  power  and  virtue  of  the  fpirit  of  God  \£ 
indifpenfably  necefiary  to  make  a  man  a  true  Chrif- 
tian,  fo  it  mud  of  confequence  be  much  more  fo, 
for  the  qualification  of  the  miniftry ;  without  which 
they  believe  none  can  poflibly  be  a  true  minifler  of 
Barclay's    tne  new  teftament ;  infomuch  that  they  aflert, '"  that 
apology,     not  only  in  a  general  apoilaCy  it  is  needful  men  be 
extraordinarily  called,  and  railed  up  by  the  fpirit 
of  God;  but  that,  even  when  feveral  affemblies, 
or  churches,  are  gathered  by  the  power  of  God, 
(not  only  into  the  belief  of  the  principles  of  truth, 
fo  as  to  deny  errors  and  herefies,  but  alfo  into  the 
life,  fpirit  and  power  of  Chrlftian\ty\  fo  as  to  be  the 
body  and  houfe  of  Chrift  indeed,  and  a  fit  fpoufe 
for  him)  that  he,  who  gathers  them,  doth  alfo,  for 
the  preferving  them  in  a  lively,  frefh  and  powerful 
condition,  raife  up,  and  move,  among  them,  by 
the  inward  immediate  operation  of  his  own  fpiritx 
miriiftcrs  and  teachers,  to  inftrucl:,  teach  and  watch 
The  quaiifi-  over  them :  who  being  thus  called,  are  manifeft  in 
cat  Jon,  cull,  tne  hearts  of  their  brethren ;  and  their  call  is  thus* 
thei/ mint  verified  in  them;  who,  by  the  feeling  of  that  life 
ftcrs-          and  power,  that  pafleth  through  them,  being  in- 
wardly builded  up,  by  them  daily,  in  the  moft  holy 
faith,  become  the  feals  of  their  apoftle/hip.     And 
this  is  anfwerable  to  the  faying  of  the  apoftle  Paul : 
"  fince  ye  feek  a  proof  of  Chrl/Ps  fpeaking  in  mey 
which  to  you-wards  is  not  weak,  but  is  mighty  in 
you." — "  So  this  is  that,  which  gives  a  true,  fub- 
jlantlal  call  and  title  to  a  -niiniftcr;  and  not  of  the 
bare  name:  And  to  fuch  ?nin[fters  \ve  think  the 
outward  ceremony  of  ordination,  or  laying   on  of 
hands,  not  neceffary:" — neither  are  the  outward 
qualifications  of  letter-learning,  and  fchool  divinity 
abfolutely  requifite:"  *""  But,  in  a  true  church  of 

Chrift 

*  Though  they  held,  as  above,  a  fpiritual  teaching  and  iriftru&ion,  in 

the  mind,  inofl  fuitahle,  reafonahle,  adequate  and  nccefl'ary  to  a  fpiritual 

.Tee  R.  B?s.  intelligence  in  religion,  yet  they  never  meant  thereby  that  natural  fclence 

writings,       and  the  knowledge  of  languages  and  literature,  &c.  were  not  ufeful,  a*' 

&c,  the  proper  means,  or  meditmi,  ci'  communicating  external  knowledge 


Introdufiiou. 


37 


Gbrrft  gathered  together  by  God,  not  only  into  the 
belief  of  the  principles  of  truth,  but  alfo  into  the 
power,  life  and  fpirit  of  Chrift,  the  fpirit  of  God 
is  the  orderer,  ruler  and  governor ;  as  in  each  par- 
ticular, fo  in  the  general.  And  when  they  arlem- 
ble  together,  to  wait  upon  God,  and  to  worfhip 
and  adore  him ;  then  fuch  as  the  fpirit  fets  apart  for 
the  minillry,  by  its  divine  power  and  influence, 
opening  their  mouths  and  giving  them  to  exhort, 
reprove  and  inftruft  with  virtue  and  power ;  thefe 
are  thus  of  God  ordained  and  admitted  into  the  mi- 
niftry ;  and  their  brethren  cannot  but  hear  them, 
and  receive  them,  and  alfo  honour  them  for  their 
works  fake.  And  fo  this  is  not  rnonopolifed  to  a 
certain  kind  of  men,  as  the  Clergy  (who  are  to  that 
purpofe  educated  and  brought  up,  as  other  carnal 
artifts)  and  the  reft  to  be  defpifed  as  Laicks  ;  but  it  is 
left  to  the  free  gift  of  God  to  choofe  any  whom  he 
feeth  meet  thereunto,  whether  rich  or  poor,  fervant 
or  matter,  young  or  old,  yea,  male  or  female.  And 
fuch  as  have  this  call  verify  the  gofpel,  by  preaching 
not  in  fpeech  only,  but  alfo  in  power,  and  in  the  holy 
ghoft,  and  in  much  fulnefs;  and  cannot  but  be  re- 
ceived and  heard  by  the  Jheep  of  Chrift" 

William  Penn,  in  his  account  of  the  rife  and  pro-  See  w 
grefs   of  this  people,    printed  among  his  literary  pom's  r 
works,  further  obferves: — "  And  as  God  had  de-  ™^f~t 
livered  their  fouls  of  the  wearifome  burden  of  fm  Quakers, 
and  vanity,  and  enriched  their  poverty  of  fpirit, 
and  fatislied  their  great  hunger  and  thirit  after  eter- 
nal 

and  information  among  Mankind,  even,  in  religious  affairs;  (which  is 
plainly  mamfefted  in  the  labours  and  literary  works  of  this  very  author, 
R.  Barclay,  and  divers  others  of  that  fociety)  as  well  as  in  the  common 
outward  concerns  of  life,  and  thofe  things,  for  which  they  are  adequate 
arid  fuita'hle :  and  therefore,  they  had  fchools  and  feminaries  of  learning 
among  then),  for  the  acquifition  thereof,  and  other  ui'eful  fciences,  as 
ftther  people  have.  But  their  excluding  literature,  or  fchool-karning, 
from  being  atyolutely  neceffary  in  divinity,  according  to  the  Chrijlian  iyi- 
tem;  and  the  great  harm,  which  they  believed  and  declafed  the  geneial 
perverfion,  or  mifufe  thereof,  had  produced  in  Chriilendom,  occafioned 
divers  of  them  to  be  fo  fevere  on  the  fubject,  that  many,  from  thehce, 
Lave  miftakenly  fuppofed,  they  e-nUrclv  disapproved  of.  huimn  lean;ir;£ 
i»  every  re-fpeft. 


3  Intro  JuEiioJi. 

nal  righteouinefs,  and  filled  them  with  the  good 
things  of  his  own  houfe,  and  made  them  ftewafds 
of  his  many-fold  gifts;  fo  they  went  forth  to  all 
quarters  of  th^fe  nations,  to  declare  to  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof  what  God  had  done  for  them;  what 
they  had  found,  and  where  and  how  they  had  found 
it,  viz.  the  way  to  peace  with  God;  inviting  all  to 
come  and  fee  aiid  tafte,  for  themfelves,  the  truth 
of  what  they  declared  unto  them.'* 

The  man-  "  And  as  tne^r  teftimony  was  to  the  principle  of 
no-  and  God  in  man,  the  precious  pearl  and  leaven  of  the  king- 
theT"  °f  dom->  as  tne  om*y  blefied  means,  appointed  of  God, 
preaching,  to  quicken,  convince  and  fanftify  men;  fo  they 
opened  to  them  what  it  was  in  itfelf^  and  what  it 
was  given  to  them  for:  how  they  might  know  it? 
from  their  own  fpirit  and  that  of  the  fubtil  appear^ 
ance  of  the  evil  one:  and  what  it  would  do  for  thofe , 
whofe  minds  mould  be  turned  oft  from  the  vanity 
of  the  world,  and  its  lifelefs  ways  and  teachers,  and 
adhere  to  this  bleffed  light  in  themfelves,  which 
difcovers  and  condemns  iin,  in  all  its  appearances, 
and  mows  how  to  overcome  it,  if  minded  and 
obeyed  in  its  holy  manifeftations  and  convictions; 
giving  pcrvver  to  fuch,  to  avoid  and  refill  thofe 
things,  that  do  not  pleafe  God,  and  to  grow  firong 
in  love,  faith  and  good  works:  that  fo  man,  whom 
fin  hath  made  a  wildcrnefs,  over-run  with  briars 
and  thorns,  might  become  as  the  garden  of  God., 
cultivated  by  his  divine  power,  and  replenifhed 
with  the  moft  virtuous  and  beautiful  plants  of  God's 
own  right  hand  planting,  to  his  eternal  praife/' 

They  could       "  But  thefe  experimental  preachers  of  glad  tidings  i 
"re  P?y  &  of  God's  truth  and  kingdom,  could  not  run  when 
when  they  they  lift,  nor  pray  or  preach  when  they  pleafed, 
pleafed,  &c.  but,  as  Chrift,  their  redeemer,  prepared  and  mov- 
ed them,  by  his  own  bleffed  fpirit;  for  which  they 
waited  in  their  fervices  and  meetings,  and  fpoke  as 
that  gave  them  utterance;  and  which  was,  as  thofe 
having  authority,  and  not  like  the  dreaming,  dry 

and 


Jnlfoduftion.  2  A 

und  formal  Pharifccs.  And  fo  it  plainly  appeared 
to  the  ferious  minded,  whofe  fpiritual  eye  the' Lord 
Jefus  had,  in  any  meafure,  opened:  fo  that  to  one 
was  given  the  word  of  reproof,  to  another  the  word 
of  exhortation,  to  another  the  word  of  cojifolation, 
and  all  by  the  fame  fpirit,  and  in  the  good  order 
thereof,  to  the  convincing  and  edifying  of  many." 

"  And  truly  (faith  W.  Penn)  they  waxed  flrong 
and  bold,  through  faithfulnefs ;  and  by  the  power  < 
and  jfpirit  of  the  Lord  Jefus  became  very  fruitful ; 
thoufands,  in  a  fliort  time,  tfeing  turned  to  the 
truth,  in  the  inward  parts,  through  their  teftimony, 
in  miniftry  and  fufferings;  infomuch  as,  in  moil 
countries,  and  many  of  the  confiderable  towns  of 
England,  meetings  were  fettled,  and  daily  were 
added  fuch  as  mould  be  laved,  for  they  were  dili- 
gent to  plant  and  to  water;  and  the  Lord  bleffed 
their  labours  with  an  exceeding  great  incrcafe;  not- 
withftanding  all  the  oppofition,  made  to  their  blef- 
fed progrefs  by  the  falfe  rumours,  calumnies  and 
bitter  perfecutions ;  not  only  from  the  powers  of 
the  earth,  but  from  every  one  that  lifted  to  injure 
and  abufe  them:  fo  that  they  feemed,  indeed,  to 
be  as  poor  jheep  appointed  to  the  Jlanghter  and  as  a 
people ',  killed  all  the  day  long." — "  So  many  and  cruel  See  their 
were  the  fufferings  of  this  people  on  a  religious  fufferings 
account,  and,  in  part,  recorded  in  their  writings,  J.n  z  vols>  , 
which  they  endured  from  profefTors,  as  well  as  from  iLffe,&c. " 
profane,  and  from  magiftrates,  as  well  as  the  rab- 
ble, that  it  may  be  truly  faid  of  this  abufed  and 
defpifed  people,  they  went  forth  weeping,  and  fow- 
ed  in  tears,  bearing  teftimony  to  \hz  precious  feed, 
even,  the  feed  of  the  kingdom,  which  {lands  not  in 
words,  the  fineft,  the  higheft,  that  man's  wit  can; 
ufe,  but  in  power;  the  power  of  Chrift  Jefiis,  to 
whom  God  the  Father,  hath  given  all  power,  in 
heaven  and  in  earth;  that  he  might  rule  angels 
above,  and  men  below ;  who  empowered  them,  as 
their  work  witnefleth,  by  the  many,  that  were  turn- 
ed, 


45  Introduction* 

ed^  through  their  mini/try,  from  darknefs  to  light, 
and  out  of  the  broad  into  the  narrow  way  of  life 
and  peace;  bringing  people  to  a  weighty,  ferious 
and  God-like  converiation,  the  practice  of  that 
doctrine,  which  they  taught/' 

Of  their  milrijicrs  and  mini/try,  W.  Perm  ffcaks  as 

follows : 

vr.  Pennon  i.  "  They  were  changed  men  themfelves  before 
their  mini-  ^gy  Went  abroad  to  change  others.  Their  hearts 
were  rent,  as  well  as  their  garments;  and  they  knew 
the  power  and  work  of  God  upon  them.  And  this 
was  feen  by  the  great  alteration  it  made ;  and  their 
finder  courfe  of  life,  and  more  godly  converfation, 
that  immediately  followed  upon  it." 

2.  "  They  went  not  forth  to  preach  in  their  own 
time,  or  will,  but  in  the  will  of  God;  and  fpoke 
not  their  own  fludied  matter,  but  as  they  were 
opened  and  moved  of  his  fpirit;  with  which  they 
were  well  acquainted,  in  their  own  converfion; 
which  cannot  be  exprefled  to  carnal  men,  fo  as  to 
give  them  any  intelligible  account;  for  to  fuch  it 
is  as  Chrlft  faid,  like  the  blowing  of  the  wind,  which  ?io 
man  knows  whence  it  comcth^  or  whither  it  goctb.*^ 
Yet  this  proof  and  zeal  went  along  with  their  mi- 
ll iltry,  that  many  were  turned  from  their  lifelefs 
profeffions,  and  the  evil  of  their  ways,  to  an  in- 
ward and  experimental  knowledge  of  God,  and 
an  holy  life  as  thoufands  can  witnefs.  And  as  they 
freely  received,  what  they  had  to  fay,  from  the 
Lord,  fo  they  freely  adminiftered  it  to  others." — « 
(And,  as  R.  Barclay  further  obferves  on  the  fub- 
jed)  "  they  coveted  no  man's  filver,  gold  nor  ap- 
parel; fought  no  man's  goods;  but  fought  them, 
and  the  falvation  of  their  fouls:  whofe  hands  fup- 
plied  their  own  neceflides,  working  honeftly  for 
bread,  for  themfelves  and  families.  And  if,  at 
any  time,  they  were  called  of  God,  fo  as  the  work 
of  the  Lord  hindered  them  from  the  work  of  their 
trades,  they  took  what  was  freely  given  them  bv 

fuch% 


Introduction. 

fuch,  to  whom  they  had  communicated  fpirituals^ 
and  having  food  and  raiment,  were  therewith  con- 
tent. 

3.  "  The  bent  and  ftrefs  of  their  miniftry  (con- 
tinues W.  Penn)  was  corwerfion  to  God,  regeneration 
and  holinefs.  Not  fchemes  of  doctrines,  and  verbal 
creeds,  or  new  forms  of  worfhip;  but  a  leaving 
off,  in  religion,  the  fuperfluous,  and  reducing  the 
ceremonies,  and  formal  part,  and  pr effing  earneft- 
ly,  tio&Jubftantial)  the  necejjary  and  profitable  part> 
to  the  foul. 

4  "  They  directed  people  to  a  principle  in  them- 
fellies,  though  not  of  themfelves,  by  which  all, 
that  they  aflerted,  preached  and  exhorted  others 
to,  might  be  wrought  in  them,  and  known  to  them, 
through  experience,  to  be  true:  which  is  an  high 
and  diftinguiming  mark  of  the  truth  of  their  mi- 
niftry, both  that  they  knew  what  they  faid,  and 
were  not  afraid  of  coming  to  the  teft-V  for,  as  they 
were  bold  from  certainty,  fo  they  required  confor- 
mity upon  no  human  authority,  but  upon  convic- 
tion of  this  principle;  which  they  aflerted  was  in 
them,  that  they  preached  unto;  and  unto  that  they 
directed  them,  that  they  might  examine  and  prove 
the  reality  of  thefe  things,  which  they  had  affirm- 
ed of  it,  as  to  its  manifeflation,  and  work  in  man. 
And  this  is  more  than  the  many  miniflers  in  the 
world  pretend  to."—"  Thus  this  people  did  not 
only  in  words,  more  than  equally  with  others,  prefs 
repentance,  converfion  and  holinefs,  but  over  and 
above  did  it  knowingly  and  experimentally;  and 
directed  thofe,  to  whom  they  preached,  to  a  fuffici- 
ent  principle;  and  told  them  where  it  was,  and  by 
what  tokens  they  might  know  it,  and  which  way 
they  might  experience  the  power  and  efficacy  of  it* 
to  their  fouls*  happinefs;  which  is  more  than  theory 
zn&fpeculation;  upon  which  moil  other  minifters 
depend:  for  here  is  certainty;  a  bottom  upon  which 
man  may  boldly  appear  before  God,  in  the  great 
day  of  account, 

5- 


5.  "  They  reached  to  the  inward  ftate  and  con- 
dition of  people,  which  is  evidence  of  the  virtue 
of  their  principle,  and  of  their  miniflering  from  it, 
and  not  from  their  own  imaginations,  glories  or 
comments,  upon  fcripture.  For  nothing  reaches 
the  heart,  but  what  is  from  the  heart,  or  pierces 
the  confcience,  but  what  comes  from  a  living  con- 
fcience.  Infomuch,  as  it  hath  often  happened, 
where  people  have,  under  fecrecy,  revealed  their 
ftate,  or  condition,  to  fome  choice  friends,  for  ad- 
vice, or  eafe ;  they  have  been  fo  particularly  direct- 
ed,  in  the  miniilry  of  this  people,  that  they  have 
challenged  their  friends,  with  difcovering  their  fe- 
crets,  and  telling  their  preachers  their  cafes,  to 
whom  a  word  had  not  been  fpoken.  Yea,  the  very 
thoughts  and  purpofes  of  the  hearts  of  many  have 
been  fo  plainly  detected,  that  they  have,  like  Na- 
thaniel, cried  out  of  this  inward  appearance  of 
Chrift,  "  Thou  art  the  f on  of  God,  thou  art  the  king 
of  Ifrael"  And  thofe,  that  have  embraced  this 
divine  principle,  have  found  this  mark  of  its  truth 
and  divinity,  that  the  woman  of  Samaria  did  of 
Chrift,  when  in  the  flefh,  to  be  the  Meffiah,  viz.  It 
had  told  them  all  that  ever  they  had  done;  fhewn 
them  their  infides,  the  molt  inward  fecrets  of  their 
hearts,  and  laid  judgment  to  the  line,  and  righ- 
teoufnefs  to  the  plummet;  of  which  thoufands  can, 
at  this  day,  give  in  their  witnefs.  So  that  nothing 
has  been  affirmed  by  this  people,  of  the  power  and 
virtue  of  this  heavenly  principle,  that  fuch  as  have 
turned  to  it,  have  not  found  true,,  and  more;  and 
that  half  had  not  been  told  them,  of  what  they 
have  feen  of  the  power,  purity,  wifdom  and  good- 
nefs  of  God  therein. 

6.  "  The  accomplifhments,  with  which  this  prin- 
ciple fitted,  even  fome  of  the  meaner!:  of  this  people, 
for  their  work  and  iervice;  furniming  fome  of  them 
with  an^  extraordinary  underftanding,  in  divine 
things,  and  an  admirable  fluency  and  taking  way  of 

expreilion^ 


Introduction.  43 

expreflion,  gave  occafion  to  fome  to  wonder,  faying 
of  them,  as  of  their  matter,  "  Is  not  this  fuch  a 
mechanic's  fon?  How  came  he  by  this  learning?  As 
from  thence  others  took  occafion  to  fufped  and 
in/innate,  they  were  Jefuits  in  difguife,  who  had 
the  reputation  of  learned  men  for  an  age  part, 
though  there  was  not  the  leafl  ground  of  truth  for " 
any  fuch  reflection,  in  that  their  miniflers  are 
known,  the  places  of  their  abode,  their  kindred 
and  education. 

7.  "  That  they  came  forth  low,   dcfpifed  and 
betted^  as  the  primitive  Chriftiam  did;  and  not  by 
the  help  of  worldly  wifdom  or  power,  as  former 
reformations,   in   part,   have  done;    But,   in  all 
things,  it  may  be  faid,  this  people  were  brought  forth 
in  the  crofs ;  in  a  contradiclion  to  the  ways,  worjhips, 
fafoions  and  citjloms  of  this  world;  yea,  again/I  wind 
and  tide^  that  no  Jiejh  might  glory  before  God. 

8.  "  They  could  have  no  defign  to  themfelves, 
in  this  work,  thus  to  expofe  themfelves  to.  f corn 
and  abufe;    to  fpend  and  be  fpent:    leaving  wife 
and  children,  houfe  and  land,  and  all  that  can  be 
accounted  dear  to  men,   with  their  lives  in  their 
hands;   being  daily  in   jeopardy,  to  declare  this 
primitive  mcjfage,  revived  in  their  fpirits,  by  the  Joh"H(j'  jh* 
good  fpirit  and  power  of  God,  •viz.    That  God  is  ili.Th.  aoi 
light  and  in  him  is  no  darknefs  at  all;  and  that  he  .ar-  L  Joh^ 
has  fent  his  fpn,  a  light  into  the  world,  to  en-1' 
lighten  all  men,  in  order  to  falvation;   and  that 

they,  that  fay  they  have  fellowfhip  with  God, 
and  are  his  children  and  people,  and  yet  walk  in 
darknefs,  viz.  in  difobedience  to  the  light  in  their 
confciences,  and  after  the  vanity  of  this  world, 
they  lie,  and  do  not  the  truth.  But,  that  all  fuch- 
as  love  the  light,  and  bring  their  deeds  to  it,  and 
walk  in  the  light,  as  God  is  light,  the  blood  of 
Jefus  Chrift,  his  Son,  fhould  cl.eanfe  them  from 
all  fin. 


44  Introduction. 

9.  "  Their  known  great  conftancy  and  patience , 
in  fuffering  for  their  teitimony,  in  all  the  branches  of 
it,   and  that  fometimes  unto  death,  by  beatings, 
bruifmgs,  long  and  crowded  imprifonments,  arid 
noifome  dungeons.  Four  of  them,  in  New  England, 
dying  by  the  hands  of  the  executioner,  purely  for 
preaching  among  that  people;  befides  banimments, 
and  exceflive  plunders  and  fequeftrations  of  their 
goods  and  eflates,  almofl  in  all  parts,  not  eafy  to 
be  expreffed,  and  lefs  to  have  beefi  endured,  but 
by  thofe  that  have  the  fupport  of  a  good  and  glo- 
rious caufe;  refufing  deliverance  by  any  indirect 
ways,  or  means,  as  often  as  it  was  offered  to  them. 

10.  "  That  they  did  not  only  not  mew  any  dif-, 
pofition  to  revenge,  when  it  was  at  any  time  in 
their    power,    but    forgave   their  cruel  enemies; 
fhewing  mercy  to  thofe,  who  had  none  for  them. 

11.  "  Their  plainnefs  with  thofe  in  authority, 
like  the  ancient  prophets,  not  fearing  to  tell  them, 
to  their  faces,  of  their  private  and  public  fins:  and 
their  prophecies  to  them  of  their  afflictions  and 
downfall,  when  in  the  top  of  their  glory: — Alib 
of  fome  national  judgments;  as,  of  the  plague  and 

fire  of  London,  in  exprefs  terms;  and  likewife  par- 
ticular ones,  on  divers  perfecutors,  which  accord- 
ingly overtook  them;  and  were  very  remarkable 
in  the  places,  where  they  dwelt,  which  in  time, 
may  be  made  public  for  the  glory  of  God." 

of  their         "  As  to  tne  doftrine,  which  they  taught,  (fays  the 

doctrines,    fame  author)  having  already  given  fome  account 

of  their  fundamental  principle,  their  charaffieriftic ; 

or  main  diflinguifhing  principle,  viz.  the  light  of 

Chrift  within;  which  is,  as  the  root  of  the  goodly 

.tree  of  doctrines,,  that  grew,   and  branched  out 

from  it,  I  mall,  therefore,  now  fpeak  of  them,  in 

their  natural  and  experimental  order. 

Re  ent-          "  Firft,  repentance  from  dead  works,  to  ferve  the 
since.         Jiving  God ;  which  comprehends  three  operations ; 

fir  ft 


45 


firft,  a  fight  of  fin;  fecondly,  *  fenfe  and  godly 
forrow  for  fin  ;  thirdly,  an  amendment  for  the  time 
to  come.  This  was  the  repentance,  they  preached 
and  preffed,  and  a  natural  refult  from  the  princi- 
ple, they  turned  all  people  to.  For  of  light  came 
fight;  and  of  fight  came  fenfe  and  forrow;  and  of 
fenfe  and  forrow  came  amendment  of  life.  Which 
doftrine  of  repentance  leads  to  jttftification  ;  that  is, 
forgi-venefs  of  fins,  that  are  paft,  through  Chrift, 
the  alone  propitiation  and  the  fancJification  or  pur- 
gation of  the  foul,  from  the  defiling  nature  and 
habits  of  fin  prefent,  by  the  fpirit  of  Chriji  in  the 
foul;  vfhichisjtsftt/icatwn,  in  the  complete  fenfe  of 
the  word,  comprehending  both  j  unification  from 
the  guilt  of  the  fins  that  are  paft,  as  if  they  never 
had  been  committed,  through  the  love  and  mercy 
of  God  in  Chrift  *Jefus  ;  and  the  creatures  being 
made  inwardly  juft,  through  the  cleanfing  and 
fandifying  power  and  fpirit  of  Chriji  revealed  in 
the  foul,  which  is  commonly  called  fancJification: 
But  that  none  can  come  to  know  Chrift  to  be  their 
facrifice,  that  reject  him  as  their  fanclifier;  the  end 
of  his  coming  being  to  fave  his  people  from  the 
nature  and  defilement,  as  well  as  guilt,  of  fin;  and 
that,  therefore,  thofe  that  refill  his  light  and  fpirit, 
make  his  coming  and  offering  of  none  effect  to 
them. 

"  From  hence  fprang  a  fecond  doctrine,  they 
were  led  to  declare,  as  the  mark  of  the  prize  of  the 
high  calling,  to  all  true  Chriftians,  viz.  perfection 
from  fin,  according  to  thefcriptures  of  truth;  which  from  fin> 
teftify  it  to  be  the  end  of  Chrift'  s  coming,  and  the 
nature  of  his  kingdom;  and  for  which  his  fpirit 
was,  and  is  given,  viz.  to  be-perfecJ  as  our  heavenly 
Father  is  perfect  ;  and  holy,  beca.it.fe  God  is  holy" 
And  this  the  apoftles  laboured  for  ;  that  the  Chrif- 
tians fhould  ^fanclified  throughout,  in  body,  foul  and 
fpirit"  But  they  never  held  a  perfection  in  wif- 
(lom  and  glory  in  this  life,  or  from  natural  infirmities, 


*g  Introduction* 

or  death;  as  fome  have,  with  a  weak,  or  111  mind, 
imagined,  or  infmuated  againft  them. 

cc  This  they  called  a  redeemed  Jiate,  regeneration,, 
or  the  new  birth:  teaching  every  where,  according 
to  their  foundation,  that  without  this  work  were 
known,  there  was  no  inheriting  the  kingdom  of 
God. 

Eternal  re-  "  Thirdly,  This  leads  to  an  acknowledgment  of 
wards  and  eternal  rewards  and  piinifhments,  as  they  have  good 
reafon;  for  elfe,  of  all  people,  certainly  they  muft 
be  the  moft  miferable;  who,  for  above  forty  years,* 
have  been  exceeding  great  fufferers,  for  their  pro- 
felHon,  and  in  fome  cafes,  treated  worfe  than  the 
worft  of  men;  yea,  as  the  refufe  and  off-fcouring  of 
all  things. 

"  This  was  the  purport  of  their  doctrine  and  mi- 
ntftry ;  which,  for  the  moft  part,  is  what  other 
profeflbrs  of  Chriftianity  pretend  to  hold,  in 
words  and  forms,  but  not  in  the  power  of  godli- 
nefs;  which,  generally  fpeaking  has  been  long  loft, 
by  men's  departing  from  that  principle  and  feed  of 
life,  that  is  in  man;  and  which  man  has  not  regard- 
ed, but  loft  the  fenfe  of;  and  in,  and  by  which 
only,  he  can  be  quickened  in  his  mind,  to  ferve  the 
living  God,  in  newnefs  of  life.  For  as  the  life  of 
religion  was  loft,  and  the  generality  lived  and 
worfhipped  God,  after  their  own  wilh,  and  not 
after  the  will  of  God,  nor  the  mind  of  Cbrift^ 
which  flood  in  the  works,  and  fruits  of  the  holy 
/pint;  fo  that  which  they  preffed  was  not  notion, 
hut  experience ;  not  formality,  but  Godlincfs;  as  be- 
ing fenfible  in  themfelves,  through,  the  work  of 
God's  righteous  judgments,  that,  without  holinefs, 
no  man  mail  fee  the  Lord  with  comfort" 

Having  thus  far  mentioned  the  manner  of  the 
fir  ft  rife  of  this  people,  with  their  prime,  or  fun- 
damental principle,  and  fome  of  their  chief  doc- 

trines^ 

*  W.  P.  writ  this  about  tbe  year  1694. 


Introduction. 


47 


trines,  arifing  from  it,  in  the  next  place,  follows  of  their 
an  account  of  that  order,  and  difcipline,  with  divers  ^t^cu 
cuitoms,    more  peculiar  to   themfelves,   than   totomsapa 
others,  into  which  as  a  reformed  fociety,  by  the 
fame  principle  they  profefled  themfelves  to  be  led 
and  brought;  and  of  that  innocent,  exemplary  and 
uniform  life  and  conduct,   for  which,  confident 
therewith,  they  are  faid  to  have  been  very  remark- 
able among  all  Torts  of  people,  to  whom  they  were 
known,  in  early  time. 

Of  thefe  cuftoms,  doctrines  and  practices,  or 
manners,  for  which  they  were,  and  flill  are,  more 
particularly  diftinguifhable,  I  mall  firft  obferve,  that 
though  fome  of  them  may  probably  appear  iingular, 
or  trivial  to  Grangers,  and  to  thofe  who  are  not  fuffi- 
ciently  acquainted  with  the  moderation  and  fmceri- 
ty  of  this  people,  yet,  as  they  profefs  them  to  arife 
from  this  fundamental  and  univerfai  principle,  held 
by  them,  as  before  mentioned ;  from  which  all  the 
virtues  fpring,  and  every  practice  is  more  or  lefs 
important,  and  not  from  any  whimfical,  or  fellifh 
humour,  or  defire  to  appear  fingular,  fo,  in  this 
light,  if  it  be  granted  as  reafonable,  a  contrariety 
of  conduct  will  rather  appear,  and  ought  to  be  ac- 
counted, fingular,  ftrange  or  out  of  the  way; — 
feeing,  it  is  very  plain,  their  adverfaries  themfelves, 
in  placing  fo  much  ilrefs,  as  they  have  done,  on  the 
practice  of  the  contrary,  in  the  view  of  this  people, 
indefenfible,  have  rendered  fome  of  thefe  apparent- 
ly ihfignificant  things  of  much  greater  importance 
than  they  would  otherwife  have  been ;  I  mall  there- 
fore, in  this  abftract,  arrange  them  under  certain 
following  heads,  referring  to  their  own  writings, 
for  their  reafons  and  probations  of  their  ufe  and 
practice,  <viz. 

1.  Their  juftice,  veracity  and  true  chriflian  for- 
titude. 

2.  Their  temperance  and  moderation. 

3.  Their  charity,  and  loving  one  another. 


48  Introduction. 

'  i.  Under  the  firil  of  thefe  heads  it  is  not  my 
intention  to  fpecify  every  particular,  which  may 
properly  come  under  it,  in  refpect  to  the  juft  and 
due  appropriation  of  the  true  and  proper  attributes 
and  rights,  of  God  and  man  refpectively ;  but  as 
their  fenfe  of  juftice  and  propriety,  in  thefe  re- 
fpects,  went  confiderably  higher,  and  led  them 
further,  in  their  practice,  than  that  of  other  peo- 
ple, I  mail,  therefore,  only  mention  thofe  things, 
for  which  they  were  particularly  diftinguifhed  from 
them,  in s* 

Their  dif-  Firft9  Their  difufe  of  vain  compliments,  and 
"foments"1"  flattermg  titles,  bowing,  kneeling,  and  uncover- 
&t.  ing  the  head  to  mankind ;  and  their  uling  the  fm- 
gular  language,  thou  and  thee,  to  a  iingle  perfon, 
in  difcourfe,  according  to  the  true  form  of  fpeech ; 
though  fo  contrary  to  the  general  practice  of  peo- 
ple in  common ;  believing  all  tokens  of  adoration 
and  worfhip  belong  to  God  only;  and  that  plain", 
but  civil  language,  and  true  fpeeches  are  mofl  be- 
coming the  profeflbrs  and  followers  of  truth. 
Refpecting  thefe  and  other  things  of  that  nature, 
R.  Barclay  obferves; — "  I  would  not  have  any 
judge,  that  hereby  we  intend  to  deflroy  the  mutual 
relation  that  either  is  betwixt  prince  and  people^ 
mafter  and  fervant,  parents  and  children ;  nay,  not 
at  all ;  we  mail  evidence  that  our  principle  in  thefd 
things,  hath  no  fuch  tendency,  and  that  thefe  na- 
tural relations  are  rather  better  eftablifhed,  than 
do  any  ways  hurt  by  it." — "  Thus  (fays  W.  Penn)  not 
to  refpe&  perfons^  was,  and  is  another  of  their  doc- 
trines and  practices;  for  which  they  were  often 
buffeted  and  abufed.  They  affirmed  it  to  be  fulfill, 
to  give  flattering  titles,  or  to  ufe  vain  geliures  and 
compliments  of  refpect ;  though  to  virtue  and  au- 
thority they  ever  made  a  difference ;  but  after  their 
plain  and  homely  manner,  yet  fincere  and  fub- 
iiantial  way;  well  remembering  the  good  exam- 
ples of  Mordecai  and  Elibu^  but  more  efpecially 
the  command  of  their  lord  and  mailer,  Jefus 

Cbrijlj 


Introdutllon.  49 . 

Shrift;  who  forbade  his  followers  to  call  men, 
Rabbi;  which  implies  Lord  or  Mafter;  alib  the 
fafliionable  greetings  and  faint  ations  of  thofe  times ; 
that  fo  /^  love  and  /w/sr,  to  which  the  proud 
mind  of  man  is  incident  in  his  fallen  ftaic,  might 
not  be  indulged,  but  rebuked.  And  though  this 
rendered  their  converfation  difagreeable;  yet  they 
that  will  remember  what  Chrift  laid  to  the  Jews, 
"  How  can  yoir  believe  me,  who  receive  honor  one 
from  another"  will  abate  of  their  refentment,  if 
his  doctrine  has  any  credit  with  them." 

"  Thev  alfo  ufed  the  plain  language  of  thou  n 

i/          J         r      '  i  r  i        r  i  '       i        Theyfpcak 

and  wee  to  a  1  ingle  perfon,  whatloever  was  his  de-  the  Pbm 
eree  among  men.     And,  indeed,  the  wifdom  of  lansuage 

,     r  .       ,     .       .  r       .          .  twit  and 

God,  was  much  leen,  m  bringing  forth  this  peo-  ^  to  a 
pie,  in  fo  plain  an  appearance:  for  it  was  a  chfe  fing!eP<!r- 
and  diftingiiifliing  teft  upon  the  fpirits  of  thole,  i( 
they  came  among;  mewing  their  in/ides,  and  what 
predominated^  notwithflanding  their  high  and  great 
profellion    of    religion.      This   among   the   reii^ 
founded  fo  harfh  to  many  of  them,  that  they  took 
very  great  offence  at  it;  forgetting  the  language  they 
ufe  to  God,  in  their  prayers,  and  the  common 
ftile  of  the  fcriptures;  and  that  it  is  an  abfolute 
and  eflential  propriety  of  fpeech." 

"  Nor  could  they  humour  the  cuftom  of  good  ^ma  f^m 
night i  good-morrow ',  God  fpced;  for  they  knew  the  tations  not 
night  was  good,  and  the-  day  was  good,  without 
wifhing  of  either;  and  that,  in  the  other  expref- 
fion,  the  holy  name  of  God  was  too  lightly,  and 
unthoughtfully  ufed ;  and  therefore,  taken  in  vain. 
Befides,  they  were  words  and  wiflies  of  'courfe, 
"and  are  ufually  as  little  meant ^  as  are  love  and  fir- 
vice,  in  the  cuftom  of, cap  and  knee;  and  fuper- 
fluity  in  thefe,  as  well  as  in  other  things,  was 
burdenfome  to  them  and  therefore  they  did  not 
only  decline  the  ufe  of  them,  but  found  themfelves 
often  prefled  to  reprove  the  practice," 

To 
[7] 


50  Introduction. 

They  do         To  this  place  may  be  referred,  their  non-obfer<* 
not  obiervc  vance  of  thofe  called  holy  days,  and  days  appointed 

he! y  days      f  .  J,        '.    .   .  J    .    r.r  ,. 

fait  days,    for  jo/tings,  prayings  and  rejoicings;  as  being  reli- 

&c-  gious.  ceremonies  prefcribed  by  men,  whom  they 

did  not  allow  to  have  a  jufl  right  to  impofe  any 

religious  practice  on,  or  againft,  the  confcience 

which  is  God's  peculiar  prerogative. 

Their  man-      They  were  likewife  in  the  cu-ftom  of  ufmg  the 

«erofnfm- numerical  names  of  the  months ,  and  days  of  the 

otfhe week5,  week,  efpecially  the  latter;  ^frft^fecond^  third 

&c-  day  of  the  week,  &c.  inftead  of  the  vulgar  names 

of  the  heathen  gods,  commonly  ufed,  and  given 

to  thofe  days,  by  other  people;  and  fo  inconfiftent 

with  a  thorough  chriitian  practice,  in  that  refpect.* 

Theyrefufe      Secondly,  Their  refufing  to  pay  tithes  and  wages 

to  pay        towards   the  fupport  of  a  miniftry,  from   which 

church       t^ley  received  no  advantage,  but  entirely  difowned, 

rates,  &c.   fo  unreafonablv  exacted  of  them  by  its  advocates 

and  votaries;  of  which  fays  W.  Penn,  "  Another 

part  of  the  character  of  this  people  was  and  is, 

that  they  refufe  to  pay  tithes,  or  maintenance  to  a 

national  miniftry;  and  that  for  two  reafons;  the 

one  is,  they  believe  all  compelled  maintenance,  evea 

to  gofpel  minifters,  to  be  unlawful;   becauie  ex- 

prefsly  contrary  to  Chrift's  command,    who  faid, 

"  Freely 

*  As  our  common  names  of  the  months  were  firft  impofed  by  the 
Payan  Romans ;  fome  of  them  in  honor  of  their  gads;  as  January,  Febru- 
ary and  March;  others,  in  complaifance  to  common  (crumpets;  as,  April 
and  Ma\;  while  others  were  denominated  in  honor  of  their  dcifed  em- 
ferors;  as,  'July  and  Au^ujl ;  moft  of  the  reft  being  numerical;  fo  the 
vulgar  names  of  the  days  of  the  week,  now  ufed,  are  handed  to  us  from, 
our  heathen  anceftors,  the  Saxons;  which  they  are  faid  to  have  intro- 
duced, in  reference  to  their  idol's ,  which  they,  under  particular  repre- 
fentations,  or  figures,  worfhippcd,  as  gods,  on  the  refpective  days,  ap- 
propriated for  each  of  them;  hence,  to  the  firft  day  of  the  week,  on 
which  they  worfhipped  the  Sun,  they  gave  the  name  of  Surfs  Jayt  or 
Sunda\;  and  fa  of  the  reft;  adoring  the  J\loor/,  on  Monday;  and  their 
idols  tftifce,  on  Tiicfday;  Wo  Jen  on  WeJnefday;  Tbor,  on  TlurfJa-j; 
Friva,  on  Friday;  and  Stater  on  Saturday,  calling  it  Seaier't  day,  &c. — 
The  ^jiai-frs'  thought  the  common  names  as  expreffed  in  the  New  Tefta- 
ment,  more  fuitable  and  proper  for  the  ufe  of  Chriftians,  than  the  vul- 
gar pagan  appellation;  and,  even,  preferable,  fetting  aiide  Chrifhianity, 
in  the  cafe:  neither  did  they  like  the  imitation  thereof,  in  tbe  names  of 
pcpifh  faints,  given  to  times  and  places,  and  other  fimilar  cercmoaiv 
and  obfervatioa?. 


Introduction.  5  * 

*'•  Freely  you  have  received,  freely  gwe:" — at  leau% 
that  the  maintenance  of  gofpel  miniflers  fhould  be 
free,  and  not  forced.  The  other  reafon  of  their 
Vefufal  is,  becaufe  thcfe  miniflers  are  not  gofpel 
jones;  in  that  the  Holy  Ghoft  is  not  their  foundation, 
but  human  arts  and  parts,  fo  that  it  is  not  matter 
of  humour,  or  fullennefs,  but  pure  confcience 
towards  God,  that  they  cannot  help  to  fupport 
national  miniftries,  where  they  dwell;  which  but 
too  much,  and  too  vifibly  become  ways  of  worldly 
advantage  and  preferment." 

Thirdly,  Their  great  care  and  flriclnefs,  in  ren-  T^ 
dering  to  Cafar,  according  to   their  manner  of  ftriaiy  pay 
expreilion,  that  is,  to  the  government,  its  dues;  in  ^[^0- 
the  punctual  payment  of  taxes,  cufloms,  and  dif-  vemment. 
couraging  all  illicit  and  clandefline  trade;  and  in 
being  at  a  word  in  their  dealings : — Infomuch,  that, 
in  their  particular  printed  advices  to  their  bre- 
thren, they  fay, — "  As  the  bleffed  truth,  we  pro- 
fefs,  teacheth  us  to  do  juflly  to  all  men,  in  all 
things ;  even  fo  more  efpecially,  in  a  faithful  fub-  See  Y. 
ieclion  to  the  government,  in  all  godlinefs  and  ho-  me*in? 

J      n  .*.  ,  "11-  t  epiftle  tor 

nefty;  continuing  to  render  unto  the  king  what  is  IJISt 
his  due,  in  taxes  and  cufloms,  payable  to  him  ac-  J7X9» 
cording  to  law." — "  For  our  ancient  teflimony  I73*' 
hath  ever  been,  and  ftill  is,  againfl  defrauding  the 
king  of  any  of  the  above  mentioned  particulars, 
and  againfl  buying  goods  reafonably  fufpecled  to  be 
pun" — "  or  doing  any  other  thing  whatfoever  to 
the  injury  of  the  king's  revenue,  or  of  the  com- 
mon good,  or  to  the  hurt  of  the  fair  trader ;  fo, 
if  any  perfon  or  perfons,  under  our  name  or  pro- 
feflion,  mail  be  known  to  be  guilty  of  thefe,  or 
any  other  fuch  crimes  and' offences,  we  do  earneflly 
advife  the  refpeclive  monthly  meetings,  (hereafter  ex- 
plained) to  which  fuch  offenders  belong,  that  they 
feverely  repremand,  and  teftify  agalnjl  fuch  offend* 
ers,  and  their  unwarrantable,  clandefline,  and  un- 
lawful actions ; — we  being  under  great  obligations 
of  gratitude,  as  well  as  duty,  to  numifefl,  that  we 


as  truly  cwfcientious  to  render  ta  Gafar  the  things 
that  are  Cafar's,  as  to  fupport  any  other  branch  of 
pur  Chriflian  teftimony" — And  ib  great  was  the  im- 
portance of  this  affair  \vith  them,  that  an  annual 
enquiry  was  regularly  made  through  all  parts  of  the 
Britijh  dominions,  where  they  had  members  of  fo- 
ciety,  whether  the  purport  of  thefe  advices  were 
duly  put  in  practice,  or  not,  and  to  enforce  the  fame. 

They  were      ic  It  hath  moreover  been  a  well  known,  dif- 

thcirVdcai'n  tmguimmg  characterise  of  this  people,  that  an- 

ings.  j.      ciently  they  did,  from  a  religious  principle,  keep  to 

Rutt>rr  •     a  word,  in  buying  and  felling,   and  forbear  that 

multiplicity    of  words,    in  making  bargains;    in 

/        which,  how  common  foever  among  dealers,  there 

•i         wanteth  not  fin,  as  the  wife  man  obferves,  nor 

very  often  deceit."- — "  For  they  were,  (fays  W. 

Penn)  at  a  word  in  their  dealing;   nor  could  their 

cuftomers,  with  many  words,  tempt  them  from  it, 

having   more  regard  for  irufb,  than  cuilom;  to 

example  than  gain." 

Fourthly,  As  their  juftice  was  very  remarkable 
in  their  Uriel  and  conflant  adherence  to  the  laws 

•s  dues,  but  in 
conferences,  in  refer- 
were  not  affect- 

ed  thereby;  in  which  fit  nation  neverthelefs  they 
SiH          were  a^waYs  paffive;  Ib  were  they  very  particularly 
diilinguiihable  for  refraining  from  certain  things, 
.  •£-          under  the  articles  of  trade,  even,  accounted  lawful, 
or  permitted  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  where  they  liv- 
ed ,  which  they  thought  unchrijllan ,  or  unjuft;  among 
'%c  y]       v'hich  I  find  the.  trading  in  Jla-ues ;  or  the  importa* 
'meeting      pi0n  of  nevrccs  from  their  native  country  into  other 

niiriutt's,  iii  r    c  i  i      r         /?  n_* 

M.  s.  for  parts  of  the  world,  lorj/aves,  was  a  practice  ever 
1727,  &.c.  highly  cenfured,  and  a  traffic  never  allowed  among 
t*  them,  in  Great  Britain,  though  permitted  and  pro- 

tected by  the  LegiJIature.* 

Fifthly, 

*  It  may  be  noted,  that,  though  fome  of  this  fociety,  in  Ai>irri:a,  in 
cvrly  time,  \vhcn  fervuuts  were  very  icarcc,  or  affifluncc  difficult  to  h 


Introduction,  r  \ 

Fifthly,   Their  truth  /peaking,   and  refu/ing   to  They  re- 
fwcar,  on  any  occafion;  ufmg  the  plain  and  fimple  £ufeto 

V  rr  J      ,  •.  •     n        i         r  ,      fwear  on  a- 

affirmation  and  negative,  mitead  of  an  oath.  ny  occafion, 
"  Another  doctrine  of  theirs  (fays  W.  Penn)  was 
the/ujfic'uncy  of  truth-fpcaking,  according  to  Chrift's 
own  form  of  found  words,  of  yea,  yea;  nay,  nay, 
among  Chriftians,  without  /wearing,  both  from 
Chrift's  prohibition,  to  fwear  not  at  all,  Matt.  v. 
and  for,  that  they  being  under  the  tie  and  bond 
of  truth  in  themfelves,  there  was  no  neceffity  for 
an  oath ;  and  it  would  be  a  reproach  to  their  Chrlf- 
tlan  veracity  to  allure  their  truth  by  fuch  an  extra- 
ordinary way  of  fpeaking;  fimple  and  uncompound- 
ed  anfwers,  as,  yea  and  nay,  (without  affeverations, 
atteftations,  or  fupernatural  vouchers)  being  moft 
fuitable  to  evangelical  righteoufnefs.  But  offering, 
at  the  fame  time,  to  be  punifhed  to  the  full,  for 
falfe  /peaking,  as  others  for  perjury,  if  ever  guilty 
of  it;  and  hereby  they  exclude  with  all  true,  all  falfe 
and  profane  /wearing,  for  which  the  land  did,  and 
doth  mourn;  and  the  great  God  was,  and  is,  not 
a  little  offended  with  it." 

Sixthly,  Their  cheerfully  and  valiantly  fuffering,  Thelr  v,iU_ 
both  in  perfon  and  eflate,  from  all  ranks  of  people,  antly  fuf- 
for  their  confcientious  non-compliance  with   the  ff  n.ns  f!f 

i  r         i  i  n  r     i  •       their  teftl" 

vulgar  and  unrealonable  cultoms  or  the  times,  m  mony. 
which  they  lived,  without  endeavouring  any  reta- 
liation, when  in  their  power;  their  fteady  perfe- 
yerance,  in  patiently  and  paffively  enduring,  for  a 

long 

got,  in  that  country,  inadvertently  fell  into  the  practice  of  purchafmg 
thefe  neyo-Jlaves,  after  they  were  imported,  and  others  receiving  them, 
by  inheritance,  &c.  whereby  formerly,  in  this  part  of  the  world,  divers, 
of  them  became  poffefled  of  thefe  people: — Yet  this  unnatural  traffic 
there  has  been  fmce,  and  is  now,  juftly  and  entirely  difapproved  and  for- 
bidden among  them,  in  all  its  branches: — A  trade  fo  monftrous  and 
abominable,  fo  unparallelled,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  hiflory,  all  its 
circumftances,  cruelty,  and  the  whole  manner  of  carrying  it  on,  being 
impartially  and  duly  confulertd,  that  it  feems  unaccountable  and  afto- 
iiifhing,  that  any  nation,  at  leait,  pretending  to  juftice  and  chriftianity, 
ihould  countenance  or  tolerate  fuch  a  pradHce,  luch  an  unnatural,  and  , 
moft  deteitable  traffic! — Nay  in  its  consequences,  moft  manifefHy  impo- 
litic, as  well  as  a  moft  pernicious,  diabolical  and  inhuman  bufinefs!  bpth 
in  its  prefent  operation  and  confcf[uential  elfefts,  &c. 


^  Introduction. 

long  feries  of  years,  the  rigour  of  fucli  laws,  as 
either  defignedly,  or  otherwife,  afle&ed  their  con- 
fciences,  and  were  ufed  to  force,  or  compel,  con- 
formity, in  religious  matters;  which  they  always 
diflinguiflied  from  civil  affairs,  fo  abundantly  de- 
monftrate  the  Chrillian  patience  and  fortitude  of 
this  people,  that  it  would  fill  a  large  volume  to 
fpecify  only  the  principal,  or  at  lead,  the  common 
incidents  of  this  nature,  which  have  been  confpi- 
cuous  among  them:  therefore,  referring  to  their 
own  writings,  for  an  account  of  them,  I  mall  only 
here  infert  what  R.  Barclay  mentions,  in  fhort,  on 
this  point,  in  addrefling  his  apology  for  the  true 
Chrr/lian  Divinity,  as  held  by  this  people,  to  king 
Charles  the  fecond;  who,  after  having  hinted  their 
hard  and  cruel  fufferings,  both  under  Cromwell 
and  the  parliament L,  and  alfo  after  the  king's  redo- 
ration,  fays, — "  For  indeed  their  fufferings  are 
R.  Bar-  fmgular  and  obvioufly  diilinguifhable  from  all  the 
day's  apo-  reft.  of  fuch  as  }ive  uncler  theea  in  thefe  two  re- 

lofflr'  *  '   fpefts." 

"  Firft,  In  that,  among  all  the  plots  contrived  by 
dy'  others  againd  thee,  fmce  thy  return  into  Britain, 
there  never  was  any,  owned  by  that  people,  found 
or  known  to  be  guilty  (though  many  of  them  have 
been  taken  and  imprifoned  on  fuch  kind  of  jealou- 
fies)  but  were  always  found  innocent  and  harmlefs, 
us  became  the  followers  of  Chrift;  not  coveting 
after,  nor  contending  for,  the  kingdoms  of  this 
world,  but  fubject  to  every  ordinance  of  man,  for 
confcience  fake." 

"  Secondly,  In  that,  in  the  hotted  times  of  per* 
fecution,  and  the  mod  violent  profecutions  of  thofe 
laws,  made  againd  meetings,  being  cloalhed  'with 
innocency,  they  have  boldly  dood  to  their  teftimo- 
ny  for  God,  without  creeping  into  holes,  or  cor- 
ners, or  once  hiding  themfelves,  as  all  other  dijfcnt-* 
crs  have  done;  but  daily  met  according  to 'their 
cudom,  in  the  public  places  appointed  for  that  end ; 


introduction. 

Jo  that  none  of  thy  officers  can  fay  of  them,  that  they 
have  furprifed  them  in  a  corner,  overtaken  them 
in  a  private  conventicle,  or  catched  them  lurking  in 
their  fecret  chambers ;  nor  needed  they  to  fend,  out 
fpies  to  get  them,  whom  they  were  lure  daily  to 
find  in  their  open  aflemblies,  teftifying  for  God 
and  his  truth." 

2.  Under  the  fecond  bead  of  temperance  and  mo-  s 
deration^  which  were  confpicuous  through  their  head- 
whole  conduct,  it  is  not  my  defign  to  enumerate 
every  thing,  practifed  by  them,  which  properly  be- 
longs to  thefe  virtues;  but  only,  as  before,  prin- 
cipally to  exhibit  wherein  they  were  diltinguimable 
from  other  people,  in  thefe  refpects. 

Firft,  Their  difufe  of  all  gaming,  and  vain  f ports  ;  Their  an- 
as the  frequenting  of  plays ,  borfe-races^  &c.  was  ulf of  §a- 
a  cuftom  ftrictly  and  conftantly  adhered  to  by  them;  ^"f^ 
as  being  moft  confillent  with  a  truly  chriflian  life;  p^y*.  •&c- 
the  ufe  of  thefe,  and  fimilar  things,  having,  in  their 
eftimation,  a  manifeft  and  infallible  tendency  to 
draw  away,  and  alienate  the  human  mind  from  the 
mod  important  object  of  true  happinefs,  as  thus 
exprefied  by  R.  Bar  clay ,  viz. 

"  It  will  not  be  denied  but  that  men  ought  to  be  R 
more  in  love  of  God,  than  of  any  other  thing;  for 
we  ought  to  love  God  above  all  things.  Now  it  is 
plain,  that  men,  who  are  taken  up  with  love,  whe- 
ther it  be  of  women,  or  of  any  other  thing,  if  it 
hath  taken  a  deep  place  in  the  heart,  and  poffefs 
the  mind,  it  will  be  hard  for  the  man  fo  in  love, 
to  drive  out  of  his  mind  the  perfon,  or  thing  fo 
beloved;  yea,  in  his  eating,  drinking  and  ileeping, 
his  mind  will  always  have  a  tendency  that  way; 
and  in  bufmefs,  or  recreations,  however  intent  he 
be  in  it,  there  will  be  but  a  very  ihort  fpace  of 
time  permitted  to  pafs,  but  his  mind  will  let  fome 
ejaculation  forth  towards  its  beloved.  And  albeit 
fuch  an  one  mult  be  converfant  in  thofe  things,  that 
the  care  of  this-  body,  and  fuch  like  things  call  for; 

yet 


56  Introduction. 

yet  will  he  avoid,  as  death  itfelf,  to  do  thofe  things 
that  may  offend  the  party  fo  beloved,  or  crofs  his 
defign  in  obtaining  the  thing  fo  earneftly  defired: 
though  there  may  be  fome  fmall  ufe  in  them,  the 
great  defign,  which  is  chiefly  in  his  eye,  will  fo 
balance  him,  that  he  will  eafily  look  over,  and  dif- 
penfe  with  fuch  petty  neceffities,  rather  than  endan- 
ger the  lofs  of  the  greater  by  them.  Now,  that 
men  ought  to  be  thus  in  love  with  God,  and  tlie.  life 
to  come,  none  will  deny;  and  the  thing  is  app&rsat 
from  thefe  fcriptures,  Matt.  vi.  20.  but  lay  up  for 
yourf elves  treafures  in  heaven.  Col.  iii.  2.  Jet  your 
affections  on  things  above,  SsV.  and  that  this  hath  been 
the  experience  and  attainment  of  fome  the  fcripture 
alfo  declares,  Pfalm  Ixiii.  i,  8.  2  Cor.  v.  2." 

"  And  again,  that  thefe  games,  fports,  plays, 
dancings,  comedies,  &c.  do  naturally  tend  to  draw 
men  from  God's  fear;  to  make  them  forget  heaven, 
death  2&&  judgment;  to  fofter  luft,  vanity  and  wan- 
tonnefs;  and  therefore  are  moft  beloved,  as  well  as 
ufed  by  fuch  kind  of  perfons,  experience  abun- 
dantly fhews,  and  the  moft  ferious  and  confci- 
entious,  among  all,  will  fcarcely  deny;  which  if 
it  be  fo,  the  application  is  eafy." 

They  a-          Secondly,  They  avoided  fuperfluity  in  the  gene- 
voided  fu-    ral  courfe  of  their  living;  obferving  fuch  a  tem- 
per uity,    perate  mec]ium  m  tjle  ufe  Of  things,  as  they  were 
fenfible  conduced  moft  to  a  good  ft  ate  both  of  bo- 
dy and    mind;    which    diftinguifhed   them   from 
others,  not  only  in  their  eating  and  drinking,  in 
their  conversation  and  difcourfe,  being  generally  of 
few  words,  but  pertinent;  but  alfo  in  fat  furniture 
of  their  houfes,  their  apparel,  or  drcfs;  and  in  their 
births,  marriages  and  funerals ;  and  not  only  fo  but 
they  even  fometimes,  condemned  and  difufed  what 
They  did    onty  k'ac*  a  ten^ency  to  excefs; — "  Thus  (fays  W. 
not  drink    Penn,  on  the  cuftom  of  drinking  healths)'  they 
healths,      forbore  drinking  to  people,  or  pledging  of  them, 
as  the  manner  of  the  world  is :  a  practice,  that  is- 

not 


Introduction.  57 

not  only  unneceflfary  but  they  thought,  evil,  in  the 
tendencies  of  it,  being  a  provocation  to  drink  more, 
than  did  people  good,  as  well  as  that  it  was  in  it- 
felf  vain  and  heathenijh" 

But,  in  regard  to  feveral  of  fuch  things,  and  They  a« 
the  proper  ufe  of  temporal  enjoyments,  R.  Bar-  J 
clay  further  obferves: — "  Let  not  any  one  judge, 
that  from  our  opinion  in  thefe  things,  any  necef- 
fity  of  levelling  will  follow;  or,  that  all  men  muft 
have  things  in  common;  our  principle  leaves  every 
man  to  enjoy  that  peaceably,  which  either  his  own 
indufhy,  or  his  parents,  have  purchafed  for  him; 
only  he  is  thereby  inftru&ed  to  ufe  it  aright,  both 
for  his  own  good  and  that  of  his  brethren;  and 
all  to  the  glory  of  God :  in  which  alfo  his  acls  are 
to  be  voluntary,  and  in  no  ways  conftrained.     And 
further,  we  fay  not  hereby,  that  no  man  may  ufe 
the  creation  more  or  lefs  than  another:   for  we 
know,  that  as  it  hath  pleafed  God  to  difpenfe  it 
diverfely,  giving  to  fome  more,  and  to  fome  lefs, 
fo  they  may  ufe  it  accordingly." — "  The  fafe  place 
then  is,  for  fuch  as  have  fulnefs,  to  watch  over 
themfelves,  that  they  ufe  it  moderately,  and  refcind 
all  fuperfluities,  being  willing,  as  far  as  they  can, 
to  help  the  need  of  thofe,  to  whom  Providence 
hath  allotted  a  fmaller  allowance.  Let  the  brother 
of  high  degree  rejoice,  in  that  he  is  abafed;  and 
fuch  as  God  calls,  in  a  low  degree,  be  content 
with  their  condition,  not  envying  thofe  brethren, 
who  have  a  greater  abundance ;  knowing  they  have 
received  abundance,  as  to  the  inward  man ;  which 
is  chiefly  to  be  regarded.     And  therefore,  beware 
of  fuch  a  temptation,  as  to  ufe  their  calling  as  an 
engine  to  be  richer ,  knowing  they  have  this  advan- 
tage beyond  the  rich  and  noble,  that  are  called,  that 
the  truth  doth  not  any  ways  abafe  them,  nay,  not 
in  the  efteem  of  the  world,  as  it  doth,  in  the  others ; 
but  that  they  are  rather  exalted  thereby,  in  that, 
as  to  the  inward  and  fpiritual  fellowmip  of  the 

T81  faints. 


.'8 


Introduction* 


Of  their 
chriftian 
charity. 


faints,  they  become  the  brethren  and  companions 
of  the  greateft  and  richeft;  and,  in  this  refpecl,  let 
him  of  low  degree  rejoice  that  he  is  exalted" 

As  to  the  third  head,  in  what  manner  they  held 
and  pra&ifed  chrijlian  charity,  in  its  higheft  and 
fublimeft  fenfe,  appears,  in  part,  from  what  has 
been  already  faid  of  their  Jirft  and  chief  principle  ; 
reipecting  fome  particular  branches  I  mail  further 
mention  from  W.  Penn: 

Their  lov        Firfl,    "   Communion,    and   loving   one   another* 
ing  one      This  is  a  noted  mark,  (fays  W.  P.)  in  the  mouth 
another.      of  ajj  forts  of  peOple?  concerning  them :  they  will 
meet,  they  will  help  and  ftick  to  one  another ',  whence 
it  is  common  to  hear  fome  fay,  look  how  the  Qua- 
kers love  and  take  care  of  one  another.     Others  lefs 
moderate,  will  fay,  the  Quakers  love  none  but  them- 
felves.     And  if  loving  one  another,  and  having  an 
intimate  communion,  in  religion,  and  conftant  cure 
to  meet  to  worfhip  God,  and  help  one  another,  be 
any   mark   of  primitive  chriftianity,   they  had  it, 
-  bleffed  be  the  Lord,  in  an  ample  manner.'* 

They  did  Their  entire  difufe  of  going  to  law  one  with  ano- 
not  go  to  ther  was  a  fingular  inflance  of  their  high  fenfe, 
wlthano-  anc^  fteacty  and  uniform  practice  of  chrijlian  love 
and  charity : — "  To  go  to  law  one  with  another, 
(faith  one  of  their  writers)  as  it  was  among  the 
primitive  Chrijlian s,  is  deemed  an  utter  fault,  and 
breach  of  fellowmip  with  them;  and  commencing, 
or  defending  fuits  at  law,  in  any  cafe,  without 
urgent  neceffity,  is  forbidden:" — Their  differences, 
and  difputes,  one  with  another,  about  their  tem- 
poral affairs ,  when  they  happened,  which  was  but 
feldom,  being  generally  compofed  and  fettled  by 
arbitrators,  or  perfons  chofen,  for  that  purpofe,  by 
the  parties,  among  themfelves,  without  going  to 
law."* 

Secondly,  "  To  love  enemies,  (continues  W.  Penn} 
this  they  both  taught  and  praclifcd.  For  they  did 

not 

*  See  R,  Barclay's  anarchy  of  the  Ranters,  &c.  on  this  he-T'5. 


ther. 


Their  lov- 
ing ene- 
mies 


Introduction,  j 

only  refufe  to  be  revenged  for  injuries  done 
them,  and  condemned  it,  as  of  an  unchriftian  fpi- 
rit,  but  they  did  freely  forgive,  yea,  help  and  re- 
lieve thofe,  that  had  been  cruel  to  them,  when  it 
was  in  their  power  to  have  been  even  with  them: 
of  which  many  and  fmgular  inftances  might  be 
given :  endeavouring  through  faith  and  patience,  to 
overcome  all  injuftice  and  oppofition;  and  preach- 
ing this  doctrine?  as  Chrijiians,  for  others  to  follow." 

Thirdly,  Not  fighting,  but  fuffering,  is  another  They  did 
tefthnony,  peculiar  to  this  people,  in  the  words  of  notfight 

Tf-r      -n       J  .          ,  ,  rr»t  rr  rni  ^ ;     •  n-       •      "ut  funer, 

W.  Penn9  viz.  •  ihey  affirm,  lhat  Chrtftiamty  &c. 
teacheth  people  to  beat  their  fwords  into  plow/hares, 
and  their f pears  into  pruning  hooks •,  and  to  learn  war  no 
more;  that  fo  the  wolf  may  lie  down  with  the  lamb, 
and  the  lion  with  the  calf,  and  nothing  that  deftroys 
be  entertained  in  the  hearts  of  the  people:  exhorting 
them  to  employ  their  zeal  againft  Jin,  and  turn 
their  anger  againft  Satan,  and  no  longer  war  one 
againft  another;  becaufe  all  wars  and  fightings  come 
of  men's  own  hearts  lufts,  according  to  the  apoftle 
James,  and  not  of  the  meek  fpirit  of  Chrift  Jefus  ; 
who  is  captain  of  another  warfare;  and  which  is 
carried  on  with  other  weapons.  Thus,  as  truth 
fpeaking  fucceeded  [wearing,  fo  faith  and  patience 
Succeeded  fighting,  in  the  doclrine  and  practice,  of 
this  people.  Nor  ought  they,  for  this,  to  be  ob- 
noxious to  civil  government ;  fince  if  they  cannot 
fight  for  it,  neither  can  they  fight  againft  it;  which 
is  no  mean  fe.curity  to  any  flate:  nor  is  it  reafon- 
able  that  people  mould  be  blamed  for  not  doing 
more  for  others,  than  they  can  do  for  themfelves. 
And,  Chriftianity  fet  afide,  if  the  cofts  and  fruits 
of  war  were  well  confidered,  peace,  with  all  its  in- 
conveniencies,  is  generally  preferable.  And  though 
they  were  not  foi  fighting,  they  were  for  fubmitting 
to  government ;  and  that  not  only  for  fear,  but 
for  conference  fake,  where  government  dotjj  not  in- 
terfere with  confcience ;  believing  it  to  be  an  ordi- 
nance 


(>o  Introduftlon. 

nance  of  God,  and  where  it  is  juftly  aclminiflered, 
a  great  benefit  to  mankind.*  Though  it  has  been 
their  lot,  through  blind  zeal  in  fome,  and  intereft 
in  others,  to  have  felt  the  ftrokes  of  it  with  a 
greater  weight  and  rigour,  than  any  other  -perfua- 
fion,  in  this  age;  while  they,  of  all  others,  religion 
fet  afide,  have  given  the  civil  magiftrate  the  leaft 
occafion  of  trouble,  in  the  difcharge  of  his  office.' ' 

Concerning  this  point  it  may  be  further  obferved 
from  R.  Barclay^  wz.-— "  For  it  is  as  eafy  to  ob- 
fcure  the  fun,  at  mid-dny,  as  to  deny  that  the  pri- 
mitive Chriilians  renounced  all  revenge  and  fight* 
ing,  and  although  this  thing  be  fo  much  known,  yet 
it  is  as  well  known,  that  almoft  all  the  modern  lefts 
live  in  the  neglecl  and  contempt  of  this  law  of  Chrift, 
and  likewife  opprefs  others,  who  in  this  agree  not 
with  them,  for  confcience  fake  towards  God:  even, 
as  we  have  fuffered  much  in  this  our  own  country, 
becaufe  we  could  neither  ourfelves  bear  arms,  nor 
fend  others  in  our  places,  nor  give  our  money  for  the 
buying  of  drums,  flandards,  and  other  military 
attire.  And  laftly,  becaufe  we  could  not  hold 
our  doors,  windows  and  mops  clofe,  for  confci- 
ence fake,  upon  fuch  days  as  fafts  and  prayers  were 
appointed,  to  defire  a  bleffing  upon,  and  fuccefsr 
for,  the  arms  of  the  kingdom,  or  commonwealth, 
under  which  we  live;  neither  give  thanks  for  the. 
victories  acquired  by  the  effufion  of  much  blood. 
By  which  forcing  of  the  confcience  they  would 
have  conftrained  our  brethren,  living  in  divers, 
kingdoms  at  wa,r  together,  to  have  implored  our 
God  for  contrary  and  contradictory  things,  and 
confequently  impoflible;  for  it  is  impofiible  that  two 

parties 

*  It  is  obfervablc,  that  though  they  absolutely  declined  all  military  fer- 
vice,  not  only  in  their  perfons,  but  alfo  in  their  refufing  to  procure  fub- 
flitutcs^or  others,  in  their  roorn,  by  hiring,  or  in  any  wile  paying,  or 
contributing  for  the  perfonal  fervico  of  njcli  for  them,  in  that  capacity, 
or  for  any  particular  military  purpofe  iblely;  yet  in  all  other  refpccls, 
they  pun&ually  and  willingly  paid  their  taxes,  though  of  a  mixed  nature, 
that  is  both  military  and  civil,  for  the  fupport  of  government,  as  before 
obferved.  Vide  page  jj. 


Introduction.  6  ( 

parties  fighting  fliould  both  obtain  the  victory. 
And  becaufe  we  cannot  concur  with  them,  in  this 
confufion,  therefore,  we  are  fubjecl;  to  perfecu- 
tion." 

Fourthly ,  The  laft  thing  I  fhall  mention  under  Their  cha, 
this  bead)  is  their  maintaining  all  their  own  poor,  at  rity  to  the 
their  own  expencc;  or,  without  being  chargeable  poor>  &c* 
to  others,  befides  contributing  towards  the  fupport 
of  the  poor  of  other  focieties,  equally  with  them- 
felves,  in  all  common  poor  rates  or  taxes:  info- 
much  that  no  fuch  thing  as  a  common  beggar  was 
permitted,  or  known,  to  be  among  them,  of  that 
fociety.  For,  as  they  fuffered  none  of  their  foci- 
ety  to  be  in  fo  neceliitous  a  condition,  as  others,  fo 
they  were  fo  careful  in  the  education  of  their  chil- 
dren and  youth,  that  there  were  none  among  them, 
brought  up  without  a  competency  of  ufeful  and 
plain  learning;  thefe  things  being  annually  and 
methodically  enquired  into,  and  ftriclly  pracldfed 
through  the  whole  fociety,  in  every  place.  Thus, 
while,  in  thefe  important  matters,  they  were  no 
ways  burthenfome  to  others,  and  while  they  con- 
tributed to  other  focieties  equally  with  themfelves, 
in  paying  all  poor  rates  and  taxes  of  every  kind, 
they  were  moreover  and  befides  no  lefs  noted  for 
mofl  other  acts  of  beneficence  according  to  their 
ilations  in  civil  fociety;  being  ever  among  the 
iirft,  in  works  and  inftitutions  of  charity,  where 
they  lived,  according  to  their  abilities:  fo  that  in 
contributions  of  this  nature,  they  were  obferved 
moftly  either  to  be  among  the  introducers  or  pro- 
moters of  them,  or  other  wife  diflinguiihed  for  their 
liberal  donations;  and  if  any  were  in  diftrefs,  they  . 
were  generally  known  to  be  among  the  firli  to  re- 
lieve them. 

As  the  practice  of  divers  of  thefe  particulars, 
mentioned  under  the  preceding  heads,  made  them 
appear,  at  firft,  very  fmgular  to  many  in  all  ranks 
and  focieties  of  people;  from  whom  they  fuffered 

much 


62  Introduclwn. 

Theft:  much  redicule,  unmerited  abufe,  and  cruel  per- 
^ecu^on?  chiefly  on  account  of  divers  of  thefe 
things ;  and  as  they  flill  appear  to  be  f abject  to 

<  &" "  fornetnnlg  of  tne  fame  nature,  though  in  lefs  de- 
'  grec,  in  fome  places,  where  they  are  but  little 
known,  and  labor  under  falfe  reprefentations ;  and 
where  ignorance  and  a  blind  zeal  difpofe  people 
to  reject  and  defpife  moderate  enquiry ;  or  where 
a  ftrong  attachment  to  old  cufloms,  however  ab- 
furd,  too  frequently  flights  and  refufes  ibber  rea- 
ioning,  on  religious  fubjecls,  for  unprofitable  and 
acrimonious  dilputes,  I  (hall,  therefore,  clofe  this 
*  part  with  the  following  ihort  conclufions,  refpect- 
ing  them,  from  R.  Barclay,  'viz. 

Conctufi-  "  But  laftly,  to  conclude,  if  to  give  and  receive 
«nsfrom  flattering  titles,  which  are  not  ufed  becaufe  of  the 
c  ay'  virtues  inherent  in  the  peribns,  but  are,  for  mod 
part,  bellowed  by  wicked  men  upon  fuch  as  them- 
felves;  if  to  bow,  fcrape  and  cringe  to  one  another; 
if,  at  any  time,  to  call  one  another  bumble  fervant, 
and  that  moil  frequently  without  any  defign  of 
real  fervice;  if  this  be  the  honor  that  comes  from 
God,  and  not  the  honor,  that  is  from  below,  then 
indeed  our  adverfaries  may  be  faid  to  be  believers, 
and  we  condemned,  as  proud  and  itubborn,  in 
denying  all  thefe  things. 

"  But  if,  with  Mordccai,  to  refufe  to  bow  to 
proud  Hamon,  and  with  £///??/,  not  to  give  fatter- 
ing  titles  to  men,  left  ive  jhould  be  reproved  by  our 
Maker;  and  if,  according  to  Peter  s  example,  and 
the  angel's  advice,  to  bow  only  to  God,  and  not 
to  our  fellow  fervants;  and  if,  to  call  no  man 
lord  nor  mqfter^  except  under  particular  relations, 
according  to  Chrifis  command;  I  fay,  if  thefe 
things  are  not  to  be  reproved,  then  are  we  not 
blame  worthy  in  fo  doing. 

"  If  to  be  vain  and  gaudy  in  apparel;  if  to 
paint  the  face  and  plait  the  hair;  if  to  be  cloathed 
with  gold  and  filver,  and  precious  Hones;  and,  if 


63 


to  be  filled  with  ribbands  and  lace,  be  to  be 
cloathed  in  modeft  apparel;  and,  if  theie  be  the 
ornaments  of  Chriftians;  and,  if  that  be  to  be 
humble,  meek  and  mortified,  then  are  our  adver- 
faries  good  Chriftians  indeed,  and  we,  proud,  fm- 
gular  and  conceited,  in  contenting  ourfelves  with 
what  need  and  convenience  calls  for,  and  con- 
demning what  is  more,  as  fuperfluous;  but  not 
otherwife. 

"  If  to  ufe  games,  fports,  plays;  if  to  card, 
dice  and  dance;  if  to  fmg,  fiddle  and  pipe;  if  to 
ufe  ftage  plays  and  comedies,  and  to  lie,  counter- 
feit and  diffemble,  be  to  fear  always  ;  and  if  that 
be  to  do  all  things  to  the  glory  of  God;  and  if 
that  be  to  pafs  our  fojourning  here  in  fear;  and 
if  that  be  to  ufe  the  world,  as  if  we  did  not  ufe 
it;  and  if  that  be,  not  to  fafhion  ourfelves  acord- 
ing  to  our  former  lulls  ;  to  be  not  conformable  to 
the  fpirit  and  vain  converfation  of  this  world  ;  then 
are  our  adverfaries,  notwithflanding  they  ufe  theie 
things,  and  'plead  for  them,  very  good,  fober  and 
ielf-denying  Chriftians,  and  we  juftly  to  be  blamed, 
for  judging  them,  but  not  otherwife. 

"  If  the  prophanation  of  the  holy  name  of  God  ; 
if  to  exact  oaths  one  from  another,  upon  every 
ilight  occaflon;  if  to  call  God  to  witnefs,  in  things 
of  fuch  a  nature,  in  which  no  earthly  king  would 
think  himfelf  lawfully  and  honorably  to  be  a  wit- 
nefs, be  the  duties  of  a  Chriflian  man,  I  mall  con- 
fefs  that  our  adverfaries  are  excellent  good  Chrif- 
tians, and  we  wanting  in  our  duty:  but  if  the  con- 
trary be  true,  of  neceffity  our  obedience  to  God,'  in 
this  thing,  inuft  be  acceptable. 

"  If  to  revenge  ourfelves,  or  to  render  injury, 
evil  for  evil,  wound  for  wound,  to  take  eye  for 
eye,  tooth  for  tooth;  if  to  fight  for  outward  and 
perilling  things  ;  to  go  a  warring  one  agai'nfl  ano-; 
ther,  with  whom  we  never  law,  and  with  whom 
we  never  had  any  .conteft,  nor  any  thing,  to  do; 

jict 


64  Introduction. 

being  moreover  altogether  ignorant  of  the  caufe  of 
the  war,  but  only  that  the  magiftrates  of  the  nati- 
ons foment  quarrels  againft  one  another ;  the  cau- 
fes  whereof  are,  for  the  mod  part,  unknown  to 
the  foldiers,  that  fight,  as  well  as  upon  whole  fide 
the  right  and  wrong  are;  and  yet  to  be  fo  furious, 
and  rage  one  againft  another,  to  deftroy  all,  that 
this,  or  the  other  worfhip  may  be  received,  or  be 
abolifhed;  if  to  do  this,  and  much  more  of  this 
kind,  be  to  fulfil  the  law  of  Chrift,  then  are  our 
adverfaries,  indeed,  true  Chriftians,  and  we  mifer- 
able  heretics,  that  fuller  ourfelves  to  be  fpoiled,  ta- 
ken, imprifoned,  beaten  and  evilly  treated,  with- 
out any  refiftance,  placing  our  truft  only  in  God, 
that  he  may  defend  us,  and  lead  us,  by  the  way 
of  the  crofs,  into  his  kingdom:  but  if  it  be  other- 
wife,  we  mail  certainly  receive  the  reward,  which 
the  Lord  hath  promifed  to  thofe,  that  cleave  to  himy 
and,  in  denying  themfelves,  confide  in  him. 

"  And,  to  fum  up  all,  if  to  ufe  all  thefe  things, 
and  many  more,  that  might  be  inftanced,  be  to 
walk  in  theftrait  way,  that  leads  to  life ;  be  to  take 
up  the  crofs  of  Chrift;  be  to  die  with  him  to  the  lifts, 
and  per'ijhing  vanities  of  this  world,  and  to  arifc 
with  him  in  newnefs  of  life,  and  to  Jit  down  with  him 
in  the  heavenly  places,  then  our  adverfaries  may  be 
accounted  fuch,  and  they  need  not  fear,  they  are 
in  the  broad  way  which  leads  to  deJlrucJion;  and  we 
are  greatly  miftaken,  that  have  laid  afide  all  thefe 
things  for  Chrift's  fake,  to  the  crucifying  of  our 
own  lufts,  and  to  the  procuring  to  ourfelves  fhame, 
reproach,  hatred  and  ill-will,  from  the  men  of  this 
world:  not  as  if,  by  fo  doing,  we  judged  to  merit 
heaven,  but,  as  knowing  they  are  contrary  to  the 
will  of  him,  who  redeems  his  children  from  the 
love  of  this  world,  and  its  lufls,  and  leads  them 
in  the  ways  of  truth  and  holinefs,  in  which  they 
take  delight  to  walk," 

ttf 


Introduction.  65 

Of  their  marriages  >  births  and  burials ^  from  W.  Penti. 

"  Their  way  of  marriage  is  peculiar  to  them;  of  their 
and  mews  a  diftinguifhing  care,  above  other  focie-  marriages, 
ties,  profefling  chriftianity.  They  fay  that  marri-  &c* 
age  is  an  ordinance  of  God;  and  that  God  only  can 
rightly  join  man  and  woman  in  marriage.  There- 
fore, they  ufe  neither  prieft  nor  magiflrate ;  but 
the  man  and  woman  concerned  take  each  other  as 
hufband  and  wife,  in  the  prefence  of  divers  credi- 
ble witneffes,  promtfing  to  each  other ,  with  God's 
afjlftance^  to  be  loving  and  faithful  in  that  relation, 
/'//  death  jhall  feparate  them.  But  antecedent  to 
this  they  firfl  prefent  themfelves  to  the  monthly 
meeting  for  the  affairs  of  the  church,  where  they 
refide ;  there  declaring  their  intentions  to  take  one 
another,  as  hufband  and  wife^  if  the  faid  meeting 
have  nothing  material  to  objecl  againft  it — they  are 
conftantly  afked  the  necelfary  queftions,  as,  in  cafe 
of  parents  or  guardians ,  if  they  have  acquainted, 
them  with  their  intention,  and  have  their  confent, 
&c. — The  method  of  the  meeting  is,  to  take  a 
minute  thereof,  and  to  appoint  proper  perfons,  to 
enquire  of  their  converfation  and  clearnefs  from  all 
others,  and  whether  they  have  difcharged  their 
duty  to  their  parents,  or  guardians;  and  to  make 
report  thereof  to  the  next  monthly  meeting  where 
the  fame  parties  are  defired  to  give  their  attendance. 
In  cafe  it  appears  they  have  proceeded  orderly,  the 
meeting  pafles  their  propofal,  and  fo  records  it  in 
the  meeting  book.  And  in  cafe  the  woman  be  a 
widow,  and  hath  children,  due  care  is  there  taken, 
that  provifion  alfo  be  made  by  her  for  the  orphans, 
before  the  meeting  pafs  the  propofals  of  marriage  j 
advifing  the  parties  concerned,  to  appoint  a  conve- 
nient time  and  place,  and  to  give  fitting  notice  to 
their  relations,  and  fuch  friends  and  neighbours  as 
they  defire  mould  be  witneiles  of  the  marriage; 
where  they  take  one  another  by  the  hand,  and,  by 
name,  prornife  reciprocally,  love  and  fidelity,  after 
1  [9]  the 


66  Introduction. 

I 

the  manner  before  exprefied.  Of  all  which  pro- 
ceedings, a  narrative,  in  way  of  certificate,  is  made; 
to  which  the  faid  parties  let  their  hands,  thereby 
confirming  it  as  their  act  and  deed;  and  then  di- 
vers relations,  fpedtators  and  auditors,  fet  their 
names,  as  witnefles  of  what  they  faid  and  figned. 
And  this  certificate  is  afterwards  regiftered  in  the 
record  belonging  to  the  meeting,  where  the  mar- 
riage is  folemnized,  which  regular  method  has 
been,  as  it  deferves,  adjudged  in  courts  of  law  a 
good  marriage,  where  it  has  been,  by  crofs  and  ill 
people,  difputed  and  contefted,  for  want  of  the 
accuflomed  formalites  of  prieft  and  ring,  &c.  ce- 
remonies they  have  refufed;  not  out  of  humour, 
but  confcience  reafonably  grounded,  in  as  much 
as  no  fcripture  example  tells  us,  that  the  prieft  had 
any  other  partj  of  old  time,  than  that  of  a  witnefs, 
among  the  reft,  before  whom  the  Jews  ufed  to  take 
one  another:  and  therefore  this  people  look  upon 
it,  as  an  impoiition,  to  advance  the  power  and 
profits  of  the  clergy:  and  for  the  ufe  of  the  ring, 
it  is  enough  to  fay,  that  it  was  an  heathenijh  and 
vain  cuftom,  and  never  in  practice  among  the  peo- 
ple of  God — Jews,  or  primitive  Chriftians  ;---the 
words  of  the  ufual  form,  as,  with  my  body  I  tbcc 
worjhip,  SsV.  are  hardly  defenfible.  In  fliort,  they 
are  more  careful,  exact  and  regular,  than  any  form 
now  ufed;  their  care  and  checks  being  fo  many, 
and  fuch,  as  no  clandeftine  marriages  can  be  per- 
formed among  them." 

Their  "  It  may  not  be  unfit  here  to  fay  fomething  of 

births.  their  births  and  burials,  which  make  up  fo  much 
of  the  pomp  of  too  many  called  Cbrjjlians.  For 
births,  the  parents  name  their  own  children;  which 
is  ufually  ibme  days  after  they  are  born,  in  the 
prefence  of  the  midwife,  if  me  can  be  there,  and 
thofe  that  were  at  the  birth;  who  afterwards  fign 
a  certificate  for  that  purpofe  prepared,  of  the  birth 
and  name  of  the  child,  or  children;  which  is  re- 
corded 


Introduction.  67 

corded  in  a  proper  book,  in  the  monthly  meeting, 
to  which  the  parents  belong;  avoiding  the  accuf- 
tomed  ceremonies  and  feftivals." 

"  Their  burials  are  performed  with  the  fame  Their  bu^ 
fimplicity.  If  the  body  of  the  deceafed  be  near  ria1*' 
any  public  meeting  place,  it  is  ufually  carried  thi- 
ther, for  the  more  convenient  reception  of  thofe, 
that  accompany  it  to  the  burying-ground.  And  it 
fo  falls  out  fometimes,  that  while  the  meeting  is 
gathering,  for  the  burial,  fome  or  other  has  a 
word  of  exhortation,  for  the  fake  of  the  people 
there  met  together.  After  which  the  body  is 
borne  away  by  young  men,  or  elfe  by  thofe,  that 
are  of  the  neighbourhood,  or  thofe  that  were  moll 
of  the  intimacy  of  the  deceafed  party;  the  corpfe 
being  in  a  plain  coffin,  'without  any  covering  or  fur- 
niture upon  it.  At  the  ground  they  paufe  fome 
time  before  they  put  the  body  into  the  grave; 
that,  if  any  there  mould  have  any  thing  upon 
them,  to  exhort  the  people,  they  may  not  be  dif- 
appointed;  and  that  the  relations  may  the  more 
retiredly  and  folemnly  take  their  laft  leave  of  the 
body  of  their  departed  kindred,  and  the  fpeclators 
have  a  fenfe  of  mortality,  by  the  occafion  then 
given  them,  to  reflect  upon  their  own  latter  end: 
otherwife  they  have  no  fet  rites,  or  ceremonies, 
on  thofe  occafions.  Neither  do  the  kindred  of 
the  deceafed  ever  wear  mourning;  they  looking 
upon  it,  as  a  worldly  ceremony  and  piece  of 
pomp ;  and  that  what  mourning  is  fit  for  a  Chrif- 
tian  to  have,  at  the  departure  of  a  beloved  rela- 
tion, or  friend,  mould  be  worn  in  the  mind,  which 
is  only  fenfible  of  the  lofs:  and  the  love  they  had 
to  them,  and  the  remembrance  of  them,  to  be 
outwardly  exprefled  by  a  refpecl  to  their  advice, 
and  care  of  thofe  they  have  left  behind  them,  and 
their  love  of  that  they  loved,  which  conduct  of 
theirs,  though  unmodiih  or  unfafhionable  leaves 
nothing  of  the  fubflance  of  things  neglected,  or 

undone; 


68  Introduction. 

undone:  and  as  they  aim  at  no  more,  fo  that 
plicity  of  life  is  what  they  obferve  with  great  fatis- 
f action,  though  it  fomethnes  happens  not  to  be  with- 
out the  mockeries  of  the  vain  world  they  live  in." 

Thcfe  "  Thefe  things,  to  be  fure  (continues  W.  Penii) 
things  not  gave  them  a  rough  and  difagreeable  appearance 
tatfo/o?"  wfrk  ^e  generality:  who  thought  them  turners  of 
Angularity,  the  ivorld  ufijidc  down ;  as,  indeed,  in  fome  fenfe 
&c.buta  tkey  were.  t>ut  in  no  other  than  that,  wherein 

fenfe  of  J  r        -i  i     • 

duty,  &c.  Paul  was  io  charged,  viz.  to  bring  things  back  into 
their  primitive  and  right  order  again.  For  thefe, 
and  fuch  like  practices  of  theirs,  were  not  the  re- 
fult  of  humour p,  or  for  civil  di/lincJiom,  as  fome 
have  fancied,  fcut  a  fruit  of  inward  fenfe  ^  which 
God,  through  his  holy  fear,  had  begotten  in 
them.  They  did  not  confider  how  to  contradict 
the  world,  or  diitinguifh  themfelves,  as  a  party 
from  others;  it  being  none  of  their  bufmefs,  as  it 
was  not  their  intereii :  no,  it  was  not  the  refult  of 
confultation,  or  a  framed  defign,  by  which  to  de- 
clare, or  recommend  fchifm  or  novelty.  But, 
God  having  given  them  a  fight  of  themfelves, 
they  faw  the  whole  world  in  the  fame  glafs  of  truth ; 
and  fenfibly  difcerned  the  affections  and  paflions 
of  men,  and  the  rife  and  tendency  of  things; 
what  it  was  that  gratified  the  luft  ofthejtefh,  the  luft 
of  the  eye,  and  the  pride  of  life;  which  are  not  of 
the  father,  but  of  the  world.  And  from  thence 
fprung,  in  the  night  of  darknefs,  and  the  apoftacy., 
which  hath  been  over  people,  through  their  de- 
generation from  the  light  and  fpirit  of  God,  thefe, 
and  many  other  vain  cuftoms,  which  are  feen  by 
the  heavenly  day  of  Chrift^  that  dawns  in  the  foul, 
to  be  either  wrong  in  their  original,  or  by  time 
and  abufe,  hurtful  in  their  practice:  and  though 
thefe  things  feemed  trivial  to  fome,  and  rendered 
thefe  people  ftingy  and  conceited,  in  fuch  perfons 
opinions^  there  was,  and  is,  more  in  them,  than 
they  were,  or  are,  aware  of." 


Introduction.  69 

"  It  was  not  very  eafy,  to  our  primitive  friends. 
to  make  themfelves  fights  and  fpeclacles,  and  the 
feorn  and  derifion  of  the  world ;  which  they  eafily 
forefaw  muft  be  the  confequence  of  fo  unfafhion- 
able  a  converfation  in  it.  But  here  was  the  wif- 
dom  of  God  feen,  in  the  foolifhnefs  of  thefe 
things;  firfl,  that  they  difcovered  the  fatisfacJion 
and  concern,  that  people  had  in,  and  for,  the 
liifhions  of  this  world,  notwithstanding  their  high 
pretences  to  another;  the  greater!  hcnejiy,  virtue, 
ivifdom  and  ability  were  unwelcome  without  them. 
Secondly,  It  feajonably  and  profitably  divided  con- 
verfation  ;  for  this,  making  their  fociety  imeafy  to 
their  relations  and  acquaintance,  gave  them  the 
opportunity  of  more  retirement  andfolitude ;  where- 
in they  met  with  better  company,  even,  the  Lord 
God,  their  Redeemer ;  and  grew  flrong  in  his  love, 
power  and  wifdom;  and  were  thereby  better  qua- 
lified for  his  fervice.  And  the  fuccefs  abundantly 
fliewed  it:  BleJJcd  be  the  name  of  the  Lord." 

"  And  though  they  were  not  great  and  learned 
in  the.  efteem  of  the  world,  (for  then  they  had 
not  wanted  followers,  upon  their  own  credit  and 
authority)  yet  they  were  generally  of  the  mofly^- 
ber  of  the  feveral  perfuafions,  they  were  in,  and 
of  the  moft  repute,  for  religion;  and  many  of  them 
of  good  capacity,  fubftance  and  account  among 
men." 

"  And  alfo  fame  among  them  wanted  not  for  4 
parts,  learning  or  eftate ;  though  then,  as  of  old, 
not  many  wife  or  noble,  &c.  were  called ;  or,  at 
lead,  received  the  heavenly  call ;  becaufe  of  the 
crofs,  that  attended  the  profeflion  of  it,  in  fincerity. 
But  neither  do  parts  or  learning  make  men  the 
better  Chriflians,  though  the  better  orators  and 
difpittants  and  it  is  the  ignorance  of  people  about 
the  divine  gift,  that  caufes  that  vulgar  and  mif- 
chievous  miitake.  Theory  and  praclice,  peculation 
and  enjoyment,  words  and  life,  are  two  things. " 

Of 


7°  Introduction* 

Of  their  church  difciplinc,  from  the  fame  author, 

W.  Penn. 

of  their  dif-  In  the  next  place,  in  order  to  form  fome  idea 
cipiine,  &c.  Of  the  religious  care,  difcipline,  and  practice, 
which  they  ufed  as  a  Chrillian  and  reformed  foci- 
ety,  alfo  in  a  collective  capacity,  that  they  might 
live  orderly  and  confident  with  their  principles  and 
profeflion,  the  following  extract,  from  W.  Pcnn, 
exhibits  the  church  power,  which  they  owned  and 
exercifed,  and  that  which  they  rejected  and  con- 
demned, with  the  method  of  their  proceedings 
againft  erring  and  diforderly  perfons,  of  their 
community,  viz. 

"  This  people  encreafmg  daily  both  in  town 
and  country,  an  holy  care  fell  upon  fome  of  the 
ciders  among  them,  for  the  benefit  and  fervice  of 
the  church.  And  the  firfl  bufinefs,  in  their  view, 
after  the  example  of  the  primitive  faints,  was  the 
exercife  of  charity;  to  fupply  the  neceflities  of  tint 
poor,  and  anfwer  the  like  occafions.  Wherefore 
collections  were  early  and  liberally  made  for  that, 
^and  divers  other  fervices,  in  the  church,  and  in- 
trufled  with  faithful  men,  fearing  God9  and  of 
good  report,  who  where  not  weary  in  well  doing; 
adding  often  of  their  own,  in  large  proportions, 
which  they  never  brought  to  account,  or  defired 
fhould  be  known,  much  lefs  reflored  to  them, 
that  none  might  want,  nor  any  fervice  be  retarded, 
or  difappointed." 

"  They  were  alfo  very  careful,  that  every  one, 
who  belonged  to  them,  anfwered  their. prof efli on, 
in  their  behaviour  among  men,  upon  all  occafions; 
that  they  lived  peaceably,  and  were,  in  all  things, 
good  examples.  They  found  themfelves  engaged 
to  record  their  fufferings  and  fervices ;  and  in  the 
cafe  of  marriage,  which  they  could  not  perform 
in  the  ufual  methods  of  the  nation,  but  among 
themfelves;  they  took  care  that  all  things  were 
clear  between  the  parties,  and  all  others,  and  it 


Introduftion,  7  I 

was  then  rare,  that  any  one  entertained  an  inclinati- 
on to  a  perfon,  on  that  account,  till  he,  or  (he,  had 
communicated  it  fecretly  to  fome  very  weighty 
and  eminent  friends  among  them,  that  they  might 
have  a  fenfe  of  the  matter ;  looking  to  the  counfel 
and  unity  of  their  brethren,  as  of  great  moment 
to  them.  But  becaufe  the  charge  of  the  poor, 
the  number  of  orphans,  marriages,  fufFerings  and 
other  matters,  multiplied;  and  that  it  was  good, 
that  the  churches  were  in  fome  way  and  method 
of  proceeding  in  fuch  affairs,  among  them,  to 
the  end  they  might  the  better  correfpond,  upon 
occafion,  where  a  member  of  one  meeting  might 
have  to  do  with  one  of  another;  it  pleafed  the 
Lord,  in  his  wifdom  and  goodnefs,  to  open  the 
understanding  of  the  firft  inftrument  of  this  difpen-  G.  FOX,  the 
fat  ion  of  life.  Georve  Fox.  about  a  good  and  orderly  firA  illrtru- 

r  !•  uri  T_    i  mcnt.  &c. 

way  of  proceeding;  who  felt  a  holy  concern  to 
vifit  the  churches,  in  perfon,  throughout  this  na- 
tion, to  begin  and  eilablifh  it  among  them:  and 
by  his  epiftles,  the  like  was  done  in  other  nations 
and  provinces  abroad;  which  he  alib  afterwards 
vifited  and  helped  in  that  fervice." 

"  Now  the  care,  conducl  and  difcipline  I  have 
been  fpeaking  of,  and  which  are  now*  praclifed 
among  this  people,  are  as  follow: 

"  This  godly  elder,  in  every  county  where  he 
travelled,  exhorted  them,  that  fome  out  of  every 
meeting  of  worfhip,,  mould  meet  together,  once 
in  the  month,  to  confer  about  the  wants  and  oc- 
cafions  of  the  church.  And  as  the  cafe  required, 
fo  thofe  monthly  meetings  were  fewer,  or  more  in 
number,  in  every  refpedive  county;  four  or  fix 
meetings  of  worfhip  ufually  making  one  monthly 
meeting  of  bitfincfs.  And  accordingly  the  brethren 
met  him  from  place  to  place,  and  began  the  faid 
meetings,  viz.  for  the  poor,  orphans,  orderly  walk- 
ing, integrity  to  their  profeffion,  birth.?,  marriages, 
burials,  fujferlngs.,  &c.  And  thefe  monthly  meetings 

flioul4 

*  Written  in  1694, 


72  Intro  dud  ion. 

mould,  in  each  county  make  up  one  quarterly 
meeting  (held  once  every  quarter  of  a  year)  where 
the  moil  zealous  and  eminent  friends  of  the  county 
mould  affemble,  to  communicate  advice,  and  help 
one  another,  efpecially  when  any  bufmefs  feemed 
difficult,  or  a  monthly  meeting  was  tender  of  deter- 
mining a  matter." 

"  Alfo  that  thefe  feveral  quarterly  meetings  mould 
digeft  the  reports  of  their  monthly  meetings,  and 
prepare  one  for  each  refpeclive  county,  once 
a  year,  againft  the  yearly  meeting,  in  which  all 
quarterly  meetings  refolve;  which  is  held  in  London: 
where  the  churches,  in  this  nation,  and  other  na- 
tions and  provinces,  meet,  by  chofen  members  of 
their  refpeclive  counties,  both  mutually  to  com- 
municate their  church  affairs,  and  to  advife  and 
be  advifed,  in  any  depending  cafe,  to  edification. 
Alfo  to  provide  a  requifiie  jlock,  for  the  difcharge 
of  general  expences,  for  general  fer vices,  in  the 
church  not  needful  here  to  be  particularized." 

"  At  thefe  meetings  any  of  the  members  of  the 
churches  may  come,  if  they  pleafe,  and  fpeak 
their  minds  freely,  in  the  fear  of  God,  to  the  mat- 
ter; but  the  mind  of  each  quarterly  meeting  therein 
reprefented,  is  chiefly  underftood,  as  to  particular 
cafes,  in  the  fenfe  delivered  by  the  perfons  deputed 
or  chofen,  for  that  fervice  by  the  faid  meeting." 
of  their  (.<.  During  their  yearly  meeting-,  to  which  their 

difciplme,          ,  9  /         /       T     •    *       i 

&c.  other  meetings  refer,   in  their  order,  and  natu- 

rally refolve  themfelves,  care  is  taken  by  a  felecl 
number  for  that  fervice,  chofen  by  the  gene- 
ral afTembly,  to  draw  up  the  minutes  of  the  faid 
meeting,  upon  the  feveral  matters,  that  have  been 
under  consideration  therein,  to  the  end  that  the 
refpeclive  quarterly  and  monthly  meetings  may  be  in- 
formed of  all  proceedings;  together  with  a  gene- 
ral exhortation  to  holincfs,  unity  and  charity.  Of 
all  which  proceedings,  in  yearly,  monthly  and  quar- 
terly meetings,  due  record  is  kept  by  fome  one  ap- 
pointed 


fntroduftion.  7 

pointed  for  that  fervice,  or,  that  hath  voluntarily 
undertaken  it.  Thefe  meetings  are  opened,  and 
uiiially  concluded,  in  their  folemn  waiting  upon 
God;  who  is  fometimes  gracioufly  pleafed  to  an- 
fwer  them  with  as  fignal  evidences  of  his  love  and 
prefence,  as  in  any  of  their  meetings  of  wormip." 

"  It  is  further  to  be  noted,  that,  in  thefe  folemn 
affemblics,  for  the  churches  fervice,  there  is  no  one 
prcfides  among  them,  after  the  manner  of  the 
affemblies  of  other  people  ;  Chrift  only  being  their 
frejident)  as  he  is  pleafed  to  appear  in  life  and 
wifdom,  in  any  one,  or  more  of  them,  to  whom, 
whatever  be  their  capacity,  or  degree,  the  reft 
adhere  with  a  firm  unity,  not  of  authority  but 
conviction;  which  is  the  divine  authority  and  way 
of  Chrift's  power  and  fpirit  in  his  people  ;  making 
good  his  blefled  promife,  that  he  'would  be  in  the 
midji  of  his^  where  and  whenever  they  were  met  to- 
gether •,  in  his  name,  even,  to  the  end  of  the  worlds 
So  be  it." 

cc  Now,  it  may  be  expecl:ed>  I  fnould  here  fet  of  their 
down  what  fort  of  authority  is  exercifed  by  this  peo-s  church 

,  r        i  r     i       '        r        •  r    POWCf  afi 

pie,  upon  men  members  of  their  iociety  as  correi-  authority. 
pond  not,  in  their  lives  9  with  their  profejjlon^  and 
that  are  refractory  to  this  good  and  wholefome  or- 
der, fettled  among  them;  and  the  rather,  becaufe 
they  have  not  wanted  their  reproach  and  fufferings 
from  fome  tongues  and  pens,  upon  this  occafioiu 
in  a  plentiful  manner. 

"  The  power,  they  exercife,  is  fuch  as  Chrljt 
has  given  to  his  own  people,  to  the  end  of  the 
world,  in  the  perfons  of  his  difciples,  v'jz.  to  over* 
fee,  exhort  ,  reprove,  andy  after  long  fuffcrin^  and 
waiting  upon  the  dif  obedient  and  refractory,  to  difcwn 
them,  as  any  more  of  their  communion^  or,  that  they 
will  any  longer  fraud  charged  >  in  the  fight  and 
judgment  of  God  or  mcvy  with  their  converfatk)n7 
or  behaviour,  SG  any  of  them,  until  they  repent* 
The  fubjec"e  matter  about  which  this  authority,  in 


74  Introduction. 

any  of  the  foregoing  branches  of  it,  is  exercifed , 
is  fir  ft ,  in  relation  to  common  or  general  practice. 
And,    fecondly,   about  thofe  things,  that    more 
itritlly  refer  to  their  own  character  and  profcjjion, 
and  which  diftinguifhes  them  from  all  other  pro- 
feiTors    of   Chrtftianlty  ;    avoiding  two  extremes, 
upon  which  many  fplit,  viz.  perfection  and  liber- 
tinifjn;  that  is  a  coercive  power,  to  whip  people  in- 
to the  temple ;  that  fuch  as  will  not  conform,  though 
againft  faith  and  confcience,  {hall  be  punifhed,  in 
their  perfons  and  cftates:  or,  leaving  all  loofe,  and 
at  large,  as  to  practice;  and  fo  unaccountable  to  all 
but  God  and  the  magiftrate.   To  which  hurtful  ex- 
treme, nothing  has   more  contributed,  than  the 
abufe  of  church  power,  by  fuch  as  fufler  their  paf- 
fion,  and  private  intereft  to  prevail  with  them,  to 
carry  it  to  outward  force,  and  corporal  punifh- 
ment.     A  practice,  they  have  been  taught  to  dif- 
like,  by  their  extreme  fufferings,  as  well  as  their 
known  principle  for  an  tmiverfal  liberty  of  con- 
fcience" 

"  On  the  other  hand,  they  equally  diflike  an 
independency,  in  fociety,  an  unac  count  ablencfs  m  prac- 
tice and  confer fation,  to  the  rules  and  terms  of  their 
own  communion,  and  to  thofe,  that  are  the  mem- 
bers of  it.  They  diftinguifh  between  impofing  any 
practice,  that  immediately  regards  faith  or  ivor- 
Jhip  (which  is  never  to  be  done,  or  fuffered,  or 
fubmitted  to)  and  requiring  Chriftian  compliance 
with  thofe  methods,  that  only  refpecl  church  bufi- 
nefs,  in  its  more  civil  part  and  concern ;  and  that 
regard  the  difcreet  and  orderly  maintenance  of  the 
character  of  the  fociety,  as  a  ibber  and  religious 
community.  In  fhort,  what  is  for  the  promotion 
of  holinefs  and  charity^  that  men  may  practife  \vhat 
they  profefs,  live  up  to  their  own  principles,  and 
not  be  at  liberty  to  give  the  lye  to  their  own  pro- 
feffion,  without  rebuke,  is  their  uie  and  limit  of 
church. power.  They  compel  none  to  them;  but 

oblige 


introduction.  7  J 

oblige  thofe  that  are  of  them,  to  walk  fuitably,  or 
they  are  denied  by  them:  that  is  all  the  mark, 
they  fet  upon  them,  and  the  power  they  exercife, 
or  judge  a  Chriftian  fociety  can  exercife  upon 
thole  that  are  members  of  it." 

"  The  way  of  their  proceeding  againfl  fuch  as 
have  lapfed  or  tranfgreiled,  is  this:  He  is  vifited  by 
ibme  of  them,  and  the  matter  of  fact  laid  home 
to  him,  be  it  any  evil  practice  againfl  known 
and  general  virtue,  or  any  branch  of  their  parti- 
cular teftimony,  which  he,  in  common,  profeffeth 
with  them.  They  labour  with  him  in  much  love 
and  zeal,  for  the  good  of  his  foul,  the  honor  of  God, 
and  reputation  of  their  profeffion,  to  own  his  fault, 
and  condemn  it,  in  as  ample  a  manner,  as  the 
evil,  or  fcandal  was  given  by  him ;  which,  for  the 
mod  part,  is  performed  by  foine  written  teftimony, 
under  the  party's  hand;  and  if  it  fo  happen,  that 
the  party  prove  rcfradory  and  is  not  willing  to  clear 
the  truth,  they  profefs,  from  the  reproach  of  his, 
or  her,  evil  doing,  or  unfaithfulnefs,  they,  after  re- 
peated entreaties,  and  due  waiting  for  a  token  of 
repentance,  give  forth  a  paper  to  difown  fuch  a 
fact,  and  the  party  offending :  recording  the  fame, 
as  a  teftimony  of  their  care  for  the  honor  of  the 
truth,  they  profefs." 

"  And  if  he,  or  me,  mail  clear  the  profejjion, 
and  themfehes,  by  fincere  acknowledgment  of 
their  fault,  and  godly  forrow  for  fo  doing,  they  are 
received,  and  looked  upon  again  as  members  of  their 
communion.  For,  as  God,  fo  his  true  people  upbraid 
no  man  after  repentance." 

That  the  general  conduct  and  practice  of  this  Their  con- 
people  have  been,  in  a  remarkable  manner,  con-  ^2^t  "* 
fiftent  with  their  profeffion,  we  are  well  allured,  with  their 
not  only  by  the  accounts  given  by  themfelves,  but  F°fcffion» 
alfo  by  thofe  of  others,  who  appear  to  have  been 
belt  acquainted  with  their  manner  of  life,  in  early 

time  5 


Introducllon. 

time;  and  whofe  certain  knowledge  enabled  them 
to  fpeak  with  that  moderation,  which  is  diverted 
of  pailion  and  prejudice;  befides,  it  is  manifeft 
from  the  many  acrimonious  and  abufive  writing? 
of  their  enemies  themfelves  againfl  diem,  yet  ex- 
tant, that  their  conformity  to  the  principles  and 
cuftoms  before  mentioned,  was  the  chief  caule  of 
the  fevere  perfecution  and  fuffering;  which  they  fo 
long  endured : — for  which,  if  any  instances  of  in- 
temperate zeal,  in  early  time,  appeared  in  any 
individuals  among  them,  (from  which,  probably, 
the  firft  rife  of  no  religious  fociety  has  been  en- 
tirely free)  it  feem$  to  have  been  too  much  the 
delight  of  their  adverfaries  to  exaggerate  and  mif- 
reprefent  them. — For,  as  they  profeffed  no  theory, 
but  what  they  chiefly  derived  from  practice  or  con- 
viction; nor  fpeculatioTi,  but  what  they  principal- 
ly had  from  experiment,  fo  it  has  been  long  ob- 
ferved,  particularly  in  Great  Britain,  that,  as  any 
of  the  members  of  this  fociety  failed  in  the  practi- 
cal part,  they  confequently,  for  the  moft  part, 
discontinued  the  profeffion,  in  proportion;  and 
either  went  over  to  fuch  other  religious  focieties, 
as  place  lefs  ftrefs  on  the  praclice  of  Ghriftianity, 
or  of  true  religion;  or  elfe  they  made  no  formal 
profeffion  of  it  at  all,  with  any  particular  fet  of 
people:  fome  apparentlv from  an  irreligious,  mean 
and  indolent,  or  depraved  turn  of  mind;  and 
others,  probably,  from  looking  upon  all  forms  of 
religion,  as  vain;  and  that  the  knowledge  of  truth, 
and  the  interior  of  religion,  or  the  intercourfe  be- 
tween the  creature  and  the  Creator,  depends  not 
upon,  nor  is  neceflarily  connected  with,  any  fixed 
form;  but  is  rather  obfcured,  or  impeded,  by  that 
attention,  which  fuch  forms,  in  general  require; 
or  which  ultimately  have  fo  much  tendency  to  en- 
prois  the  minds  of  many  people  with  that  flaviih 
formality,  which  is  obiervable  to  terminate  in, 
mere  religious  fupcrjtjtion, 

JSfeverth  clefs 


Int&ctuttion*  77 

Neverthelefs  it  is  well  known,  that  in  later  times, 
divers  among  them  have  been  obferved,  under  the 
covering  of  a  plain  garb,  and  a  formal  compliance 
to  fundry  of  thefe  external  cuiioms,  before  men- 
tioned, to  make  this  profeflion  an  engine  to  accu- 
mulate wealth,  and  from  an  apparent  zeal  for  their 
profeflion,  in  divers  of  thofe  very  things,  without 
the  poflellion  of  the  real  life,  or  fubflance,  of  it, 
have  notwithflanding  continued  among  them,  and 
ufed  that  credit  and  reputation,  which  the  fociety, 
in  general,  had  acquired  by  a  better  principle,  fo 
as  to  obtain  low,  terreftrial  enjoyments,  and 
worldly  advantages,  even,  beyond  others  of  the 
fame  degree,  or  rank  of  people.  For  it  cannot 
be  reafonably  fuppofed  that  every  perfon  who  is 
born  and  educated,  or  brought  up,  merely  in  the  ; 
form,  is  therefore  confequently  experienced  in 
every  practical  truth  of  the  profeflion,  fo  much  as 
thofe,  who  have  embraced  the  fame  from  real  con- 
viction and  experience,  in  their  own  minds,  unlefs 
they  poflefs  the  fame  experience  and  enjoyment; 
which  may,  or  may  not  be  the  cafe;  for  profef- 
iion,  or  implicit  belief,  alone,  cannot  give  a  lively 
experience,  nor  a  bare  aflent,  convince  the  judg- 
ment. 

But  the  Chriftian  care  of  this  fociety,  as  ap- 
pears by  their  difcipline,  already  mentioned,  as 
well  as  by  the  many  additions,  fince  made  by 
them,  to  this  part  of  their  religious  ceconomy, 
has  not  been  fmall,  to  prevent  and  redrefs  this 
evil,  as  well  as  to  remedy  all  other  deviations  from 
the  truth  of  their  profeffion,  and  the  primitive 
practice  among  them;  which,  in  fome  or  other  of 
their  members,  cannot  but  fometimes  happen, 
while  in  this  frail  and  mortal  ftate  of  exiftence: — 
Yet  the  refult  of  this  very  care,  fo  far,  at  leaft, 
as  it  re/peels  the  external  obligations,  upon  the 
members  of  this  fociety,  and  the  many  rules  in- 
creafed  from  time  to  time,  among  them,  for  that 
purpofe,  it  is  thought  by  fome,  has  had  this  cer- 
tain 


78  Introduction. 

tain  and  inevitable  tendency,  to  render  it,  in  fact, 

more  formal,  and  to  diilinguifli  it  more,  in  reali- 

sceR.Bjr-  ty,  as  SL  fed,  than  fome  of  its  fir  ft,  or  early  prin- 

veriaTiove"  ppal  founders,  by  their  writings,  appear  to  have 

&c.          intended ;  who  would  not  admit  of  that  name,  nor 

the  natural  contract edneis  of  fuch  a  diflinction, 

particularly  R.  Barclay,  and  others  among  them. 

I  fhall,  therefore,  after  having,  in  a  few  words, 
further  expreffed  refpecting  them,  in  early  time, 
from  two  perfons  of  eminence  in  their  religious 
foeiety,  W.  Penn  and  W.  Edmundfon,  conclude  this 
account.  The  former,  addreffing  himfelf  to  them, 
fpeaks  thus,  viz. 

account  of  "  The  glory  of  this  day,  and  foundation  of  the 
the  rdigi-  hope,  that  has  not  made  us  afhamed  fmce  we  were  a 
"heprirm-  people," — "  is  that  bleffed  principle  of  light  and 
tive  Qua-  life  of  Chrtft,  which  we  profeis,  and  direct  all  people 
to,  as  the  great  and  divine  injlrumcnt  and  agent  of 
man's  converfion  to  God.  It  was  by  this,  that  we 
were  firil  touched,  and  effectually  enlightened,  as 
to  our  inward  flate;  which  put  us  upon  the  con- 
fideration  of  our  latter  end,  caufing  us  to  fet  the 
Lord  before  our  eyes,  and  to  number  our  days, 
that  we  might  apply  our  hearts  to  wifdom.  In  that 
day  we  judged  not  after  the  fight  of  the  eye^  or 
after  the  hearing  of  the  car,  but  according  to  the 
light  and  jenfc  this  bleffed  principle  gave  us,  fo  we 
judged  and  acted,  in  reference  to  things  and  per- 
fons, ourfelves  and  others;  yea  towards  God,  our 
Maker:  for,  being  quickened  by  it  in  our  inward 
man,  we  could  eafily  difcern  the  difference  of  things, 
and  feel  what  was  right,  and  what  was  wrong,  and 
what  v/as  fit,  and  what  was  not,  both  in  reference 
to  religion  and  civil  concerns.  That  being  the 
ground  of  the  fellowfhip  of  all  faints;  it  was  in 
that  our  fellowfhip  flood.  In  this  we  defired  to 
have  a  lenfe  of  one  another,  acted  towards  one 
another,  and  all  men,  in  love,  faithfulnefs  and 


Introduction.  79 

"  In  feeling  of  the  ftirrings  and  motions  of  this 
principle  in  our  hearts,  we  drew  near  to  the  Lord, 
and  waited  to  be  prepared  by  it ;  that  we  might/^/ 
drawings  and  ?novings,  before  we  approached  the 
Lord  in  prayer,  or  opened  our  mouths  in  miniftry. 
And  in  our  beginning  and  ending  with  this,  flood 
our  comfort,  fervice  and  edification.     And,  as  we 
ran  fafter,  or  fell  fhort,  in  our  fervices,  we  made 
burdens  for  ourfelves  to  bear;  finding  in  ourfelves 
a  rebuke,  inflead  of  an  acceptance ;  and  in  lieu  of 
well  done,  "  Who  has  required  this  at  your  hands?"  In 
that  day  we  were  an  exercifed  people;  our  very 
countenances  and  deportment  declared  it." 

"  Care  for  others  was  then  much  upon  us,  as  well 
as  for  ourfelves ;  efpecially  of  the  young  convinced. 
Oft  had  we  the  burden  of  the  word  of  the  Lord 
to  our  neighbours,  relations  and  acquaintance ;  and 
fometimes  flrangers  alfo.    We  were  in  travail  like- 
wife  for  one  another's  prefervation ;  not  feeking, 
but  fhunning  occafions  of  any  coldnefs,  or  raifun- 
derflanding ;  treating  one  another  as  thofe  that  be- 
lieved and  felt  God  prefent.     which  kept  our  con- 
verfation  innocent,  fcrious  and  weighty ;  guarding 
ourfelves  againfl  the  cares  and  friendihips  of  this 
world.     We  held  the  truth  in  the  fpirit  of  it,  and 
not  in  our  own  fpirits,  or  after  our  own  wills  and 
affections,  they  were  bowed  and  brought  into  fub- 
jection,  infomuch  that  it  was  vifible  to  them,  that 
knew  us.     We  did  not  think  ourfelves  at  our  own 
difpofal,  to  go  where  we  lift,  or  fay,  or  do,  what 
we  lift,  or  when  we  lift.     Our  liberty  flood  in. 
the  liberty  of  truth ;  and  no  pleafure,  no  profit,  no 
fear,  no  favour,  could  draw  us  from  this  retired, 
ftricl  and  watchful  frame.     We  were  as  far  from 
feeking  occafions  of  company,  that  we  avoided 
-them  what  we  could,  puriuing  our  own  bufinek 
with  moderation,  inftead  of  meddling  with  other 
people's  unnecefjarily" 

"  Oar  words  were  few  and  favcry,  our  looks 
compofed  and  weighty,  and  our  whole  deportment 

verv 


So  Introduction. 

very  obfervable.  True  it  is,  that  this  retired  and 
{tricl  fort  of  life  from  the  liberty  of  the  converfa- 
tion  of  the  world,  expofed  us  to  the  cenfures  of 
many,  as  humorifts,  conceited,  9xAf  elf  righteous  per- 
fons,  &c.  but  it  was  our  prefervation  from  many 
fnares,  to  which  others  were  continually  expofed, 
by  the  prevalency  of  the  luft  of  the  eye,  the  luft  of 
the  flem,  and  the  pride  of  life,  that  wanted  no 
occafions,  or  temptations  to  excite  them  abroad,  in 
the  converfe  of  the  world.'  * 

The  words  of  W.  Edmimdfon,  on  this  head,  arc 
thefe,  —  "  At  the  firft,  when  the  Lord  called  and 


account  of  gathered  us  to  be  a  people,  and  opened  the  eyes  of 
ousHvefof  our  underflandings,  then  we  faw  the  exceeding 
the  primi-  fmfulnefs  of  fin,  and  the  wickednefs  that  was  in 
-  tne  world  ;  and  a  perfeft  abhorrence  was  fixed,  in 
our  hearts,  againfl  all  the  wicked,  unjuft,  vain,  un- 
godly, unlawful  part  of  the  world,  in  all  refpects  \ 
and  we  faw  the  goodly,  and  moft  glorious  lawful 
things  of  this  world  to  be  abufed;  and  that  many 
fnares  and  temptations  lay  in  them;  and  many 
troubles  and  dangers  of  divers  kinds  ;  and  we  felt 
the  load  of  them,  and  that  we  could  not  carry  them, 
and  run  the  race,  the  Lord  had  fet  before  us,  fo 
cheerfully  as  to  win  the  prize  of  falvation  ;  fo  that 
our  care  was  to  call  off  this  great  load  and  burden 
of  our  great  and  gainful  way  of  getting  riches,  and 
to  lerTen  our  concerns  therein,  to  the  compafs  that 
we  might  not  be  chargeable  to  any,  in  our  ftations* 
and  fervices  required  of  us,  and  be  ready  to  an- 
fwer  Chriil  Jeliis,  our  Captain,  that  called  us  to 
follow  him,  in  a  fpiritual  warfare,  under  the  dif- 
cipline  of  his  daily  crofs  and  felf-denial  ;  and  then 
the  things  of  this  world  were  of  fmall  value  with 
us,  fo  that  we  might  win  Chrift;  and  the  goodlidr. 
things  of  the  world  were  not  near  us,  fo  that  we 
might  be  near  the  Lord;  and  the  Lord's  truth, 
outbalanced  all  the  world,  even  the  moft  glorious 
part  of  it.  Then  great  trading  was-  a  burden,  and 


great 


Infrodu&ioft.  8 1 

concerns  a  great  trouble;  all  ne"edlefs  things, 
fine  houfes,  rich  furniture,  gaudy  apparel,  were  an 
eye-fore;  our  eye  being  fmgle  to  the  Lord,  and 
the  infhining  of  his  light,  in  our  hearts;  which 
gave  us  the  fight  of  the  knowledge  of  the  glory  of 
God;  which  fo  afFe&ed  our  minds,  that  it  flamed 
the  glory  of  all  earthly  things;  and  they  bore  no 
maftry  with  us,  either  in  dwelling,  eating, 'drinking^ 
buying,  felling,  marrying,  or  giving  in  marriage. 
The  Lord  was  the  objecl  of  our  eye;  and  we  all 
humble  and  low  before  him,  and  felf  of  fmall  re- 
pute; minifters  and  elders,  in  all  fuch  cafes,  walk- 
ing as  good  examples,  that  the  flock  might  follow 
their  foot-fteps,  as  they  followed  Chrift;  in  the 
daily  crofs  of  felf-denial,  in  their  dwellings,  cal- 
lings, eating,  drinking,  buying,  felling,  marrying-^ 
and  giving  in  marriage;  and  this  anfwered  the 
Lord's  witnefs  in  all  confciences,  and  gave  us  great 
credit  among  men." 

Such  appear  to  have  been  the  people  called  Qua- 
kers ^  as  to  their  firft  rife,  principles,  doctrines, 
religious  fyitem,  and  general  practice,  or  manners; 
in  early  time;  with  whom  W.  Penn  joined  in  foci- 
ty;  fuch  they  appear  to  have  been,  who  principally 
firft  fettled  Weft  Jerfey  and  Pennfyfoania: — By  a 
conduct  influenced  chiefly  by  the  principles  above 
mentioned  has  this  country  providentially  advanc- 
ed to  that  juftly  admired  and  happy  ftate,  and  im- 
portance, for  which,  it  has  now  long  been  grow- 
ing more  and  more  confpicuous : — Of  this  people 
as  a  religious  fociety,  I  (hall,  at  prefent  take  my 
leave,  till  I  again  reviilt  them,  as  tranfplanted  from 
Europe,  into  thefe  provinces,  and  obferve  their  pro- 
ceedings,  in  their  new  and  political  fituation;  in 
the  mean  time,  I  return  to,  and  refume,  my  inter- 
mitted account  of  the  life  of  W<  Penn. 

About  this  time  (1668,  and  the  twenty-fourth 

year  of  his  age)  William  Penn  published  fevefal 

of  his  firft  pieces,  now  extant  in  his  printed  works; 

[n]  one 


8  2  Litroduflton. 

1668.     one  of  which,  entitled,  "  27?^  fandy  foundation 

faft  P™ri*foa&en9"  was  wr*tten  'm  confequence  of  a  difpute, 

ings,  &c.     which  he  had  in  London  with  one  Vincent,  a  Pref- 

byter.     In  this  he  expofed  the  vulgar  notion  of 

the    Trinity,    and   fome    other    religious    tenets ; 

which  gave  fo  much  offence  to  thole  then  at  the 

helm  of  the  church,  that  they  immediately  took 

the  old  method  of  reforming  what  they  called  er- 

ror, by  their  ftrongeft  argument,  viz.  "  An  order 

for  imprifoning  him  in  the  tower  of  London ;" — there 

he  was  under  clofe  confinement,  and  even  denied 

His  impri-  the  vifits  of  his  friends :  but  yet  his  enemies  attained 

fonmeut  in  not  their  purpofe;  for  when,  after  fome  time,  his 

^London*  fervant  brought  him  word,    that  the  bifhop  of 

London  was  refolved  he  mould  either  publicly  re- 

cant, or  die  a  prifoner,  he  made  this  reply:  "  All 

*  is  well:  I  wifh  they  had  told  me  fo  before;  fince 

the  expecting  a  releafe  put  a  flop  to  fome  bufinefs : 

His  refolu-  thou  mayft  tell  my  father,  who,  I  know,  will  afk 

tion.          j-hee  thefg  W0rds ;  that  my  prifon  mail  be  my  grave, 

before  I  will  budge  a  jot;  for  I  owe  my  confcience 

to  no  mortal  man.     I  have  no  need  to  fear;  God 

will  make  amends  for  all.     They  are  miflaken  in 

me;  I  value  not  their  threats  and  refolutions:  for 

they  mail  know  I  can  weary  out  their  malice  and 

peevifhnefs;  and  in  me  mall  they  all  behold  a  re- 

folution   above  fear;    confcience  above  cruelty; 

and  a  baffle  put  upon  all  their  defigns,  by  the  fpirit 

of  patience,  the  companion  of  all  the  tribulated 

flock  of  the  blefled  Jefus,  who  is  the  author  and 

fmifher  of  the  faith,   that  overcomes  the  world, 

yea,  death  and  hell  too.     Neither  great  nor  good 

things  were  ever  attained  without  lofs  and  hard- 

fhips.      He  that  would  reap  and  not  labor  muft 

faint  with  the  wind,  and  perifli  in  difappointments ; 

but  an  hair  of  my  head  fliall  not  fall  without  the 

providence  of  my  Father,  that  is  over  all." 

"  A  fpirit  warmed  with  the  love  of  God"  (fays 
the  writer  of  his  life)  "  and  devoted  to  his  fervice, 

ever 


Introduction.  83 

ever  purfues  its  main  purpofe :  he,  being  now  re-  He  writes 
ftrained  from  preaching,  applied  himfelf  to  writ-  [Jlatifesin 
ing;  feveral  treatifes  were  the  fruits  of  his  folitude,  the  tower, 
particularly,  that  excellent  one,  entitled,  No  crofs, 
no  crown;  a  book,  which,  tending  to  promote  the 
general  defign  of  religion,  was  well  accepted,  and 
foon  pad  feveral  impreiFions." 

He  alfo,  in  the  year  1669,  writ,  from  the  tower, 
a  letter  to  the  lord  Arlington,  then  principal  fecre- 
tary  of  Mate,  by  whofe  warrant  he  was  committed,  ^writes 
in  vindication  of  his  innocence,   and  to  remove  to  the  lord 
fome  afperfions  call  upon  him;  in  this  letter,  with  Arlington, 
chriftian  boldnefs,  and  elegance  of  flile,  he  pleads 
the  reafonablenefs  of  toleration  in  religion,  mews 
the  fingular  injuftice  of  his  imprifonment,  and  de- 
clares his  firm  refolution  to  fuffer,   rather  than 
give  up  his  caufe;  he  likewife  requefts  the  fecre- 
tary  to  lay  his  cafe  before  the  king,  and  defires 
he  may  be  ordered  a  releafe;  but,  if  that  mould 
be  denied,  he  intreats  the  favour  of  accefs  to  the 
royal  prefence,  or  at  lead,  that  the  fecretary  him- 
felf would  pleafe  to  give  him  a  full  hearing,  &c. 
And  in  order  to  clear  himfelf  from  the  afperfions, 
call  on  him,  in  relation  to  the  doclrlnes  of  the 
Trinity,  the  incarnation,  and  fathf action  of  Chrift, 
he  publifhed  a  little  book  called,  "  Innocency  with 
her  open  face"  by  way  of  apology  for  the  aforefaid, 
Sandy  foundation  fhaken :  in  this  apology  he  fo  fuc- 
cefsfully  vindicated  himfelf,    that  foon  after  the 
publication  thereof,  he  was  difcharged  from  his  Heis<*i£« 
imprifonment;    which  had  been  of  about  feven  c 
months  continuance. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  fummer  this  year,  he 
went  again  to  Ireland.     Being  arrived  at  Cork,  he 
there  vifited  his  friends  the  Quakers,  who  were  in  He  goes  to 
prilbn,  for  their  religion,  attended  the  meetings  Ireland» 
of  his  fociety,  and  afterwards  went  from  thence  to 
Dublin;  where  an  account  of  his  friends  fufFerings 

being 


4  Introduction. 

being  drawn  up,  by  way  of  addrefs,  it  was  by  him 
prefented  to  the  lord  lieutenant. 

During  his  flay  in  Ireland,  though  his  bufmefs, 
isbufi-  in  the  care  of  his  father's  eftate,  took  up  a  confi- 
efs  there,  ^erable  part  of  his  time,  yet  he  frequently  attend- 
ed, and  preached  in  the  meetings  of  his  friends, 
efpecially  at  Dublin  and  Cork;  in  one  of  which 
places  he  ufually  refided.  He  alfo  wrote,  during 
his  refidence  there,  feveral  treatifes,  and  took  every 
opportunity  in  his  power,  to  foliicit  thofe  in  authoT 
rity,  in  behalf  of  his  friends  }n  prifon:  and,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  month,  1670,  through 
his  repeated  applications  to  the  chancellor,  the  lord 
?'?•  'Arran,  and  the  lord  lieutenant,  an  order  of  coun- 
cil was  obtained  for  their  releafe.  Having  fettled 
his  father's  concerns  to  fatisfaftion,  and  done  his 
friends,  the  .Quakers,  many  fignal  fervices,  he 
fhortly  after  returned  to  England. 

In  the  year  1670  was  parted  the  conventicle  aci,, 
which  prohibited  the  meetings  of  the  dilTenters, 
under  fey  ere  penalties.     The  rigour  of  this  law 
was  immediately  executed  upon  the  .Quakers;  who 
not  being  ufed  to  give  way,  in  the  caufe  of  religi- 
on, flood  mod  expofed.     They  being  kept  out  of 
their  meeting  houfe,  in  Grace-church  flreet  in  Lon- 
don, by  force,,  met  in  the  flreet  itfelf,  as  near  it 
as  they  could :  W.  Penn,  preaching  here,  was  ap- 
prehended, and  by  warrant,  dated  Augufl  four- 
He  is  com.  teenth,   1670,  from  Sir  Samuel  Starling,  the  lord 
nutted  to    mayor,  committed  to  Newgate;  and,  at  the  next 
Newgate.    .fcfl;onS;>  at   t}le    Q/j  Bailey,  was,    together  with 
William  Mead,  indiyted  for  being  prefent  at,  and 
preaching  to,  an  unlawful,  feditious  and  riotous  af- 
fembly.    At  his  trial  he  made  fuch  an  excellent  de- 
.   fence,  as  difcovered  at  once  both  the  free  fpirit  oi 

lamoustri-    •:,,/>•  11  • 

ai  of  Penn  an  Enghfonuui,  and  the  undaunted-  magnanimity 

and  Mead.  of  a  Ckriftian;  mfomuch  that  notwkhflanding  the 

mofl  partial  frowns  and  menaces  of  the  bench,  the 


Introduction.  g  * 

jury  acquitted  him.  The  trial  itfclf  was  foon  af- 
ter printed;  it  exhibits  a  fignal  inftance  of  the 
attempts  of  the  ignorance  and  tyranny  of  that 
time;  and  may  be  feen  in  his  printed  works. 

Not  long  after  this  famous  trial,  and  his  dif-  His  father's 
charge  from  Newgate,  his  father  died,  entirely  re-  "o°a"Ja" 
conciledto  his  fon;  to  whom,  as  before  obferved,  death. " 
he  left  both  his  paternal  blefiing,  and  a  plentiful 
eftate.     His  death-bed  expreflions,  and  lalt  advice 
are  very  remarkable,  inftruclive,  and  may  be  feeri 
in  W.  Penn's  treatife,  entitled,  No  crofs,  no  crown, 
among  the  fayings  of  other  eminent  perfons. 

He  was  about  this  time  employed  in  defence  of  5?7?* 

,  .         ...  •       •    i         •  i_r     j-r  -i  Hedifputcs 

his  religious  principles,  in  a  public  diipute  with  one  with  j.ives 
*feremy  foes,  a  celebrated  Baptift.     Afterwards  in  ^ldrvi?to 

.-      ,  IT-  i     •  ^    r-  ,   Oxford,  &c. 

the  ninth  month  this  year,  being  at  Oxford,  and 
obferving  the  cruel  ufage  and  perfecution,  which 
his  innocent  friends  fuffered  there  from  the  junior 
icholars,  too  much  by  the  connivance  of  their  fu- 
periors,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  vice  chancellor,  on 
the  fubject. 

In  the  winter,  this  year,  having  his  refidence  at  Hepubiyh- 
Penn,  in  Buckingha?njhire,  he  publifhed  a  book,  es  a  book- 
entitled,    "  A   reafonable  caveat  againft  Popery  ;"  pf^  &<°~ 
wherein  he  both  expofes  and  confutes  many  erro- 
neous doctrines  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  efta- 
bliflies  the  oppofite  truths,  by  found  arguments ;  a 
work  alone  fufficient,  on  the  one  hand,  to  wipe  off 
the  calumny,  cafl  upon  him,  of  being  a  favourer  1670. 
of  the  Romyb  religion ;  and,  on  the  other,  to  mew, 
fhat  his  principle  being  for  an  univerfal  liberty  of 
confcience,  he  would  have  had  it  extended,  even  to 
the  Papifts  themfelves,  under  a  fecurity  of  their  not 
perfecuting  others. 

In  the  lad  month  of  this  year,  while  he  was  „  . 

T  .         .  , .    .  .  ;        2  ,  .     r  .  .      He  is  taken 

preaching  in  a  religious  meeting  of  his  friends,  m  an 
Wheeler ~Jlreet,  London,  he  was  forceably  feized  by  ^ 
a  party  of  foldiers,  fent  thither  for  that  purpofe, 

and 


86  Introduction, 

and  brought  to  the  tower,  by  an  order  from  the 
lieutenant.  In  his  examination,  on  the  occalion, 
before  the  lieutenant  of  the  tower,  Sir  John  Robin- 
Jon,  Starling,  the  lord  mayor,  and  others,  his  be 
haviour  was  very  remarkable,  fpirited  and  extraor- 
dinarily adapted  to  the  nature  of  the  occafion.  It 
may  be  feen  in  the  printed  account  of  his  life, 
prefixed  to  his  literary  works;  in  which,  as  the 
lieutenant's  words  and  conduct  appear  high,  im- 
perious, and  towards  him  manifeitly  inimical,  fo 
his  replies  were  fmart,  fenfible  and  bold :  and,  on 
the  lieutenant's  charging  him  with  his  having  been 
as  bad  as  other  people,  and  that  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  he  received  this  remarkable  anfwer  from 
^  p™><>  ™z.  "  I  make  this  bold  challenge  to  ail 
men,  women  and  children  upon  earth,  juflly  to  ac- 
cufe  me,  with  ever  having  feen  me  drunk,  heard  me 
fwear,  utter  a  curfe,  or  fpeak  one  obfcene  word, 
(much  lefs  that  I  ever  made  it  my  practice)  I  fpeak 
this  to  God's  glory,  that  has  preferved  me  from 
the  power  of  thofe  pollutions,  and  that,  from  a 
child,  begot  an  hatred  in  me  towards  them.  But 
there  is  nothing  more  common,  than  when  men 
are  of  a  more  levere  life  than  ordinary,  for  loofe 
perfons  to  comfort  themfelves  with  the  conceit, 
that  they  were  once  as  they  are,  as  if  there  were  no 
collateral,  or  oblique  line  of  the  compafs,  or 
globe,  men  may  be  faid  to  come  from  to  the  Arttk 
pole,  but  directly  and  immediately  from  the  An- 
tarctic. Thy  words  fh all  be  thy  burden,  and  I  tram- 
ple thy  Jlander,  as  dirt,  under  my  feet." 

sent  apri-       He  was  fent  prifoiier  to  Ncu'gate  for  fix  months ; 

foner  to      where,  during  his  confinement,  he  wrote  feveral 

Site's  treatifes,  and  occafional  pieces  of  controverfy,  ex- 

to  the  par-   tant  in  his  works ;  and  the  parliament  being  about 

Hament*      to  take  meafures  for  enforcing  with  greater  ieverity 

the  aforefaid  conventicle  aft,  he  whofe  freedom  of 

fpirit  a  prifon  could  not  confine  from  advocating 

the  caufe  of  liberty,  wrote  from  the  fame  place, 

the  following  paper,  directed. 


Introduction.  87 

u  To  the  high  court  of  Parliament" 
"  Forafmuch  as  it  hath  pleafed  vou  to  make  an  *67*: 

A.  p  p  1 2  C3.1;  1™* 

t?c7,  entitled,  "  An  aft  for  /upprcfling /editions  con-  ontoparU- 
Denticles  -  the  dangerous  practices  of  feditious  feciaries-  ?"!"!;:  inc 

,.,     ,,  A       i  J  V  T        •        r  behalf  of 

cSJr.  and  that,  under  pretence  of  authority  from 
it,  many  have  taken  the  ungodly  liberty  of  plun-  ins 
dering,  pillaging  and  breaking  into  houfes,  to 
the  ruin  and  detriment  of  whole  families,  not  re- 
garding the  poor,  the  widow  and  the  fatherlefs, 
beyond  all  precedent,  or  excufe;  and,  that  we  are 
inforrned  it  is  your  purpofe,  inftead  of  relaxing 
your  hand,  to  fupply  the  defects  of  that  ad,  by 
Rich  explanatory  claufes  as  will  inevitably  expofe 
us  to  the  fury  and  intereft  of  our  feveral  adverfa- 
ries;  that  under  pretence  of  anfwering  the  in- 
tents of  the  faid  ad,  will  only  gratify  their  private 
humours,  and  doubtlefs  extend  it  beyond  its  origi- 
nal purpofe,  to  the  utter  deftrudion  of  us,  and 
our  fuffering  friends." 

"  We,  therefore,  efteem  ourfelves  obliged,  in 
Chriftian  duty,  once  more  to  remonflrate:" 

"  Firft,  That  we  own  civil  government,  or  ma- 
giftracy,  as  God's  ordinance,  for  the  punifhment 
of  evil  doers,  and  the  praife  of  them,  that  do  well; 
and  though  we  cannot  comply  with  thofe  laws  that 
prohibit  us  to  wormip  God,  according  to  our  con- 
fciences,  as  believing  it  to  be  his  alone  prerogative, 
to  prefide  in  matters  of  faith  and  wormip,  yet  we 
both  own  and  are  ready  to  yield  obedience  to  every 
ordinance  of  man,  relating  to  human  affairs,  and 
that  for  confcience  fake." 

"  Secondly r,  That  we  deny  and  renounce,  as  an 
horrible  impiety,  all  plots  and  conipiracies,  or  to 
promote  our  intereft,  or  religion,  by  the  blood  and 
deftrudion  of  fuch  as  diiTent  from  us,  or  yet  thofe, 
that  perfecute  us." 

"  Thirdly,  That  in  all  revolutions  we  have  de- 
meaned ourfelves  with  much  peace  and  patience 

(difowning 


88  Introduction. 

(difowning  all  contrary  actings)  notwithstanding 
the  numerous  profecutions  of  cruel  and  ungodly 
men;  which  is  a  demonflradon  of  our  harmlefs 
behaviour,  that  ought  not  to  be  of  little  moment 
with  you." 

"  Fourthly,  That  as  we  have  ever  lived  moft 
peaceably  under  all  the  various  governments,  that 
have  been  fince  our  firft  appearance,  (notwithftand- 
ing  we  have  been  as  their  anvil,  to  fmite  upon)  fo 
we  do  hereby  fignify,  that  it  is  our  fixed  refolution 
to  continue  the  fame;  that  where  we  cannot  actu- 
ally obey,  we  patiently  mail  fufFer,  (leaving  our 
innocent  caufe  without  daring  to  love  ourfelves  unto 
the  death,  for  our  bleffed  teilimony's  fake)  there- 
by manifeiling  to  the  whole  world,  that  we  love 
God  above  all,  and  our  neighbours  as  ourfelves/' 

"  If  this  prevails  not  with  you  to  fufpend  your 
thoughts  of  reinforcing  your  former  act,  we  do 
defire  that  we,  or  fome  of  our  friends,  may  receive 
a  free  hearing  from  you,  (as  feveral  of  us  had 
upon  the  firft  act  for  uniformity)  having  many 
great  and  weighty  reafons  to  offer  againft  all  fuch 
fevere  proceedings,  to  the  end  all  wrong  meafures 
of  us,  and  of  our  principles,  may  be  rectified; 
and,  that  you,  being  better  informed  of  both, 
may  remove  our  heavy  burdens,  and  let  the  op- 
preifed  go  free;  for  fuch  moderation  will  be  well 
pleafing  both  to  God  and  good  men/' 

"  From  us  who  are  prifoners,  at  Newgate  (for 
conference  fake)  on  behalf  of  ourfelves,  and  all 
our  fufFering  friends  in  England,  &c. 

"  WILLIAM  PENN  and  federal  others, 
"  Newgate,  Second  month,   1671." 

He  travels  ^is  fix  months  imprifonment,  in  Newgate,  be* 
into  Hoi-  ing  expired,  he  was  let  at  liberty,  and  mortly  af- 
ter"  went  into  Holland  and  Germany.  Of  his  bufi- 
nefs,  or  fervices,  at  this  time,  in  thefe  countries, 
I  find  no  particular  account,  befides  fome  fmalJ 

mention 


89 


mention  made  thereof,  by  himfelf,  in  his  journal 
of  his  fubfequent  travels  afterwards  into  thofe 
countries. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1672,  and  the 
twenty-eighth  of  his  age,  he  married  Gulielma 
Maria  Springett,  daughter  of  Sir  William  Springett,  Hertford* 
formerly  of  Darling  in  SuJJex  ;  who  was  killed  in  lhire' 
the  time  of  the  civil  wars,  at  the  fiege  of  Bamber; 
his  widow  was  afterwards  married  to  Ifaac  Pening- 
ton,  of  Peter's  Chalfont,  in  Buckingham/hire;  in 
whofe  family  her  faid  daughter  was  brought  up  ;  a 
young  woman,  whom  a  virtuous  difpofition,  joined 
to  a  comely  perfonage,  rendered  well  accomplim- 
ed.  Afterwards,  pitching  upon  a  convenient  ha- 
bitation at  Rickmerfivorth,  in  Hertford/hire  9  he 
refided  there  with  his  family,  often  vifiting  the 
meetings  of  his  friends. 

In  the  Seventh  month  this  year,  (1672)  he  vifit*  nevHitshi 
ed  his  friends  in  Kent,  Suffex  and  Surry;  of  which  friends  hi 


his  memorandums  furnifh  us  with  an  obervation  of  '  " 


that  fmgular  induftry,  \vhich  the  free  minifters  of 
the  gofpel  exercife,  in  the  difcharge  of  their  office; 
for,  in  the  fpace  of  twenty-one  days,  he  with  his 
companion,  under  the  like  concern,  were  prefent 
at,  and  preached  to?  as  many  affemblies  of  people, 
at  diftant  places,  viz.  Rochefter,  Canterbury,  Dover  , 
Deal)  Folk/tone,  AJhford,  and  other  places  in  Kent; 
at  "Lewes  )  Horfnam,  Stenhing,  £ffc,  in  SuJJex  ;  and 
at  Charlewood  and  Rygate  in  Surry.  "  Great  was 
their  fervice,  in  thefe  counties;  (fays  the  writer  1674. 
of  his  life)  their  teftimonies,  effeclual  to  the 
ftrengthening  of  their  friends,  filencing  of  gain- 
layers,  and  to  a  general  edification,  were  received 
by  the  people  with  joy,  and  openneis  of  heart;  and 
themfelves  in  the  performance  of  their  duty,  filled 
with  fpiritual  coniblation."  W.  Penn  gives  this  ac- 
count of  their  Lift  meeting,  in  that  journey,  being 
at  Rvgate:  "  The  Lord  fealed  up  our  labours  and 
travels  according  to  the  defire  of  my  foul  and  fpi- 

12]  lit, 


Introduction. 


He  writes 
en  divers 


A  letter  to 
a  Roman 
catholic. 
1675. 


rit,  with  his  heavenly,  refrefhments,  and  fweet  liv* 
ing  power  and  word  of  life,  unto  the  reaching  of  all, 
and  confolating  our  own  hearts  abundantly/'  —  He 
concludes  his  narrative  with  thefe  words:-  —  "  And 
thus  hath  the  Lord  been  with  us,  in  all  our  travels 
for  his  truth;  and  with  his  bleilings  of  peace  are 
we  returned  ;  which  is  a  reward  beyond  all  worldly 
treafure." 

About  this  time  many  oppofers  of  the  Quakers  , 
fome  of  whom  being  diflenters  themfelves,  who 
had  enough  to  do  in  time  of  perfecution,  by  a  cau- 
tious privacy?  wrhich  they  called  chriftian  prudence^ 
to  fecure  their  heads  from  the  dorm,  began,  under 
the  fun-fhine  of  the  king's  indulgence,  to  peep  out, 
and  (in  the  words  of  the  writer  of  W.  Penn's  life) 
by  gainfaying  the  truth,  to  make  its  defence  necef- 
fary;  fo  that  he  had  plenty  of  controverfial  exer- 
cife  for  his  pen,  the  remainder  of  this  year,  and 
the  two  next  enuring;  which  produced  feveral  valu- 
able treatifes,  extant  in  his  works,  together  with 
divers  remarkable  and  excellent  letters  and  epiftles, 
written  both  to  fingle  perfons,  collective  bodies  of' 
men,  and  others,  in  a  more  general  capacity,  in 
England.,  Holland,  Germany  and  elfewhere;  which, 
as  they  are  principally  of  a  religious,  and  fome  of 
them  of  a  political  nature,  may  likewife  be  feen  in 
his  printed  writings.  Among  thefe  appears  the 
following  letter  to  a  Roman  catholic,  viz. 

"  My  Friend" 

"  Chrift  Jefus  did  redeem  a  people  with  his' 
molt  precious  blood,  and  the  ancient  church  of 
Rome,  among  other  churches,  was  one;  but  as  the 
fea  lofes  and  gets,  and  as  profperity  changes  it;; 
itation,  fo  the  chaftity  of  the  church  of  Rome  is 
loft  ;  me  having  taken  in  principles  and  difciplincr 
that  are  not  of  Chriil,  neither  can  be  found  in  the 
holy  fcriptures." 

"  If  thou  wert  to  die,  wouldeft  not  thou  leave  a 
•plain  will  to  thy  children?  fo  have  Chrifl  and  his 

apbfHes, 


Introduction.  g  I 

apoftles,  in  the  fcriptures.  Read  and  thou  mayeft 
behold  the  fimplicity,  purity,  meeknefs,  patience 
and  felf-denial  of  thofe  Chriftians  and  churches. 
They  are  Chrift's,  that  take  up  his  crofs  to  the 
glory  and  fpirit  of  this  world;  which  the  church 
ol  Rome  lives  in.  Behold  the  pride,  luxury, 
cruelty,  that  have,  for  ages,  been  in  that  church, 
even  the  heads  and  chieftains  thereof!  It  is  a  mif- 
take  to  think  that  Chrift's  church,  which  has  loft 
its  heavenly  qualifications,  becaufe  it  once  was. 
What  is  become  of  Antioch,  Jerufalem,  &c.  both 
churches  of  Chrift,  and  before  Rome?  Nor  is  it 
number,  (the  Devil  has  that;)  nor  antiquity,  (for 
he  has  that;)  but  Chrift-likenefs,  and  conformity  to 
Jcfus  ;  who  hath  divorced  thofe,  that  have  adulte- 
rated; and  though  he  had  left  but  two  or  three 
(though  there  were  thoufands)  yet  he  would  be  in 
the  midft  of  them:  and  they  have  been  in  the 
wildernefs,  people  crying  in  fackcloth.  The  ge- 
nerality declined  from  Chrift's  fpirit;  and  it  was 
loft,  and  the  teachings  of  it:  And  then  came  up 
form,  without  power,  and  a  wrathful  fpirit,  to 
propagate  it;  and  this  made  up  the  great  whore, 
that  looked  like  the  Lamb's  bride,  Chrift's  church, 
but  was  not;  which  God  will  judge.  Remember 
that  God  was  not  without  a  church,  though  the 
natural  church  and  priefthood  of  the  Jews  apofta- 
tifed:  fo,  in  the  cafe  of  the  church  of  Ro?ne." 

"  Now  is  the  Lord  railing  up  his  old  power, 
and  giving  his  fpirit,  and  moving  upon  the  waters, 
(the  people)  that  out  of  that  ftate  all  may  come, 
and  know  God  in  fpirit,  and  Chrift,  his  Son; 
whom  he  has  fent  into  the  people's  hearts,  a  true 
light.  And,  my  friend,  build  not  upon  fancies, 
nor  the  traditions  of  men,  but  Chrift  the  fure 
foundation,  as  he  appears  to  thee,  in  thy  confci- 
ence;  that  thou  may  eft  feel  his  power  to  redeem 
thee,  up  to  himfelf,  out  of  the  earthly,  fenfual 
fpirit,  to  know  thy  right  eye  plucked  out,  the  true 

mortification  j 


Introduction. 

mortification;  and  this  brings  thee  to  the  church 
of  the  firft  born,  that  is  more  divine  and  noble, 
than  an  outward  glittering  church,  that  is  inwardly 
polluted:  For,  know,  as  thou  fowefl,  thou  reaped, 
in  the  great  day  of  account.  So  to  God's  fpirit,  in 
thy  own  confcience,  do  I  recommend  thee,  that 
leads  out  of  all  evil,  and  quickens  thee  to  God,  as 
thou  obeyed  it,  and  makes  thee  a  child  of  God, 
and  an  heir  of  Glory.  \  am  in  much  haile,  and 
as  much  love, 

*fi  Thy  true  friend 

"  WILLIAM  PENN." 
"  London,  ninth  O&ober,  1675." 

In  the  year  1676,  he  became  one  of  the  princi- 
pal  pcribiis,  concerned  in  fettling  Weft  New  Jcrfey, 
'm  •&*&*&*  as  hereafter  will  appear,  in  the  fecond 
,  &c,  part  of  this  introduction,  jn  the  account  of  the 
firft  fettling  and  government  of  that  colony.  About 
this  time  alfo  he  writ  to  fome  perfona  of  great  qua- 
lity, in  Germany,  as  appears  in  his  works ;  encou- 
raging them  to  a  perfeverance  in  the  paths  of  vir^ 
tue  and  true  religion;  with  the  love  of  which  he 
had  underftood  their  minds  were  happily  and  di- 
vinely kifpircdu 

In  the  year  1677,  he  travelled  into  Holland  and 
Germany,  in  company  with  feveral  of  his  friends, 
the  Quakers •,  on  a  religious  vifit,  to  thefe  countries ; 
of  which  there  is  extant,  in  his  works,  an  account, 
or  journal,  written  by  himfelfj  in  a  plain,  familiar 
ftile,and  particularly  fuited  to  perfons  of  a  religious 
turn  of  mind.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
originally  intended  to  be  publifhed;  for,  in  the 
preface,  to  its  firft  publication,  the  author  himfelf 
fays,— u  It  was  written  for  my  own,  and  fome  rela- 
tions, and  particular  friends  fatisfaction,  as  the 
long  time  it  hath  Jain  filent  doth  (hew,  but  a  copy, 
that  was  found  among  the  late  gountefs  of  Conway*s 
papers,  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  perfon,  that 
jnuch  frequented  that  family,  he  was  earned  with 

me. 


Introduction.  Q 

me,  both  by  himfelf  and  others,  to  have  leave  to 
publiih  it,  for  a  common  good,"  &c.  In  this  ac- 
count are  included  divers  letters,  epiftles  and  reli- 
gious pieces,  written  during  his  travels  there,  to 
perfons  of  eminence  and  others,  whom  he  either 
vifited  in  perfon,  or  writing,  or  both: — It  is  con- 
tinued from  the  twenty-fecond  of  the  Fifth  month, 
1677,  when  he  left  home,  to  the  firft  of  the  Ninth 
month  the  fame  year,  when  he  arrived  well  at 
Worminghurfti  his  habitation,  in  Siiffex. 

In  this  journal  mention  is  made  of  his  having 
religious  meetings,  or  paying  perfonal  vifits,  atNamesof 
Rotterdam,  Leyden,  Haerlam  and  Amjlerdam;  in  fome  place* 
which  laft  place  he  made  fome  flay,  being  employ-  ™ 
ed  there  in  aflifting  to  regulate  and  fettle  the  affairs 
of  his  religious  fociety  in  that  city,  &c.  from  thence 
he -writ  to  the  king  of  Poland,  in  favour  of  his 
perfecuted  and  fuffering  friends,  the  Quakers,  at 
Dantzick.  He  was  alfo  at  Naerden,  Ofnaburgh  and 
Her-wcrden;  in  the  laft  of  which  places  he  had 
religious  meetings  and  agreeable  converfation  with 
the  princefs  Elizabeth  Palatine  and  others.  He  l677- 
vifited  Paderborn,  Cajjel  and  Frankfort;  here  he 
made  fome  ftay,  and  writ  an  epiftle,  "  To  the 
churches  ofjefus  throughout  the  world,"  &fr.  From 
hence  he  went  by  the  way  of  Worms  to  Crisheim ; 
where  he  found  a  meeting  of  his  friends,  the  Qua- 
kers; and  writ  to  the  princefs,  before  mentioned, 
and  the  countefs  of  Homes,  two  Proteflant  ladies 
of  great  virtue  and  quality,  at  Herwerden.  Thence 
by  Frankenthall  to  Manhelm ;  from  which  place  he 
wrote  to  the  prince  eleclor  Palatine  of  Heydelburgh. 
He  was  likewife  at  Mentz,  and  divers  other  places, 
on  the  Rhine ;  as  Cullcn,  Duyjburgh,  £sfr.  But,  on 
account  of  his  being  a  Quaker ^  he  was  prohibited  to 
enter  into  Mulbeim,  by  the  Graef,  or  earl  of  Bruch 
and  Falkenjleyn,  lord  of  that  country;  on  which 
occafion  he  wrote  to  him  from  Duvjburgh9  a  fharp 
letter  of  reproof  and  advice;  and  to  his  daughter, 

the 


94 


Introduction. 


the  countefs,  a  virtuous  and  religious  lady,  at  Mul- 
Jjcim,  on  whofe  account  his  vifit  there  was  princi- 
pally intended,  he  fent  a  confolatory  epiftle. 

He  then  vifited  Wefel,  Rees,  Emrick,  C/eve,  'Nim- 
meguen,  Lippenhufen,  Groningen^  Embdcn,  Bemem.nd 
the  Hague;  and  divers  of  thefe  places,  feveral  times, 
frequently  writing  letters  of  advice  and  religious 
comfort  to  divers  virtuous  and  religious  perfons  of 
great  quality,  and  others;  with  feveral  of  whom 
he  correfponded ;  and  at  the  laft  mentioned  place 
he  corrected  and  rmifhed  feveral  long  epiflles  of  a 
religious  nature;  which  were  written  and  intended 
for  the  prefs,  both  in  his  firft  and  fecond  journey, 
in  Germany ;  which  are  now  extant  in  his  works. 
From  the  Hague  he  went  to  Delft :,  Wondcrwick,  and 
fo  to  the  End;  and  from  thence  by  the  packet,  to 
Harwich,  and  home,  within  the  limits  of  the  time 
above  mentioned. 

foiidts  After  his  return  from  Germany^  the  people  called 
Quakers  being  harrafled  with  fevere  profecutions, 
in  the  exchequer-)  on  penalties  of  twenty  pounds 
per  month,  or  two-thirds  of  their  eflates,  by  laws 
made  againft  Papifts,  but  unjuftly  turned  upon 
them;  W.  Penn,  foliciting  the  parliament  for  re- 
drefs  of  thofe  grievances,  prefented  petitions,  on 

the  occalion,   both  to  the  lords   and  commons; 
*  f»*  ?? 

where,  upon  being  admitted  to  a  hearing  before  a 

committee,  on  the  twenty-fecond  of  the  month, 
called  March,  1 678,  he  made  the  following  fpeech- 
es,  viz. 

His  firft  fpeecb  to  the  committee. 

*'  If  we  ought  to  believe  that  it  is  our  duty, 
according  to  the  doclrine  of  the  apoftle,  to  be 
always  ready  to  give  an  account  of  the  hope,  that  is 

w^'^firfi  ^n  us>  anc^  at  to  eveiT  f°ber  and  private  enquirer; 
fpeechto  certainly  much  more  ought  we  to  hold  ourfelves. 
committee  obliged  to  declare,  with  all  readinefs,  when  called 

of  parlu-  •      •>         r  •  • 

to  it  by  fo  great  authority,  what  is  mt  our  hope., 

efpecially 


Introduction, 

when  our  very  fafety  is  eminently  con- 
cerned in  fo  doing,  and  that  we  cannot  decline  this 
difcrimination  of  ourfelves  from  Papifts,  without 
being  conicious  to  ourfelves  of  the  guilt  of  our 
own  fufferings ;  for  that  mud  every  man  needs  be, 
that  fuffers  mutely,  under  another  character  than 
that,  which  truly  and  properly  belongeth  to  him, 
and  his  beKef.  That  which  giveth  me  a  more  than 
ordinary  right  to  fpeak,  at  this  time,  and  in  this 
place,  is  the  great  abufe,  that  I  have  received? 
above  any  other  of  my  profeflion;  for,  of  a  long 
time,  I  have  not  only  been  fuppofed  a  Papift,  but 
a  fem'mary,  a  yefuit,  an  emjjary  of  Rome9  and  in 
pay  from  the  Pope,  a  man  dedicating  my  endea- 
vours to  the  interefl  and  advancement  of  that  party. 
Nor  hath  this  been  the  report  of  the  rabble,  but 
the  jealoufy  and  infmuation  of  perfons  otherwife 
fober  and  difcreet:  Nay,  fome  zealous  for  the 
Proteflant  religion,  have  been  fo  far  gone  in  this 
miftake,  »as  not  only  to  think  ill  of  us,  and  to  de- 
cline our  converfation,  but  to  take  courage  to  them- 
felves,  to  profecute  us  for  a  fort  of  concealed  Pa- 
pifts ;  and  the  truth  is,  what  with  one  thing,  and 
what  with  another,  we  have  been  as  the  wool-fads, 
and  common  ivhipping-ftock  of  the  kingdom;  all 
laws  have  been  let  loofe  upon  us,  as  if  the  defigo 
were  not  to  reform,  but  to  deflroy  us,  and  that 
not  for  what  we  are,  but  for  what  we  are  not:  It 
is  hard,  that  we  mufl  thus  bear  the  (tripes  of  another 
intereft,  and  be  their  proxy,  in  punimment;  but  it: 
is  worfe,  that  fome  men  can  pleafe  themfelves  in 
fuch  a  fort  of  adminifiration/' 

"  I  would  not  be  miftaken,  I  am  far  from  think- 
ing it  fit  that  Papift s  mould  be  whipped  for  their 
confciences,  becaufe  I  exclaim  againft  the  injuflice 
of  whipping  Shakers  for  Papift  s :  No,  for  though4 
the  hand,  pretended  to  be  lifted  up  againfl  them, 
hath  (I  know  not  by  what  direction)  lit  heavy  upon 
us,  and  we  complain;  yet  we  do  not  mean,  that 

.any 


9  6  Introduction. 

any  fhould  take  a  frefli  aim  at  them,  or  that  they 
muft  come  in  our  room;  for  we  mult  give  the 
liberty  we  afk,  and  cannot  be  falfe  to  our  princi- 
ples, though  it  were  to  relieve  ourfelves;  for  we 
have  good  will  to  all  men,  and  would  have  none 
luffer  for  a  truly  fober  and  confcientious  diffent, 
on  any  hand:  and  I  humbly  take  leave  to  add,  that 
thofe  methods,  againfl  perfons  fo  qualified,  do  not 
feem  to  me  to  be  convincing,  or  indeed  adequate  to 
the  reafon  of  mankind;  but  this  I  fubmit  to  your 
confi  deration." 

u  To  conclude,  I  hope  we  mall  be  held  excufed 
of  the  men  of  that  profeflion,  in  giving  this  dif- 
tinguifhing  declaration,  fince  it  is  not  with  defign 
to  expofe  them;  but,  firft,  to  pay  that  regard,  we 
owe  to  the  enquiry  of  this  committee;  and,  in  the 
next  place,  to  relieve  ourfelves  from  the  daily  fpoil 
and  ruin,  which  now  attend  and  threaten  many 
hundreds  of  families,  by  the  execution  of  laws, 
that  we  humbly  conceive  were  never  made  againft 


us." 


His  fecond  fpeech  to  the  committee* 

w.  P'S.          "  The  candid  hearing,  our  fufterings  have  re* 
fecond       ceived  from  the  committee-  and  the  fair  and  eafy  en- 

fpeech  to  •  t  i  .  •»••'• 

the  com-  tertamment,  that  you  have  given  us,  oblige  me  to 
mittec  of  add  what  ever  can  increafe  your  iatisfaclion  about 
lt>  us.  I  hope  you  do  not  believe,  I  would  tell  you 
a  lie;  I  am  fure  I  mould  choofe  an  ill  time  and 
place  to  tell  it  in;  but,  I  thank  God  it  is  too  late 
in  the,  day  for  that.  There  are  fome  here  that  have 
known  me  formerly;  I  believe  they  will  fay,  I  ne- 
ver was  that  man;  and  it  would  be  hard,  if  after 
a  voluntary  neglect  of  the  advantages  of  this  world, 
I  fhould  lit  down,  in  my  retirement,  fhort  of  com- 
mon truth." 

"  Excufe  the  length  of  my  introduction,  it  is  for 
this  I  make  it.  I  was  bred  a  Protcjia?it,  and  that 
ftrictly  too:  I  loft  nothing  by  time  or  ftudy;  for 

years, 


97 

years,  reading,  travel  and  obfervations  made  the 
religion  of  my  education  the  religion  of  my  judg- 
ment :  my  alteration  hath  brought  none  to  that  be- 
lief; and  though  the  pofture  I  am  in  may  feem  odd, 
or  ftrange  to  you,  yet  I  am  confcientious;  and  (till 
you  know  me  better)  I  hope  your  charity  will  ra- 
ther call  it  my  unhappinefs,  than  my  crime.  I  do 
tell  you  again,  and  here  folemly  declare,  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  Almighty  God,  and  before  you  all,  that 
the  profeflion  I  now  make,  and  the  fociety  I  now 
adhere  to,  have  been  fo  far  from  altering  that  Pro- 
teftant  judgment  I  had,  that  I  am  not  confcious  to 
myfelf  of  having  receded  from  an  iota  of  any  one 
principle,  maintained  by  thofe  firft  Proteftants  and 
reformers  of  Germany,  and  our  own  martyrs,  at 
home,  againft  the  Pope,  and  See  of  Rome. 

"  On  the  contrary,  I  do,  with  great  truth,  affure  !678. 
you,  that  we  are  of  the  fame  negative  faith,  with 
the  ancient  Protejiant  church,  and,  upon  occafion, 
mall  be  ready,  by  God's  afliftance,  to  make  it  ap-  mhtee  of 
pear,  that  we  are  of  the  fame  belief,  as  to  the  moft  Parhament' 
fundamental  pojfitwe  articles  of  her  creed  too.  And, 
therefore  it  is,  we  think  it  hard,  that  though  we 
deny,  in  common  with  her,   thofe  do&rines  of 
Rome,  fo  zealoufly  protefted  againft,  from  whence 
the  name  Proteftants ;  yet  that  we  fhould  be  fo  un- 
happy as  to  fuffer,  and  that  with  extreme  feverity, 
by  thofe  very  laws  on  purpofe  made  againft  the 
maintainers  of  thofe    do&rines,    we  do  fo    deny. 
We  chufe  no  fuffering,  for  God  knows  what  we 
have  already  fuffered,  and  how  many  fufficient  and 
trading  families  are  reduced  to  great  poverty  by  it. 
We  think  ourfelves  an  ufeful  people :  we  are  lure 
we  are  a  peaceable  people;  but,  if  we  ftill  fuffer, 
let  us  not  fuffer  as  Poplfh  recufanls,  but  as  Protef-* 
t  eft  ant  diffenters. 

"  But  I  would  obviate  another  objection,  and 

that  none  of  the  leaft,  that  hath  been  made  againft 

us,  viz.    'That  ive  are  enemies  to  government,  in  gene- 

[13]  ral, 


9  8  Introduction. 

ral,  and  particularly  difaffecJed  to  this  we  live  under: 
I  think  it  not  amifs,  but  very  feafonable,  yea,  my 
duty,  now  to  declare  to  you,  (and  that  I  do  with 
good  confcience,  in  the  fight  of  the  Almighty  God) 
firft,  that  we  believe  government  to  be  God's  ordi- 
nance; and  next,  that  this  prcfent  government  is 
eftablifhed  by  the  providence  of  God,  and  law  cf  the 
land)  and  that  it  is  our  chriftitm  duty  readily  to  obey 
it,  in  ally?//?  laws;  and  wherein  we  cannot  comply, 
through  tender nefs  of  confcience,  in  all  fuch  cafes,  not 
to  revile,  or  confpire  againft  the  government,  but, 
with  chriflian  humility  and  patience  tire  out  all 
miftakes  about  us;  and  wait  their  better  informa- 
tion; who,  we  believe,  do  as  undefervedly  as  fevere- 
]y  treat  us;  and  I  know  not  what  greater  fecurity 
can  be  given  by  any  people,  or  how  any  govern- 
ment can  be  eafier  from  the  fubjects  of  it. 

"  I  fhall  conclude  with  this;  that  we  are  fo  far 
from  efteemihg  it  hard,  or  ill,  that  the  houfe  hath 
put  us  upon  this  difcrimination,  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, we  value  it  as  we  ought  to  do,  for  an  high 
favour,  (and  cannot  chufe  but  fee,  and  humbly 
acknowledge  God's  providence  therein)  that  you 
mould  give  us  this  fair  occafion  to  difcharge  our- 
felves  of  a  burden  we  have,  not  with  more  patience 
than  injuftice,  fuffered  but  too  many  years  under; 
and  I  hope  our  converfation  mall  always  manifefl 
the  grateful  refentment  of  our  minds,  for  the  juf- 
tice  and  civility  of  this  opportunity ;  and  fo  I  pray 
God  direct  you." 

parliament  The  committee  agreed  to  infert  in  a  bill,  then 
Ci7heUecI;  Depending,  a  pfovifo,  or  claufe,  for  relief,  in  the 
Quakers  cafe  complained  of;  and  the  fame  did  pafs  the 
Of  Commons :  But  before  it  had  gone  through 
of  Lords ,  it  was  quafhed  by  a  fudden 
prorogation  of  the  parliament. 

About  this  time,  and  the  following  year,  the 
-5  people's  minds  being  hurried  and  difturbed  with 
rumours  of  plots,  apprehenfions  of  a  French  inva- 

fion3 


Introdu  Elton.  99 

lion,  and  defigns  to  fubvert  the  Proteftant  religion, 
and  introduce  Popery ,  he  \vrit  and  publifhed  feve- 
ral  pieces  by  way  of  advice  to  his  friends,  the 
.Quakers,  in  particular,  and  alfo  for  fettling  the 
minds  of  the  people  in  general,  and  turning  them 
to  their  real  and  bed  interefl,  both  in  a  religious  and 
political  fenfe;  among  which  was  publifhed,  in  the 
vear  1679,  that  excellent  treatife,  entitled,  "  An 
addrefs  to  Prot  eft  ants  of  all  perfuajions"  &c. — 
And  in  the  year  1681,  there  being  a  frefh  perfecu- 
tion  againft  his  friends,  the  Quakers,  in  the  city  of 
'BHftol,  W.  Penn  writ  them  the  following  epiftle, 
(which  is  here  inferted  as  a  fpecimen  of  his  writing 
on  fuch  occafions)  for  their  Chrtftian  confolation 
and  encouragement,  directed, 

"  To  the  friends  of  God  in  the  city  of  Briftol"      1681. 

•"  This  fent  to  be  read  among  them,  when  af- 
fembled  to  wait  upon  the  Lord." 

"  My  beloved  in  the  Lord," 

"  I  do  hereby  fend  amongft  you  the  dear  and  To  hig  pcr< 
tender  falutation  of  my  unfeigned  love,  that  is  held 
in  the  fellowfhip  of  the  lading  gofpel  of  peace, 
that  has  many  years  been  preached  and  believed 
amongft  you,  befeeching  the  God  and  Father  of 
this  glorious  day  of  the  Son  of  man,  to  increafe 
and  multiply  his  grace,  mercy  and  peace  among 
you;  that  you  may  be  faithful,  and  abound  in  every 
good  word  and  work,  doing  and  fuffering  what  is 
pleating  unto  God;  that  you  may  prove  what  is 
that  good  and  acceptable  and  perfect  will  of  God; 
which  it  becomes  you  to  be  found  daily  doing;  that 
fo  an  entrance  may  be  adminiftered  unto  you  abun- 
dantly into  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour 
Jefus  Chrift,  that  is  an  everlafting  kingdom.  My 
beloved  brethren  and  tiflers,  be  not  caft  down  at  the 
rage  of  evil  men,  whofe  anger  works  not  the 
righteoufnefs  of  God ;  and  whofe  cruelty  the  Lord 
will  limit.  Nothing  flrange,  or  unufual,  is  come 
to  pafs,  it  makes  well  for  them,  that  eye  the  Lord 

in 


I  o  O  Introduction . 

in  and  through  thefe  fufFerings:  there  is  food  in 
affli&ion,  and  though  the  inilruments  of  it  cannot 
fee  it,  all  (hall  work  together  for  good  to  them  that 
fear  the  Lord :  keep  your  ground  in  the  truth ,  that 
was,  and  is  the  faints  victory.  They  that  fhrink, 
go  out  of  it;  it  is  a  fhield  to  the  righteous:  feel  it, 
arid  fee,  I  charge  you  by  the  prefence  of  the  Lord, 
that  you  turn  not  afide  the  Lord's  end  towards  you, 
in  this  differing,  by  confulting  with  flefh  and  blood, 
in  eafing  your  adverfaries ;  for  that  will  load  you. 
*68i.  Keep  out  of  bafe  bargainings,  or  conniving  at 
w.penn,  flemjy  evafions  of  the  croft.  Our  Captain  would 

to  his  per-  r      ,  J    ,         ,         .        A   n     .    ,      , 

fecuted       not  leave  us  luch  an  example :  let  them  ihrink  that 
friends  in    know  not  why  they  mould  Hand ;  we  know,  in 

Briilol.  iii«          11  •    i     •         -i 

whom  we  have  believed:  he  is  mightier  in  the 
faithful,  to  fuffer  and  endure  to  the  end,  than  the 
world,  to  perfecute:  call  to  mind  thofe  bleffed  an- 
cients, "  That  by  faith  overcame  of  old,  that  en- 
dured cruel  mockings  and  fcourgings,  yea  more- 
over, bonds  and  imprifonments,  that  accepted  not 
deliverance,  (to  deny  their  teftimony)  that  they 
might  obtain  a  better  refurreclion:" — They  were 
iloned ;  they  were  tempted ;  they  were  fawn  afun- 
der;  they  were  flapi  with  the  fword;  but  ye  have 
not  fo  refifled  unto  blood;  and  it  fufficeth,  I  hope, 
to  you,  that  the  Lord  knoweth  how  to  deliver  the 
godly  out  of  temptation,  and  to  referve  the  unj'uit 
unto  the  day  of  judgment,  to  be  punifhed;  when 
it  may  be  truly  faid,  "  It  mail  go  well  with  the 
righteous,  but  very  ill  with  the  wicked."  The 
Lord  God,  by  his  power,  keep  your  hearts  living 
to  him ;  that  it  may  be  your  delight  to  wait  upon 
him,  and  receive  the  bounty  of  his  love;  that, 
being  fed  with  his  daily  bread  and  drinking  of  his 
cup  of  blefTmg,  you  may  be  raifed  above  the  fear 
and  trouble  of  earthly  things  and  grow  flrong  in 
him,  who  is  your  crown  of  rejoicing;  that,  hav- 
ing anfwered  his  requirings,  and  walked  faithfully 
pefore  him,  you  may  receive,  in  the  end  of  your 
days,  the  welcome  fentence  of  gladnefs.  Eternal 

riches 


Introduction.  101 

riches  are  before  you,  an  inheritance  incorruptible: 
prefs  after  that  glorious  mark:  let  your  minds  be 
let  on  things  that  are  above,  and  when  Chrifl,  that 
is  the  glory  of  his  poor  people,  mail  appear,  they 
mail  appear  with  him  in  glory ;  when  all  tears  mail 
be  wiped  away,  and  there  mall  be  no  more  forrow, 
or  fighing,  but  they,  that  overcome,  mall  Hand  as 
Mount  Sion,  that  cannot  be  removed." 

"  So,  my  dear  friends  and  brethren,  endure, 
that  you  may  be  faved,  and  you  mall  reap,  if  you 
faint  not.  What  mould  we  be  troubled  for?  our 
kingdom  is  not  of  this  world^  nor  can  be  fhaken 
by  the  overturning  here  below.  Let  all  give  glory 
to  God  on  high,  live  peaceably  on  earth,  and  fhew 
goodwill  to  all  men;  and  our  enemies  will  at  laft, 
fee  they  do  they  know  not  what,  and  repent,  and 
glorify  God,  our  heavenly  Father.  O!  great  is 
God's  work  on  earth.  Be  univerfal  in  your  fpirits, 
and  keep  out  all  flraitnefs  and  narrownefs :  look  to 
God's  great  and  glorious  kingdom,  and  its  pro- 
fperity:  our  time  is  not  our  own,  nor  are  we  our 
own :  God  hath  bought  us  with  a  price,  not  to  ferve 
ourfelves,  but  to  glorify  him,  both  in  body,  foul 
and  fpirit;  and,  by  bodily  fufferings  for  the  truth,  he 
is  glorified:  look  to  the  accomplifhing  of  the  will 
of  God,  in  thefe  things;  that  the  meafure  of 
Chrifl's  fufferings  may  be  filled  up  in  us,  who  bear 
about  the  "  dying  of  the  Lord  Jefus;"  elfe  our 
fullering  is  in  vain.  Wherefore,  as  the  flock  of 
God,  and  family  and  houfe-hold  of  faith,  walk 
with  your  loins  girded,  being  fober,  hoping  to  the 
end,  for  the  grace  and  kindnefs,  which  mall  be 
brought  unto  you,  at  the  revelation  of  Jefus  Chrift,, 
to  whom  you  and  your's  are  committed:  his  pre- 
cious fpirit  minifter  unto  you,  and  his  own  life 
be  fried  abroad  plenteoufly  among  you,  that  you 
may  be  kept  blamelefs  to  the  end.  I  am  your 
friend  and  brother  in  the  fellowfhip  of  the  fufter- 
ing  for  truth^  as  it  is  in  Jefus , 

"  WILLIAM  PENN. 

f«   Worminghurfl,  the  2#h.  of  the  Twelfth  month,   1681." 


1 02  Introduction. 

Having  thus  far  purfued  this  abftracted  account 
of  the  life  of  W.  Penn,  I  mall,  in  the  next  place, 
after  having  previoufly  given  a  brief  preliminary  de- 
fcription  of  the  firft  rife  of  the  Britifo  colonies,  in 
America,  and  more  efpecially  of  Weft  New  Jerfey^ 
in  which  he  was  fo  much  concerned,  attend  him 
in  the  fettlement  and  colonization  of  his  province 
of  Pennfylvania. 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


PART  THE  SECOND. 

CONTAINING, 

A  fhort  preliminary  fketch  of  the  firft  colonization 
of  continental  America  by  the  Englifh; — Of  the 
Dutch  and  Swedifh  fettlements^  pretenfions  and 
proceedings^  on  Hudfon's  or  North  river,  and 
on  the  bay  and  river  of  Delaware; — But  more 
particularly ',  of  the  rife,  government,  and  early 
tranfaclions  of  the  colony  of  Weft  New  Jerfey, 
previous  to  thofe  of  Pennfylvania. 


JL  HE  firft  European  difcovery  of  fome  of  the  in- 
fular  parts  of  America ',  in  the  year  1492,  by  Chrif- 
topher  Columbus^  and  the  fuccefs  of  his  fubfequent 
voyages,  as  well  as  thofe  of  Americus  Vefpucius,  bus,  and  by 
between  the  years  1496  and  1499,  to  that  conti- 
nent,  both  in  the  fervice  of  Spain,  are  now  fo  well 
known  as  here  to  need  no  repetition;  and,  for  the 
fame  reafon,  it  is  unneceiTary  to  fpecify,  in  this 
place,  how,  or  why,  this  newly  difcovered  part 
of  the  world  was  called  America^  from  the  name 
of  the  latter  of  thefe  perfons;  whofe  laft  voyage, 
in  the  employment  of  Portugal^  gave  that  part  of 
South  America  now  called  Brajil,  to  that  kingdom ; 
as  the  prior  difcoveries  of  Columbus  and  himfelf  had 
added,  befides  the  iflands,  immenfe  traft  of  ter- 

ritorv 


1 04  Introduction. 

ritory  to  Spain,  both  in  the  northern  and  fouthern 
latitudes  of  continental  America;  according  to  that 
univerfally  acknowledged  law  of  nations,  which 
afligns  all  wade  and  uncultivated  countries  to  the 
prince,  who  is  at  the  charge  of  the  firfl  difcovery 
of  them.* 

1497-  I  fhall  only,  therefore,  in  this  place,  previoufly 

foveHes/by  mention,  that,  in  the  year  1497,  Jotm  and  Sebaf~ 
the  Cab'ots,  tian  Cabot,  father  and  fon,  in  the  fervice  of  king 
Henry  the  feventh  of  England,  by  the  bed  accounts, 
are  generally  acknowledged  to  have  been  the  firft 
Europeans,  who  difcovered  that  part  of  north  Ame- 
rica, where  the  Englijh  colonies  were  afterwards 
fettled,  along  the  Atlantic  more,  including  New- 
foundland, from  60,  or  68  degrees  north,  to  fo 
far  fouth,  as  the  ifle  of  Cuba,  or  the  latitude  of 
Florida^ 

All 

*  See  JufHnian,  Grotius,  &c.  on  this  fubject. 

Columbus  is  faid  to  be  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  in  Sj>aiat  with 
this  infcription  on  his  tomb. 

"  Columbus  has  given  a  neiv  world 

To  the  kingdoms  of  Cajlile  and  Leon" 

Herrera,  the  great  Spanifh  hiftorian  of  America,  exprefsly  affirms, 
"  That  neither  on  the  continent,  nor  ifles  of  the  Wefl  Indies  (the  name 
the  Spaniards  ufually  give  to  all  America)  were  there  either  {ilk,  wine,  fu- 
gar,  olives,  wheat,  barley  or  pulfe;  all  which  (adds  Herrera)  and  ma- 
ny other  things  have  been  traniported  thither  from  S/a/'«."  Their  own 
fole  original  productions  were  tobacco,  indigo,  cocheneal,  cotton,  gin- 
ger, cocoa,  piemento,  fundry  ufeful  drugs  and  woods  for  dying,  furni- 
ture, phyfic,"  &c. 

ANDERSON'S  hiilorical  deduction  of  commerce,  &c. 

f  "  The  main  end  of  the  above  attempt  of  the  Cabots,  from  England, 
was  laid  by  the  \vriters  of,  or  near,  thefe  times,  to  have  been  to  difcover 
a  north-well  paffageto  the  Indies,  OT  fpice  iflands,  or,  to  Catbaia;  as  they 
then  termed  a  country,  fince  known  to  be  China;  whither  iome  travellers 
had  gone  over  by  land,  in  the  eleventh,  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries. 
Cabot  having  failed  fo  far  north  as  67^  degrees,  the  land  which  he  firft 
faw,  was  the  country  between  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Canada  and 
Hm'fons  ftrait;  and  which  he,  therefore,  named  Prima  -vijla;  (i.  e.  firft 
discovered)  which  name  it  foon  loft;  and  next  got  the  name  of  Corteria- 
L's,  from  a  Portuguese;  who,  from  Li/Ion,  fell  in  with  that  couft,  anno 
1500,  calling  alfo  the  north  part  of  it  EJiot'dand,  After  the  French  had 
I'fttli-d  in  Canada,  they  freely  called  the  country  Neiv  France.  J,aftly,  the 
F.nglifr  difcoveries,  on  tl\e  north  parts  of  that  country,  deep  into  the 
bay  of  Knt!f',n,  c;illcd  it  N'e-ir  Britain;  though  the  Poriugt'eze,  in  fome 
of  their  maps,  called  it  7.-r;v  di  Labrador:  its  only  produce  hitherto 
being  peltry,  furs  and  frathei*." 

ANDERSON^    &C. 


Introduction*  itij 

All  this  extent  of  territory,  or,  lead,  from  34  The  ancient 
to  45  degrees  of  north  latitude,  including  all  that  vhsinia- 
traft  of  land,  which  is  fituated  between  the  ex- 
treme bounds  of  New  England  and  Carolina^  north 
and  fouth,  was,  in  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,' 
named  Virginia;  which  was  then  deemed  to  com- 
prehend all  the  habitable  part  of  the  Britifh  con- 
tinental territories  in  America.  Which  name  is  faid 
to  have  been  given  it,  either  by  the  queen  herfelf, 
or  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh;  who,  in  the  year  1584,     15 sV- 
obtained  a  patent  from  the  queen^  for  making  a 
fettlement  in  America.     This  was  accordingly  at- 
tempted, at  different  times ;:  though  at  firft  unfuc- 
cefsfully,  in  that  part  of  the  continent,  which  flili 
retains  the  name  of  Virginia.* 

In  the  year  1606,  file  whole  extent  of  this  tef-     1606. 
ritorv  was^  divided  into  two  parts,  or  colonies,  by  Y11?11^ 

'  ,.jrS'«£  r  dwdedmto 

a  charter  obtained  or  king  James  ^  tor  two  compa-  two  colo- 
nies.    The  firfl  was  called  the  South  Virginia  com-  nies> 
pany,  comprehending  the  now  named  provinces  of 
Maryland,  Virginia  and  Carolina;  or  all  the  country 
which  is  fituated  between  34  and  41  degrees  of 
N.  latitude,  which  includes  part  of  Pennfylvania. 

Thefe 

*  "  In  the  year  1584,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  formed  his  fcheme  with  a 
number  of  gentlemen  and  merchants,  for  making  a  fettlement  in  America; 
for  which  purpofe  queen  Elizabeth,  on  lady  day,  this  year,  grants  him,' 
&c.  a  charter  for  the  pcffeffing  of  fuch  remote  heathen  lands,  not  then 
inhabited  by  Clrijlians,  as  they  fhould  difcover  in  fix  years;  of  which 
they  thereby  had  the  property  granted  to  them  forever,  referving  to  the 
crown  the  fifth  part  of  all  the  gold  and  filver  ore  found  therein,  with 
power  to  feize,  to  thei?  proper  ufe,  all  ihips,  with  their  merchandize, 
that  fhall  without  leave,  plant  within  two  hundred  miles  of  this  intesd- 
ed  fettlement;  excepting  however,  the  queen's  fubjecUs'and  allies,  fifliing  at 
Newfoundland"  &c.  "  Grants  free  denization  to  the  planters  and  their 
pofterity  refiding  there," — "  Powers  are  alfo  granted  to  the  patentees,  for 
making  Bye-laivs  there,  not  repugnant  to  thofe  of  England" — Amidas 
and  Barlow,  with  two  veffels,  were  accordingly  fent  the  fame  year." — 
They  arrived  at  a  part  of  what  is  now  called  Virginia;  which  name, 
cither  the  queen  herlelf,  or  Sir  Walter  Raltigh,  gave  that  country;  where 
making  fbme  infignificant  trade  with  the  natives,  they  returned  home." 

"  N.  B.  In  this,  arid  fome  other  patents  of  thrfe  times,  there  was  no 
diilindt  place,  longitude  nor  latitude,  fixed  or  limited,  for  fuch  plantation, 
although,  undoubtedly,  Ncrib  America  was  the  country  intended." 

Anderfon^   &c  • 


xof>  Introduftion. 

Thefe  were  called  the  London  adventurers.  The 
fecond  company  were  called  the  Plymouth  adven-> 
turers  ;•  who  were  empowered  to  plant  and  inhabit 
Ib  far  as  to  45  degrees  of  N.  latitude,  in  which 
compafs  was  included  what  is  now  called  Pennfyl* 
vania,  in  part,  New  Jerfey,  New  Tork  and  New 
England. 

planting  of  The  firfr.,  or  London  company  ,  which  moft  pro- 
vkginia.  perly  ought  to  be  called  the  Virginia  company,  did, 
in  this  fame  year  1  606,  or  the  next  following,  ef- 
fecl  a  fettlement  near  the  mouth  of  Powhatan,  now 
called  James's  river,  within  Chefapeak  bay,  which 
they  named  James  town;  which  name  it  (bill  re- 
tains. This  is  faid  to  have  been  the  firfl  Engliffr 
colony,  on  the  continent  of  America,  which  took 
root,  and  has  continued  permanent  to  our  days;  all 
former  attempts  having  proved  abortive. 

1610.  From  this  time,  till  the  year  1620,  the  planting 
Planting  of  of  New-England,  or  the  northern  divifion,  appears 
&c,  ngan  not  to  have  been  fuccesfully  undertaken;  though 
there  had  been  fever  al  voyages  made  during  this 
interval,  but  moftly  in  a  trading  way,  to*  that  part 
of  the  continent.-*  But  HI  the  year  1620,  the  firft 
permanent  plantation,,  or,  which  remains  fuch  to 
this  time,  appears  to  have  been  made  in  that  coun- 
try; to  which:  king  Charles  the  firft,  then  prince 
of  Wales,  is  faid  to  have  given  the  name  of  New- 
England:^  "  For  which  purpofe  (fays  governor 
Hutchinfen,  in  his  hiftory  of  MaJJachufctts  bay). 
a  new  patent  was  granted,  bearing  date,  Novem- 
ber third  1620,  incorporating  the  adventurers  to 

the 

*"  H  It  is  evident,  from  the  charter^  that  the  original  deTign  of  it  was 
t6  conftitute  a  corporation  in  England,  like  that  of  the  Eaft  Indies  ,  and 
other  great  companies,  with  powers  to  fettle  plantations  within  the  limits 
of  the  territory,  under  fuch  forms  of  government  andmagiftracy  as  fhould 
be  fit  and  neceffary." 

Hutcbinfons  bt/tory  of  Ma/ucbti/eiti  £ay»- 

f  "  Captain  John  Smith,  having  furveyed  the  inland  country,  and 
prefented  a  map  of  it  to  Charles,  prince  of  Wales,  the  prince  gave  th'e 
countr  the  -name  of  Neiv  Enland." 


, 
country  the  -name  of  Neiv  England." 


i)  &'<».., 


Introduftiun.  107 

the  northern  colony,  by  the  name  of  'The  Council 
for  the  affairs  of  New-Eng/and;  the  bounds  of  the 
country  were  exprefled  between  forty  and  forty- 
eight  degrees  north.** 

In  the  year  1623,  there  we-re  fo  many  complaints 
made  of  bad  management,  that,  en  enquiry,  a 
Quo  warrants  was  iffued  againfl  the  Virginia  char- 
ters, including  both  North  and  South  Virginia;  and 
it  is  faid,  after  a  trial  in  the  Kings  Bench^  they  were 
declared  forfeited.* 

*  "  In  volume  feventeenth  of  Rymtr''*  Fadej-a,  page  608,  we  have  a 
more  diftincl:  view  of  the  condition  of  the  colony  of  Virginia;  in  a  com,- 
mifiion  from  King  James,  to  many  lords  and  gentlemen,  as  follows, 
viz. — "  WE,  having  by  letters  patent  of  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign, 
granted  powers  to  divers  knights,  gentlemen  and  others,  for  the  more 
fpeedy  accomplifhment  of  the  plantation  of  Virginia,  that  they  ftiould 
.divide  themfelves  into  two  colonies;  the  one  to  confift  of  Londoner j-, 
called  the  Firjl  Colony,  and  the  other,  of  thofe  of  Brijlol,  Exeter  and 
Plymouth,  called  the  Second  Colony.  And  we  did,  by  feveral  letters  under 
our  privy  feal,  prefcribe  orders  and  coiutitutions,  fpr  direfting  the  affairs 
of  faid  eohny. 

"  And  whereas,  afterwards,  upon  the  petition  of  divers  adventurers 
and  planters  of  the  faid  Flrft  (or  London)  colony,  WE,  by  letters  patent 
in  the  feventh  year  of  our  reign,  (anno  i6ioy  incorporated  divers  no- 
blemen, knights,  &c.  by  the  name  of  The  Treafurer  and  Company  of  Ad- 
venturers and  Planters  of  the  city  of  London,  for  tbefirft  Colony  of  Virginia; 
granting  them  divers  lands,  territories,,  &c.  to  be  conveyed  by  them  to 
the  adventurers  and  planters;  with  power  to  have  a  council  there  refi- 
•4ent,  for  the  affairs  of  the  celony ;  and  alfo  to  place  and  difplace  officers, 

"  And  afterwards,  in  the  tenth  year  of  our  reign,  ([613)  by  letters 
patent,  did  further  mention  to  give  that  Company  divers  2jl£st  on  that 
coaft." 

"  And  whereas,  WE,  finding  the  courfes  taken,  for  the  fettling  of 
the  faid  colony,  have  not  taken  the  good  effect,  we  intended,  did,  by  a 
Jate  commiffion  to  fundry  perfons  of  quality  and  fruft.  caufe  the  ftau 
of  the  faid  colony  to  be  examined  into;  who,  after  much  pains  taken, 
reported,  that  ineft  of  our  people  fent  thither,  had  died  by  ficknefs  and 
iamine,  and  by  majj~acret,s  by  the  natives;  and  that  fuch  as  are  ftiil  living, 
were  in  a  lamentable  neceffity  and  want;  though  they  (the  CommifTi- 
oners)  conceived  the  country  to  be  both  fruitful  and  healthful;  and  that, 
if  induftry  were  ufed,  it  would  produce  many  good  ftaple  commodities." — 
"  But  by  negletft  of  the  Governors  and  Managers  here,  it  Jiad,  as  yet, 
produced  few,  or  none"——"  That  die  laid  plantations  are  of  great 
importance;  and  would,  as  they  hoped4  remain  a  lajjing  monument  of 
our  moft  gracious  and  happy  government  to  all  pofterity,  if  the  fame 

were  profecutcd  to  thefe  ends,  for  which  they  were  fcrft  underfciken." 

"  Whereupon,  We,  entering  into  mature  confideratjon  of  the  premifes, 
did,  by  advice  of  cur  Privy  Council,  reiblve  to  alter  the  charter  of  the 
faid  Company,  as  to  points  of  government: — but  the  faid  Treafurer  and 
Company  not  fubmitting  thereto,  The  faid  charters  are  no-w  avoided  by  a 
^tio  Warranto.  Wherefore,  We  direcl:  you  to  confidcr  theilateof  the 
<Taid  colony,  and  what  points  are  fitting  to  be  infertcd  in  the  intended  new 

charter, 


£O§  Introduction, 

i625<  "  And  about  the  year  1625," — (favs  Anderfoflj 
The  rcfent  m  ^s  ^iftorical  deduction  of  commerce,  &c.) — - 
form  of  go-  "  King  Charles  the  firft  iflfued  the  following  procla- 
vernment  mation  which  firft  laudably  eflablifhed  the  prudent 

fettled      z.n  c  *  /      .    .        .  .  .     r     0        , 

virgnja.     form  or  government,  in  which  this,  (i.  e.  south 
Virginia  ;  or  what  is  now  called  Virginia  J)  and  the 
other  regal  colonies,  have  remained  to  this  day 
(1761)  i>/%. — That,  whereas,  in  his  royal  father's 
time,  the  charter  of  the  Virginia  Company  was, 
by  a  Quo  warranto  annulled;  and  whereas,  his  faid 
father  was,  and  he  himfelf  alfo  is  of  ppinion,  that 
the  government  of  that  colony  by  a  company  in- 
corporated, cpnfifung  of  a  multitude  pf  perfons 
of  various  difpofitions,  among  -whom  affairs  of  the 
greateft  mp.ment  are  ruled  by  a  majority  of  votes., 
was  not  fo  proper  for  carrying  on  profperoufly  the 
affairs  of  the  colony:    wherefore,  t.o  reduce  the 
government  thereof  to  fuch  a  courfe,  as  mig/ht  bed 
agree  with  that  form,  which  was  held  in  his  royal 
monarchy;  and  confidering  alfo  that  we  hold  thefe 
territories  of  Virginia,  arid  the  Somer  \fles,  as  alfo 
that  of  N,eiv  England,  (lately  planted)  with  the 
limits  thereof,  to  be  a  part  of  our  royal  empire; 
We  ordain,  that  the  government  of  the  colony  of 
Virginia  mail  immediately  depend  on  ourfelf,  and 
not  to  be  committed  to  any  company  or  corporation; 
to  whom  it  may  i>e  proper  to  trufl  matters  of  trade 
and  commerce,  but  cannot  be  fit  to  commit  the 
ordering  of  ftate  affairs/  Wherefore  our  commif- 
fioners  for  thofe  affairs  {hall  proceed  as  directed, 
till  we  eftabliih  a  council  here,  for  that  colony ;  to 
be  fubordinate  to  our  Privy  Council." — "  And, 
that  we  will  alfo  eflablilh  another  council,  to  be 
refident  in  Virginia,  who  fhall  be  fubordinate  to 
our  council  here,,  for  that  colony.   And,  at  our  own 

charge 

charter,  and  to  report  to  Us." "  And  in  the  meantime  to  take  care 

to  fupply  the  Planters  there  with  neceffaries,  and  to  do  ail  other  acls 
needful  for  maintaining  the  colony." 

"  Moreover  the  King  (Ibidem  page  618)  appoints  Sir  Francit  Wyat, 
Governor  of  the  colony,  with  eleven  Counfellors,  refidingin  the  colony." 

Anderfon,  &C.  vol.  a.  page  1.8, 
. 

•" 


Introduction*  1  o§ 

charge  we  will  maintain  thofe  public  officers  and 
minifters,  and  that  ftrength  of  men,  munition,  and 
fortification,  which  mall  be  neceffary  for  the  de- 
fence of  that  plantation." 

After  the  diffolutj.on  of  the  Virginia  charters, 
the  Britifh  continental  territories,  in  America,  that 
had  before  gone  under  the  name  of  Virginia,  being 
under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  crown,  and 
;it  liberty  to  be  granted  to  whom  the  crown  thought 
proper,  particular  patents,  in  confequence  thereof, 
for  fuch  parts  as  remained  unplanted,  were  accord- 
ingly granted  a£  various  times,  and  on  different 
occafions.     And  in  the  year  1628,  on  the  fourth     And    i» 
of  March,  the  fettlers  on  Majfachufetts  bay  ob-  New-En- 
tained  their  firfl  royal  charter,  for  the  government  gan 
of  that  colony;  Matthew  Cradock  being  appointed 
the  firft  Governor,  and  Thomas  Goffe,  deputy  Go- 
vernor; the  patent,  from  the  council  of  Plymouth  °h 
.having  given  them  a  right  to  the  foil  only,  but  no 
powers  of  government. 

In  the  year  1609,  the  Dutch  Eaft  India  compa- 
ny, according  to  their  own  writers,  employed  ^ecrh  GI0~ 
Henry  Hudfon,  an  Englishman,  to  attempt  the  dif-  claim,  &c, 
covery  of  a  north  weft  paffage  to  China;  in  this 
.voyage  he  difcovered  Delaware  bay;*  and  alfo  failed 
to  the  place,  where  New  Tork  now  (lands,  and  up 
North  river,  called  by  him  Hudfon's  river,  fo  far 
north,  as  latitude  43  degrees. t  In  confequence  of 

which 

*  "  Sir  Thomas  Wef.,  Lord  Delaware,  made  Captain  General  of 
Virginia,  in  1609,  in  his  fecond  voyage  to  that  colony,  in  the  year  1618, 
died  at  fea;  and  I  think,  (fays  Stitl,  in  his  hiftory  of  Virginia,}  I  have 
fomewhere  feen,  that  he.  died  about  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay,  which 
thence  took  its  name  from  him." 

Stiff's  bijlory  of  Virginia. 

But  I  find,  in  an  old  Sweedifh  manufcript,  it  was  called  Pcutaxatby  the 
Indians. 

f  "  Henry  Hudfon,  an  iLngllJbman,  according  to  our  authors,  in  the  year 
1608,  under  a  commiflion  from  the  king,  his  mailer,  difcovered  Long- 
I/land,  Nfw-Tori-y  and  the  river  that  ilill  bears  his  name;  and  afterwards 
ibid  the  country,  or  rather  his  right,  to  the  Dutch" 

\it/j's  /ji/lory  r>f  Nev}-Y«rl» 
j     j  •/ 


1 1  o  Introduction* 

which,  the  Dutchy  having  purchafed  of  him,  as 
they  lay,  his  chart  of  discoveries,  on  the  coaft, 
obtained  a  patent  from  the  dates,  in  the  year  1614, 
for  an  exclufive  trade,  on  the  faid  river ;  and  made 
a  fettlement,  in  the  province,  now  called  New  Tork ; 
to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  New  Net  her  land; 
claiming  within  the  fame  the  country  on  Dela- 
ware:*—On  the  ifland,  called  Manhattans,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  faid  river  they  creeled  a  fort;  where 
they  afterwards,  in  the  year  1656,  laid  out  and 
began  their  town  of  Nciy-Amfterdam^  now  New- 
Tork* 

11623.  In  the  year  1623,  they  erected  feveral  forts  in 
different  parts  of  the  new  territory,  to  which  they 
had  thus  made  claim ;  among  which  they  built  one 
on  Delaware,  (by  them  called  South  river  J  near 
Gloucefter,  in  ffew-Jcrfey*  But  the  commodious 
fituation  of  New-Tork,  for  the  fea  and  trade,  in- 
duced mod  of  them,  who  were  fettled  on  the 
Delaware,  foon  afterwards  to  quit  it,  and  fix  their 
fettlements  on  both  fides  of  North  river,  before 
any  of  the  Swedes  came  into  America. 

In 

*  "  The  extent  of  Neiv-Nctlerlaad,  (fays  Smith,  in  his  hifiory  of  JV>w- 
Tork,)  was  to  Delaware,  then  called  South  river,  and  beyond  it;  For  I 
•find  in  the  Dutch  records,  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  William  Kieft,  their 
Governor,  at  Nnw-Amjltrdani,  May  fixth,  1638,  directed  to  Peter  Mi- 
*vif,  who  feems,  by  the  tenor  of  it,  to  be  the  Stv.-edtjh  Governor  of 
N-etu- Sweden,  "  AHerting  that  the  whole  fouth  river  of  New-Nether- 
lands had  been  in  the  Dutch  poffeffion  many  years,  above  and  below,  befet 
v/ith  forts,  and  fealed  with  their  blood." — "  Which  ( Kieft  adds)  has 
happened,  even,  during  your  adminiftration,  in  New-Nctberland,  and  fa 
•well  known  to  you." 

**  In  tlie  year  1642,  Kieft  fitted  out  two  Sloops  to  drive  the  Englijb 
fHit  of  Scbuylkill,  of  which  the  A4aryleii4fri  had  lately  poffcfied  them- 
felves.  The  inltrudtions,  dated,  May  twenty  -fecond,  to  Jan  Janfoa 
Alp endam,  who  commanded  in  that  cnterprize,  are  upon  record,  and 
ftrongly  aflert  the  right  of  the  Dutch  both  to  the  foil  and  trade  there." 

Smith's  I'tjlory  of  New-York. 

The  Dutch  are  reported,  about  the  year  1623,  to  have  furnifhed  the 
Jnd~ia.m  with  Fire-arms,  and  to  have  taught  them  the  ufe  thereof,  that 
J>y  their  afliflance,  they  might  expel  the  Jb' ««•///?> }  when  they  began  to 
fettle  aro^d  them- 

Smiths  hiflory  of  Ueiv-*Jtrfe'j,  and  othf & '• 


r  i  r> 


In  the  yeaf  1626,  under  the  reign  of  Gitftavus 
Adolphitsi  king  of  Sweden,  a  fcheme  was  let  on 
foot  in  that  kingdom,  for  fettling  a  colony  in  Ame*  and 
r/Vtf;  This  was  chiefly  promoted  by  the  great  com-- 
mendation  which  William  Ufeling^  an  eminent  mer-  * 
ehant,  gave  of  this  country;  and  the  undertaking 
was,    in   the   following  year,    1627,    principally 
through  his  means  and  perfuafion,  put  in  execu- 
tion. 

The  firft  landing  of  the  Swedes  arid  Fins,  this 
year,  was  at  cape  In/open,  the  interior  cape  of  De- 
laware;* which,  from  its  pleafant  appearance  to 


*  This  cape  is  frequently  confounded  with  cape  Hinlopen,  the  exte- 
rior, or  the  Falfe-cape,  in  Feniuick*  s  ifland,  being  written  in  the  lame 
manner,  and  fometimes,  Henloptn;  —  faid  to  be  a  Swedifh  word,  figni- 
fying,  Entering  in:  —  It  was  alfo  formerly,  fometimes  called  cape  Corne- 
lius, and  afterwards  by  William  Ptnn,  cape  James.  —  It  is  iituated  in 
north  latitude  38  degrees,  56  minutes. 

In  the  notes  to  Smiths  hiftory  of  Neio-Jerfey,  is  inferted  ah  extract 
from  a  pamphlet,  faid  there  to  have  been  publifhed  in  1648,  entitled, 
"  A  defcription  of  tkt  province  of  Neiu-Allivii,  —  in  Worth  America"  &C. 
[which  country,  extendklg  from  the  weft  bank  of  North-  river  to  the 
bounds  of  Virginia  ,  is  faid  to  have  been  granted  by  king  Ja/nes  the  firll 
to  fir  Edward  Ploeyden,  made  earl  Palatine  of  the  fame,]  giving,  among; 
other  things,  an  account  of  the  country,  on  the  bay  and  ritfef  of  Dl-la- 
tvare:  and  thowgh  part  of  it,  at  this  time,  appears  not  very  intelligible, 
yet,  as  it  is  funtewhaif  curious,  and  exhibits  whatnotion,  or  knowledge", 
of  this  country,  was  then  propagated,  the  following  extract  therefrom, 
may  probably  be  entertaining  to  Ibme. 

The  author,  giving  an  account  of  the  difco  verier,  of  Ci-fof,  further 
fays, 

"  The  faid  Cabof  took  poffeffiori  in  latitude  37  degrees',  of  that  part 
called  Virginia  and  Chefapeal:  bay,  —  ^and  of  the  next  great  bay,  in,  or 
near  39  degrees,  called  now  by  the  Dutch,  cape  Henlopen,  the  Sauth-ri-ver^ 
and  by  us  cape  James,  and  Delait+are  bay,  of  the  baroa  of  Delations  s 
iiame,  being  then  governor  of  Virginia-,  who,  by  fir  I'.bomasDate,  and 
iir  Samuel  Argoll,  forty  years  fince,  took  pollefllon  and  atturnment  of  the 
indian  kings;  and  fixty  years  fince,  fir  Walter  Raleigh  feated  and  left 
thirty  men,  and  four  pieces  of  ordnance;  and  the  creek,  near  cape 
yames,  by  the  Dutch  called  Horekill^  by  US  Roymour>t,  and  by  the  Indians^ 
Cvi  Achomoca  ;"  —  (fpcakingof  the  Dutch,  in  Nt-w-Netherland,  hefays,)-*- 
'•'  and  in  general  they  endanger  all  fiis  majefties  adjoining  countries,  nioft 
wickedly,  felonioufly,  and  trafteroufly,  contrary  to  the  marine  and  ad- 
miral laws  of  all  chriftiaiis,  fell,  by  wholefale,  guns,  powder,  fhot  and 
arrtmunitien  to  the  Indians,  iriRructing  them  in  the  ufe  of  our  fighls  and 
arms;  —  likewife,  the  Sivedes  hiring  out  three  of  their  foldiers  to  the 
Siifquahannocks)  have  taught  them  the  ufe  of  our  arms  and  fights."  — 

"  Whereas,  that  part  of  America,  or  North-Virginia,  lying  about  3  9 
degrees,  on  Delaware  bay,  called  The  province  of  New  Albion,  is  fitU- 
»ted  in  th?  Left,  and  fame  temper  as  Italy;  between  toe  cold  Germany^ 


X 1 2  Inirodu&iori. 

them,  they  named  Paradife-point.-  They  ate  laid 
to  have  purchafed  of  fome  Indians,  the  land  from 
cape  In/open,  to  the  falls  of  Delaware,  on  both 
iides  of  th^  river;  which  they  called  New-Swede- 
land  fir  earn;  and  made  prefents  to  the  Indian  chiefs, 
to  obtain  peaceable  poiTefTion  of  the  land  fo  pur- 
chafed: 

and  too  hot  Barbary:  fo  this  lying  juft  midway  between' New- England, 
two  hundred  miles' north;  and  Virginia,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
fouth;  where  now  are  fettled  eight  thoufand  Englijb,  and  one  hundred 
and  forty  fhips  in  trade,  is  fr'eed  from  the  extreme  cold  and  barrennefs 
of  the  one,  and  heat  and  aguifh  marflies  of  the  oiher;  and  is  like  Lom- 
6arJy;  and  a  rich,  fat  foil,  plain,  and  having  thirty-four  rivers,  on  the 
main  land;  feventeen  great  ifles;  andpartaketh  of  the  h'ealthieft  air,  and 
moft  excellent  commodities  of  Europe,  and  replenifhed  with  the  good- 
lieft  woods  of  oak,  and  all  timber  tor  (hips  and  mails,  mulberries,  fweet 
Cyprus,  cedars,  pines  and  firs;  four  forts  of  grapes,  for  wine  and  raifins 
and  with  the  greateft  variety  of  choice  frtiits,  fifh  and  fowl;  ftoredwith 
all  forts  ef  corn,  yielding  five,  feven  and  ten  quarters  an  acre :  filkgrafs, 
fait,  good  mines,  and  dyers  ware;  five  forts  of  deer,  buffs,  and  huge  elks, 
to  plow  and  work,  all  bringing  three  young  at  oncei  The  uplands  co- 
vered many  months  with  berries,  roots,  chefnuts,  walnuts,  beech  and 
oak-mail,  to  feed  them;  hogs  and  turkies,  five  hundred  in  a  flock;  and 
having,  near  the  colony  of  Mantles,  four  hundred  thoufand  acres  of 
plain  mead  land,  and  mere  level,  to  be  flowed  and  flooded  by  that  river, 
for  corn,  rice,  grapes,  flax  and  hemp.  After  feventeen  years  trading, 
and  difcovering  there,  arid  trial  made,  is  begun  to  be  planted  and  ftored 
by  the  governor  and  company  of  New-Albion,  confiiting  of  forty-four 
lords,  baronets,  knights  and  merchants;  who,  forthe  true  informing  of 
thenlfelves,  their  friends,  adventurers  and  partners,  by  reiidents  and 
traders  there  four  feveral  years,  out'of  their  journal  books,  namely  cap- 
tain Browne,  a  fhip  maftsr,  and  matter  Stafford,  his  mate,  and  by  cap- 
tain Glay&ourit,  fourteen  years  there  trading,  and  Conjlantine  hi:s  Indian* 
there  born  and  bred,  and  by  mafter  Robert  Evelin,  four  years  there,  yet 
by  eight  of  their  hands  fubfcribed  and  enrolled,  do  teftify  this  to  be  the 
true  ftate  of  the  country  of  the  land  and  Delaware  bay,  or  Charles'" s  ri- 
ver; which  is  further  witnefled  by  captain  Smith,  and  other  books  oi 
Virginia,  and  by  New-England  profpedl,  Neiv-Cunaan,  captain  Powell*' 
map,  and  other  defcriptions  of  New  England  and  Virginia" 

"  Mafter  Evelht's  letter. 
"   Good  Madam, 

"  Sir  Edmund,  our  noble  governor  and  lord,  earl  Palatine, 
perfifting  ftill  in  his  noble  purpofe,  to  go  on  with  his  plantation,  on  De- 
laware or  Charles's  river,  juft  midway  between  New- England  and  Vir- 
ginia, where,  with  niy  unkle  Young,  I  feveral  years  refrded,  hath  often 
informed  himfelf,  both  of  me  and  mafter  Straiten,  as  I  perceive  by  the 
hands  fubfcribed,  of  Edward  Monmoath,  Tenis  Pake,  and  as  mafter  Buck- 
bam,  mafter  White,  and  other  (hip  mailers  and  failors,  whofe  hands  I 
know,  and  it  to  be  true,  that  there  lived  and  traded  with  me,  and  is 
fuffkiently  inftructed  of  the  ftate  of  the  country  and  people  there.  And 
1  fhould  very  gladly,  according  to  his  defire,  have  waited  upon  you  into 
Hampjhire,  to  have  informed  your  honor,  in  perfon,  had  I  not,  next 
been  pafling  to  Virginia.  But  never thelefs,  to  fatisfy  you  of  the 

truth. 


Introduction.  113 

ehafedv- with  whom  they  appear  to  have  lived  in 
much  amity;  but  they  were  frequently  difturbed 
by  the  Dutch ;  who,  in  the  year  1630,  built  a  fort      1630, 
\vithin  the  capes  of  Delaware,  at  the  place  now 
called  Lewis-town,  but  then,  and  fornetime  fmce, 

Hoerkitl; 

truth,  I  thought  good  to  write  unto  you  my  knowledge,  and  firft,  to 
defcribe  to  you,  from  the  north  fide  of  Dsta-ware,  unto  HuJfons  river, 
in  fir  Edmund's  patent,  called  New Albion;  which  lyeth  jult  between 
STtiv- England  and  Maryland^  and  that  ocean-fea;  I  take  it  to  be  about 
one  hundred  and  fmy  mile*;  I  find  fome  broken  land,  ifles  and  inlets, 
and  many  fmall  ifles  at  Egg-lay.  But,  going  to  Delaware-bay}  by  cape 
.flf.y-y;  which  is  twenty-four  miles,  at  moft,  and  is,  ai  I  underftand,  very 
well  ft't  o?:t,  and  printed  in  captain  PoiudTs  map  of  Ne.iv- England,  done, 
as  is  told  me,  by  a  draught  I  gave  to  M.  Daniel,  the  plot  maker;  which, 
fir  Edmund  faith,  you  !|»  ve  at  home; — on  that  north  fide,  about  five  miles 
within,  a  port,  or  road,  for  any  fhips,  called  the  Nook;  and  within  lyeth 
the  king  of  Kecbetneches,  having,  as  I  fuppofe,  about  fifty  men;  and  twelve 
leagues  higher,  a  little  above  the  bay  and  bar,  is  the  river  of  Mantefes^ 
which  hath  twenty  miles  on  Charles  river,  and  thirty  miles  running  up 
a  fair  navigable,  deep  river,  all  a  flat  level  of  rich  and  fat  black  marfh 
mould;  which  I  think  to  be  three  hundred  thoufand  acres.  In  this  fir  Ed- 
OTWU/ intends,  as  he  faith,  to  fettle;  and  there  the  king  of  Ivfantefis  hath  about 
one  hundred  bowmen.  Next  above,  about  fix  leagues  higher,  is  a  fair 
deep  river,  twelve  miles  navigable;  where  is  Fres-Jlone,  and  there,  over 
againft  it,  is  the  king  of  Sltontffis;  and  next  is  Afomocbes  river  and  king, 
with  an  hundred  men;  and  next  is  Eriwonetfa  a  king  of  forty  men; 
where  we  fat  down;  and  five  miles  above  is  the  king  of  Ramcock^  with 
ene  hundred  men;  and  four  miles  higher  the  king  of  Ax'ton,  with  two- 
handred  men;  and  next  to  him,  ten  leagues  over  land,  an  inland  king 
Calcdfary  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men;  and  then  there  is,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  Charles's  rivtr,  two  fair  woody  iflnnds,  very  pleafant  and  fit  for 
parks,  one  of  one  thoufand  acres,  the  other  of  one  thoufand  four  hundred, 
or  thereabouts;  and  fix  leagues  higher,  near  a  creek,  called  Mojilian^  the 
king  having  two  hundred  men;  and  then  we  corne  to  the  falts,  made  by 
a  rock  of  limcftone;  as  I  fuppofe,  it  is  about  fixty-five  leagues  from  the 
fea: — ueur  to  which  is  an  ifle,  fit  for  a  city;  all  materials  there  to 
build;  and  above,  the  river  fair  and  navigable,  as  the  Indians  inform  me; 
for  I  went  but  ten  miles  higher.  I  do  account  all  the  Indians  to  be  about 
eight  hundred;  and  are  in  fevoral  factions  and  war  againft  the  Sufquahan- 
nocks;  and  are  all  extreme  fearful  of  a  gun,  naked  and  unarmed  againft 
our  (hot,  fwords  and  pikes.  I  had  fome  bickering  with  fome. of  them; 
and  they  are  of  fo  little  efteem,  as  I  duril,  with  fifteen  men,  fit' down,  or 
trade  in  defpight  of  them;  and  fince  my  return  eighteen  Swedes  are  fet- 
tled there;  and  fo  foraetinics  lixteen  Dut^jtaen  do,  in  a  boat,  trade  with-, 
out  fear  of  them." 

"  I  faw  there  an  infinite  quantity  of  buirards,  fwans,  geefe  and  fowl, 
covering  the  ihorcs;  as  within,  the  like  multitude  of  pidgeons,  and  llorc 
of  turkies;  of  which  1  tried  one  to  weigh  forty-fix  pounds.  There  is 
much  variety  aud  plenty  of  delicate  frefh  lea  filh,  and  ihell  fiih,  and 
whales  or  grampus;  elks,  deer  that  bring  three  young  at  a  time,  and  the 
woods  beftrewed  many  months  with  chefnuts,  walnuts  and  maft  of  fe- 
veral  forts,  to  feed  them  $nd  hogs,  that  would  increafe  exceedingly. 
Thtrs  the  barren  grounds  have  four  kind^of  grapes,  and  many  mulber- 
ries, 


1 1 4.  Intr  oduEiion. 

The  swedes  liocrklll ; — But  both  they  and  the  Dutch  appear  tc* 
and  Dutch  jjave  agreed  fo  far  together,  as  to  unite  in  expel- 
™amft  3"the  ling  fuch  Englifhi  as  about  this  time,  began  to  fet> 
EnfcLi&,&c.  tje  near,  or  on  the  call  fide  of  Delaware^  and  to 
prevent  them  from,  coming  among  them. 

la 

ries,  with  afh,  elms,  and  the  talleft  and  greateft  pines  and  pitch  trees,, 
fhat  I  have  feen.  There  are  cedars,  cypfefs  and  faflufras,  with  wild 
fruits,  pears,  wild-cherries,  pine-apples,  and  the  dainty  Parfcmcnas;  and 
there  is  no  queftion  but  Almonds,  and  other  fruits  of  Spain,  will  profper, 
as  in  Virginia:  And  (which is  a  good  comfort)  in  four  and  twenty  hour&j 
you  may  fend,  or  sjcvby  fea,  to  Neva-England,  or  Virginia,  with  a  fair 
wind;  you  may  have  cattle,  and  from  tfve  Indians  two  thoufand  bufhels 
of  corn,  at  twelve  pence  a  bufhel,  in  truck;  fo  as  victual*  are  there 
cheaper  and  better  than  to  be  tranfportcd;  neither  do  I  con-ceive  any  great 
need  of  -  fort,  or  charge,  where  there  isnoenerry." 

"  If  my  lord  Palatine  will  bring  with  him  three  hundred  men,  or 
more,  there  is  no  doubt,  but  he  may  do  very  well,  and  grow  rich;  for  it 
is  a  moft  pure  healthful  air,  and  fach  pure  wholcforne  fprings,  rivers  and' 
waters,  as  are  delightful  of  a  dcfert,  as  can  be  feeaj  with  fo  many  va- 
rieties of  fevtral  ffowers,  trees  and  forefls,  forfwine;  fonrany  fair  rifings 
and  profpe&s,  all  green  and  verdant :  and  Maryland,  a  good  friend  and 
neighbour,  ifi  four  and  twenty  hours,  ready  to  comfort  and  fupply." 

"  And  truly,  I  believe,  my  lord  of  Baltimore  will  be  glad  of  my  lord 
Palatines  plantation  and  afSftance,  againft  any  enemy,  or  bad  neigh- 
bour :  and  if  my  lord  Palatine  employ  fome  men  to  fow  flax,  hemp  and 
rapes  in  thefe  rich  marines,  or  build  fhipSj  and  make  pipe  ftavea-,  and 
load  fome  mips  with  thefe  wares-,  or  fiih,  from  the  northward,  he  may 
have  any  money,  ware,  or  company,  brought  hirer,  by  hia  own  lh!p», 
or  the  fhips  of  Virginia,  or  Neiu- England,  all  the  year." 

"  Arid  becaufe  your  honour  is  of  i.\e  noble  hoitfe  of  the  Pallets,  and* 
as  I  am  informed,  defire  to  lead  many  of  your  friends  and  kindred  thi- 
ther, whom,  as  I  honour,,  I  defire  to  ferve,  1  iiiall  entreat  you  to  believe 
me,  as  a  gentleman  and  chriilian,  I  write  to  you  nothing  but  the  truth,, 
and  hope  there  to  take  opportunity,  in  due  feafon  to  vilit  you,  and  do 
all  the  good  offices,  in  Virginia,  my  place  and  friends  can  ferve  you  in  : 
And  thus  tendering  myfervice,  I  reft,  madam-,  youi»  honours  moft  hum- 
ble, faithful  fcr-vant, 

"  Ralcrt  Evelin." 

"  Now  fince  mafter  Elmsst  s  letter,  and  fcven  years  difcoveries  of  the 
lord  governor  in  perfon,  and  by  honeft  traders  with  the  Indians,  we  find, 
tefide  the  Indian  kings,  by  him  known  and  printed,  in  this  province, 
there  are,  in  all  twenty-three  Indian  kings,  or  chief  commanders,  and 
befides  the  number  of  eight  hundred  by  him  named,  there  are,  at  leafl, 
one  thoufand  two  hundred,  under  the  Raritan  kings,  on  die  north  fide, 
next  to  HuJfon's  river;  and  thofe  come  down  to  the  ocean,  about  Little- 
egg-bay,  and  Handy  Barnegate,  and  about  the  fouth  cape,  two  fmall  kings- 
of  forty  men  a  piece,  called  rl"irans,  or  Tiafcons;-  and  a  third  reduced  to 
fourteen  men,  at  Roymoient:  The  Sufquaba/moch  are  not  now,  of  the  na- 
turals, left  above  one  hundred  and  ten,  though  with  their  forced  auxilia- 
ries, the  Ihon-a-Does,  and  Wycomefcs.,  they  can  make  two  hundred  and 
fifty; — Thefe  together  are  counted  valiant  and  terrible  to  other  cowardly 
dull  Indians ;  which  they  beat  with  the  fight  of  guns  only," 

«  The 


Introduction.  nj 

In  1631,  the  Swedes  crafted  a  fort  on  the  weft     1631. 
fide  of  Delaware-  at  a  place  near  Wilmington*  upon  TheSwede« 

i  f'   i     /Tii      r  £  r     r  er*&  a  fort 

the  river,  or  creek,  which  lull,  from  the  name  of 
the  fort,  is  called  Chriftina9  or  Chri/leen9  where  &c- 
they  had  hid  out  a  town,  and  made  their  firft  fet- 
dement. 

On 

**  The  eighth  feat  is  Kihhrpy,  near  the  fails  of  Claries  river,  near 
two  hundred  miles  up  from  the  ocean;  it  hath  clear  fields  to  plant  and 
fow;  and  near  it  are  fvveet,  large  meads  of  Clover,  or  Huney-fuckle,  no 
ivhere  elfein  America,  to  be  feen,  unlefs  tranfported  from  Ettrop-ej  a  ftiip 
of  one  hundred  and  forty  tons  may  come  up  to  thefe  falls;  which  is  the 
Ibeft  feat  for  health,  and  a  trading  houfe  to  be  built  on  the  rocks;  and  ten 
leagues  higher  are  Lead-minet,  in  ftony  hills." 

"  The  ninth  is  called  mount  Ploydtn,  the  feat  of  the  Rarltan  kings,  on 
the  north  fide  of  this  province,  twenty  miles  from  Sand-bay  fea,  and 
ninety  from  the  ocean,  next  to  Amara-h'sil,  the  retired  ParaJife  of  the 
children  of  the  Ethiopian  emperor,  a  wonder;  for  it  is  a  fquare  rock, 
two  miles  compafs,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high,  a  wall-like  precipice, 
a  ftrait  entrance,  eafily  made  invinfibie;  where  he  keeps  two  hundred  for 
his  guard;  and  under  it  is  a  flat  valley,  all  plain,  to  plant  and  fow." 

"  The  Sufquebammck^t  new  town  is  alfo  a  rare,  healthy  and  rich  place, 
with  it  a  chryftnl  broad  river;  but  fome  falls  below  hinder  navigation ; 
and  the  Hook-hill,  on  the  ocean,  \vith  its  clear  fields,  near  HndfoKs  river, 
on  the  fouth  iide  is  much  commended  for  health  and  fifh,  were  it  not  fo 
northerly/* 

"  The  bounds  arc  one  thoufand  miles  compafs,  of  this  moft  temperate 
rich  province;  for  our  fouth  bound,  is  Maryland*  northbound; — and  be- 
ginning at  Aqunis,  or  the  fouthermoft,  or  firft  cape  of  Delaware  bay,  in 
38  degrees,  40  minutes,  and  fo  runneth  by,  or  through,  cr  including 
Kent  ifle,  through  Cbefapcak  bay,  to  Pifccta^vay^  including  the  falls  of 
Petotvmack  river,  to  the  head,  or  northermoft  branch  of  tlrat  river,  being 
three  hundred  miles  due  weft;  and  thence  northward  to  the  head  of  Hud- 
font  river,  fifty  leagues;  ar.d  fo  down  Hudfonf  river,  to  the  ocean,  fixty 
leagues,  and  thence  to  the  ocean  and  ifles  acrofs  Delaware  bay,  to  the 
fouth  cape,  fifty  leagues;  in  all  feven  hundred  and  eighty  miles.  Then 
all  Hudfans  river,  ifles,  Long-ifle,  or  Pamunke,  and  all  ifles  within  ten 
leagues  of  the  faid  province  being.  And  note,  Long-tfland  alone  is 
twenty  miles  broad,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty  long;  fo  that  alone  is 
four  hundred  miles  compafs.  Now  I  have  examined  all  former  patents, 
fome  being  furrcndered,  and  fome  adjudged  void,  as  gotten  on  falfe  fug- 
geftions;  as,  that  at  the  council  table  was,  at  mailer  Conge s  fuit  of  Man- 
tacb-ttfets;  and,  as  captain  daylong  heretofore  fecretary,  and  now  trea- 
furer,  of  Virginia,  in  difpute  \v;rh  mafter  Leonard  Calvert,  alledgeth; 
that  of  Maryland  is  like  wife  void,  in  part,  as  gotten  on  falfe  fuggeftions; 
for,  as  captain  Clayborn  flieweth,  the  Maryland  patent,  in  the  firft  part, 
declareth  the  king's  intention  to  be,  to  grant  aland,  thereafter  defcibed, 
altogether  dijhabited  and  implanted,  though  pcrTefied  with  Indians,  Now 
Kent-i/le  was  with  many  houfeholda  of  Englijb  by  captain  C.  Clayborn  before, 
feared;  andbecaufe  hismajefty,  by  his  privy  fignet,  ihortly  after  declared, 
it  was  not  his  intention  to  grant  any  lands  before  feated  and  habited :  and 
for  that  it  lyeth,  by  the  Maryland  printed  card,  cler/i  northward,  within 
Albion,  and  not  in  Maryland:  and  not  only  late  fsaman,  but  old  Depo< 

fitions 


1 1 6  Introduftibn. 

1 63 1,&-.  On  the  ifland  Tenecum,  in  the  river  Delaware *, 
fixteen  miies  above  this  town,  they  built  a  fort, 
which  they  called  New  Gottemburgh ;  here  their 
Governor,  yohn  Print z^  had  a  fine  fettlement, 
which  was  named  Printz's  Hall;  and  on  the  farrife 
ifland  the  principal  fettlers  had  their  plantations. 
They  had  alfo  other  forts,  as  at  Chefter,  Elftngburg 
near  Salem,  &c. 

163*.          On  the  twentieth  of  June  1632,  the  young  lord 
The  firfc     Baltimore-    Cxcilius  Cafoert,   obtained  from  king 

rile   of  the  ,  .     ,  .    .  o 

colony  of  Charles i  a  grant  or  the  unoccupied  part  of  Virginia, 
Maryland.  from  Potowmack  river  northward,  including  lands 
both  on  the  eaft  and  weft  fide  of  Ghefapeak;  of 
which  his  father,  Sir  George  Cafoert^  Secretary  of 
ftate,  had  before  received  a  promife,  but  died  be- 
fore the  grant  was  made  out;  the  king  himfelf 
named  it  Maryland,  in  honor  of  his  queen,  Hen- 
rietta Maria. 

1631.         This  province  is  fituated  between  37  and4ode- 
situdtion  grees  Of  north  latitude,  and  according  to  the  words 

and  bounds  o  >  o  m 

of  Mary-  of  the  patent,—  Tis  all  that  part  of  a  Penmfula, 
land.  lying  between  the  ocean  on  the  eaft,  and  the  bay  of 
Chefapeak,  on  the  weft,  and  divided  from  the  other 
part,  by  a  right  line,,  drawn  from  the  cape,  called 
Watkins's  point,  fituated  in  the  aforefaid  bay,  near 
the  river  Wigbco,  on  the  weft,  unto  the  main  ocean, 

on 

fitions,  in  Cla\l>ornts  hand,  {foe -A*  it  to  he  out  of  P.f.irria'n'-  and  for  that, 
Alblons  privy  fignet  is  elder,  and  before  Maryland  patent;  Clayborn,  by 
force,  entered  and  tbruft  out  matter  Cal-vert  out  of  K*r>i -,  next  'Maryland 
pa-ent,  coming  to  the  ocean,  faith,  along  by  the  ocean,  upcn  Delaware 
bay;  that  is,  the  firft  cape  of  the  tM-o,  nioA  plain  in -view,  and  expreffed 
in  all  the  late  JLnglijb  and  '£i:td<  rcr..!1-;  and  unt*  Del-.iii-are  bay  is  not 
'into  the  hay,  nor  farther  thin  the  cape,  heading  the  bay,  being  in  38 
degree?,  40  minutes,  or,  at  moft,  by  feven  observations  I  have  feen,  38 
degrees  50  minutes;  fo  as  undoubtedly,  that  is  the  true  intended,  and 
ground  bound  and  line,  and  further;  for  the  words  following  are  not 
words  of  grant,  hut  words  of  declaration,  that  is.  Which  Delaware-Lay 
lyeth  in  40  degrees,  where  New-P.ngland  ends;  thefe  are  both  untrue,  and 
fo  being  declarative,  as  a  falfe  fuggeftion,  is  void^  for  no  part  of  J)ela~ 
•ware  bay  lyeth  in  40  degrees*,  new  if  there  were  but  the  leaft  doubt  of 
thefe  true  bounds,  I  fnould  rvifh,  by  confent,  or  commiffion,  and  peram- 
bulation and  boundary;  not  but  there  island  enough  for  all;  and  I  hold 
Kent-iflr,  having  lateiy  but  twenty  men  in  it,  and  the  mill  and  fort  pul- 
led down,  and  in  war  with  all  the  Indians  near  it,  is  not  worth  the 
teeping.*' 


Introduflion.  1 1 7 

en  the  eaft;  and  between  that  bound,  on  the  fouth, 
unto  that  part  of  Delaware  bay,  on  the  north, 
which  lies  under  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude, &c.  and  all  that  tract -of  land,  from  the  afore- 
faid  bay  of  Delaware,  in  a  right  line,  by  the  de- 
gree aforefaid,  to  the  true  meridian  of  the  firft 
fountain  of  the  river  Potowmack,  and  from  thence 
tending  towards  the  fouth,  to  the  further  bank  of 
the  aforefaid  river,  and  following  the  weft  and  fouth 
fide  of  it,  to  a  certain  place  called  Cinquack,  fitu- 
ated  near  the  mouth  of  faid  river,  where  it  falls 
Into  the  bay  of  Cbefapeak,  and  from  thence  by  a 
ftraight  line,  to  the  aforefaid  cape,  called  Watkins's 
point,  &c." 

Thefe  are  the  bounds  of  Maryland,  as  exprefTed 
in  the  patent ; — concerning  which  afterwards  there 
was  fo  long  a  difpute  between  the  Proprietaries  of 
that  province,  and  of  Pennfyfoania ;  arifmg  prin- 
cipally from  the  different  conftruclion  of  the  words, 
expreffing  the  boundary  between  them,  made  by 
each  party,  and  of  the  intention  of  the  faid  grant: 
for,  firft,  the  extent  of  land,  contained  in  the 
fortieth  degree  of  latitude  which  was  to  be  the 
north  boundary  of  Maryland,  by  charter,  was 
afterwards  claimed  by  both  provinces,  as  lying 
entirely  within  each  of  their  reflective  grants; 
which  made  a  very  material  difference, 

Secondly,  That  part  of  the  weftern  fhore  of  De-      1632. 
laware,  which  appears  to  come  within  the  bounds  bou°"s  ^ 
of  Lord  Baltimore's  grant,  had,  long  before  this  tween  Ma- 
time,  been  poflefled  and  inhabited  by  both  Dutch  ry!anj  ,and 

in          if  rr-       i  i    •          11  i        Pennfylva- 

and  swedes  mcceinvely;  and  was  claimed  by  the  nia,  &c. 
former  as  a  part  of  New  Netherlands  and  was 
then  actually  in  pofleilion  of  the  latter;  whereas 
it  appears  manifeft,  both  from  the  Maryland 
patent,  and  the  beft  documents,  that  only  fuch 
lands  were  intended  to  be  granted  to  the  Lord 
Baltimore,  as  were  uncultivated,  and  uninhabited 
by  any  people  except  Indians. — But  as  this  affair 
will  be  further  mentioned  in  the  following  hif- 
tory  of  Pennfyhania,  I  {hall  only  obferve,  in 

this 


1 1 8  Introduction. 

this  place,  that,  in  confequence  of  this  grant,  the 
following  year,  the  laid  Lord  Baltimore  (being  a 
Roman  Catholic)  carried  feveral  hundred  perlons 
to  his  new  colony,  moftly  Papifts,  that  there  they 
might  enjoy  quietly  the  e^erciieof  their  religion.* 

i  ?54,  &c.       John  Printz,  continued  Governor  of  the  Swedes^ 
of   the  on    Delaware^    from    his    arrival    till    about   the 
T  Year  *  654,  when  he  returned  to  Sweden,  having 
.  iirft  deputed  his  fon-in-law,  John  Papcgcia^  Go- 
venior  in  his  flead;  who  alib,  fometime  after,  re- 
turned to  his  native  country,  and  left  the  govern- 
ment to  John  Rtfingh. 

It  was  during  the  admmiflration  of  Printz,  in 
in  1651,  that  the  Dutch  built  fort  Cqfimir^  now 
called  New  Caftle  on  Delaware,^  againft  which  he 

folemnly 

*  "•  The  year  1632  (foys  Anderfon,  before  quoted)  gave  rife  to  the 
colony  of  Maryland^  being  a  part  of  what  was  then  reckoned  Virginia. 
Sir  George  Calvert,  fecrctary  of  ftate,  (he,  or  his  ion,  being  afterwards 
created  lord  Baltimore}  having,  in  the  years  1621  and  1622,  obtained  of 
king  Ja/n™,  a  grant  of  part  of  Newfoundland,  he,  fome  time  after,  re- 
moved thither,  with  his  family,  but  he  fbon  found  it  to  be  one  of  the 
worft  countries,  in  the  habitable  world.  Whereupon  he  returned  back  to 
Rnglind,  and,  he  being  a  confcientious  Roman  catholic,  (fays  fir  William 
Knth,  in  his  hiftory  of  Virginia)  was  inclined  to  retire,  with  his  family, 
to  fome  part  of  Virginia,  there  quietly  to  enjoy  the  free  exercife  of  his 
religion;  for  which  purpofe  he  went  thither  himfelf;"  (in,  or  about  the 
year  1631)  "  but  being  difcouraged  by  the  univerfal  diflike,  which  he 
perceiving  the  people  of  Virginia  had  to  the  very  name  of  a  P-'piJt,  he 
left  Virginia,  and  went  further  up  the  bay  of  Cltafpeak;  and  finding 
there  a  very  large  tracT.  of  land,  commodioufly  watered  with  many  fine 
rivers,  and  not  yet  planted  by  any  CLrifiians,  he  returnee!  for  England, 
a.nd  reprefented  to  the  king,  that  the  colony  of  Virginia  had  r.ot,  as  yet, 
occupied,  any  lands  beyond  the  fouth  bound  of  Potoiumack  river;  whereupon 
he  obtained  a  promife  of  the  king's  grant,  but  dying  before  it  was  made 
out,  his  fon  Caecilius  took  it  out  in  his  own  name,  on  tae  twentieth  of 
June,  1632;  the  king  himfelf  naming  it  Maryland,  in  honour  of  his 
queen,  Henrietta  Maria.  It  is  held  by  the  lords  Baltimore  of  the  crown, 
in  fre.£  and  common  foci^e,  as  of  tbs  kings  honour  of  luindjor,  yielding  and 
faying  yearly  for  ever  (if  demanded)  tivo  Indian  arrows;  —  by  which 
charter  this  lord  proprietary  has  as  plenary,  or  fovereign,  a  power,  as 
any  in  America;  having  the  fole  right  to  all  the  quit  rents  cf  land  there- 
in, which  he  fhall  grant  out  to  his  Land -holders;  who,  however,  are 
empowered  by  ths  crown,  to  lay  on  all  proper  taxes,  &c.  in  their  general 
courts,  compofed  of  their  reprefentatives  duly  ele&ed,  and  of  the  coun- 
cil :  and  the  governor  is  always  to  be  appointed  by  the  faid  lord  propri- 
etary, with  the  king's  approbation,  £c." 

f  This  place,  after  it  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Engttfl,  was  fome-! 
times  called  Delaware  ttfwn. 


Introduction.  1  1  9 


iblemnly  protefted  ;  and  afterwards  Rifingb  took  it 
from  them  by  ftratagetn.  He  likewife  renewed  the 
league  of  friendship  with  both  the  Engll/h  and 
Dutch  in  the  neighbourhood;  and  aifo  withths 
Indians,  at  a  mseting  held  with  their  chiefs,  for 
that  purpofe,  at  Printers  hall,  on  Tens  cum  Ifiand. 

The  Indians  had  before  complained.,  that  the 
Swedes  had  introduced  much  evil  among  them  ;  in 
confequence  of  which  they  alledged,  that  many  of 
the  Indians,  fmce  their  coming  were  dead.     But 
the  Swedes,  at  this  treaty,  by  making  them  pre-  Treaty  be- 
fents,  and  treating  them  kindly,    removed  their  tween   the 
murmurings,  renewed  and  fixed  a  more  drift  and  ^an!.Uld 
permanent  friendfhip  between  them.    Their  chief, 
Noamen,  expreiTed,  —  <c  That  as  formerly  they  had 
been  but  one  body  and  one  heart,  they  mould  be 
henceforward  as  one  head;  —  It  was  concluded  with 
mutual  engagements  to  affift,  and  ftand  by  each 
other,  in  all  future  attempts,  that  fhould  be  made 
againfl  either  party.    This  league,  or  agreement,  is 
laid  to  have  been  faithfully  kept  by  the  Indians. 

But  the  Dutch,  who,  in  the  neighbouring  fettle-  The  Dutch 
ment,  had  before  been  troublefome,  to  the  Swedes,  redu^ 
in  the  year  1655,  ntte(^  out  flx  or  feven  veffeis, 
from  New  Amfierdam,  with  fix  or  feven  hundred 
men  ;  and,  in  the  fummer  of  this  year,  under  the 
command  of  their  Governor,  Peter  Stv.'vej  ant  came 
up  Delaware,  and  compelled  the  Swedes,  who  were 
in  an  unprepared  condition  to  oppofe  them,  to  de- 
liver up  their  forts,  on  terms.  They  deftroyed 
New  Gottcmburg,  with  fuch  houfes  as  were  without 
the  fort;  plundering  the  inhabitants,  and  killing 
their  cattle.  The  officers  and  principal  inhabitants 
among  the  Swedes,  were  carried  prifoners  to  New 
Amjlerdam\  and  thence  to  Holland;  but  the  com- 
mon people,  fubrnitting  to  the  Dutch,  remained 
in  the  conntry.  Thus  the  Dutch  became  pof- 
feffed  again  of  that  part  of  the  weft  fide  of  Dela- 
ware bay,  &c.  iince  called  the  Three  kwer  counties 
on  Delaware. 

This 


I2O  Introduction. 

Smith's  hif-  This  country  was  afterwards  under* the  command 
eW  °f  Lieutenant  Governors,  iubject  to  the  controul 
of,  and  commifTioned  by,  the  Direclor  General  of 
New  Amftcrdam,  (now  New  York)  John  Paul 
Jacquet  was  the  firft  Vice  Director,  or  Lieutenant 
Governor,  of  South  River  (now  Delaware)  his 
fucceffors  were  Alricks,  Hinojojfa  and  William  Beek- 
man. 

1657,  &c.       Thefe  Lieutenants  had  power  to  grant  lands,  and 

ibid,     their  patents  made  a  part  of  the  ancient  titles  of 

the  prefent  poiTefTors.    Alricks's  commillion  of  the 

twelfth  of  April,   1657,  mews  the  extent  of  the 

Dutch-  claim,  on  the  weft  fide  of  Delaware^  at  that 

time.     He  was  appointed  Director  General  of  the 

Colony  of  South  river  of  New  Netherlands*,  and 

Extent  of  the  fortrefs  of  Cafimir^  now  called  Niewer  Amftel^ 

daeimDutoa  (New  Cafile)  with  all  the  lands  depending  thereon, 

Delaware,  according  to  the^  firft  purchafe  and  deed  of  releafe 
of  the  natives,  dated  July  nineteenth,  1651,  be- 
ginning  at  the  weft  fide  of  the  Minquaas,  or  Ghrif- 
tina  Kill,  in  the  Indian  language,  Sufpecough,  to 
the  mouth  of  the  bay,  or  river,  called  Bompt-hook, 
in  the  Indian  language,  Canaraffe\  and  fo  far  in- 
land as  the  bounds  and  limits  of  the  Minquaas  land, 
with  all  the  dreams,  &c.  appurtenances  and  de- 
pendencies." 

ibid.  cc  Of  the  country  northward  of  the  Kill  no 
mention  is  made.  In  1658,  orders  were  given  to 
William  Beekman,  to  purchafe  Cape  Hinlopen  from 
the  natives;  and  to  fettle  and  fortify  it;  which,  for 
want  of  goods,  was  not  done  till  the  fucceeding 
year." 
LordBai-  "  In  the  year,  1659,  frefli  troubles  arofe  from 

Sim6'8  on  ^  Maryland  claim  to  the  lands  on  South  river; 

Delaware,  and  in  September,  Colonel  Nathaniel  £/?/>,  a's  com- 

&c-  miffioner.  from  Fendal,  Lord  Baltimore's  Governor, 

arrived  at  Niewer  Amftel^  from  Maryland.  The 
country  was  ordered  to  be  evacuated;  Lord  Ifo/- 
tlmore  claiming  all  the  land  between  38  and  40 
degrees  of  latitude,  from  fea  to  fea." 

This 


ktfoduffion,  121 

This  claim  of  Lord  Baltimore  appears  to  have 
laid  long  undetermined,  and,  in  Auguft,  1663,  a 
(hip  arrived  from  Holland,  at  South  river,  with  new 
planters,  ammunition  and  implements  of  hufban- 
dry.  Lord  Baltimore's  fon  landed  a  little  after,  and 
was  entertained  by  Beekman,  at  Niewer  Amjlel. 
This  was  Charles,  the  fon  of  Csscilius,  who,  in 
1 66 1,  had  procured  a  grant  and  confirmation  of  .  ,. 

'     /r    i     •        r  r   1  •      r     i  •  ^  Impedi- 

the  patent  palled  in  favor  of  his  father  in  1632.  mentstothe 
The  papiftical  principles  of  the  Baltimore  family,  advance- 

r         i       •    •  .  , .  J  7  ment        of 

the  charge  of  colonizing,  the  parliamentary  war  Maryland, 
with  Charles  the  firfl,  and  Oliver's  ufurpation,  all  &c-    Ibid- 
confpired  to  impede  the  fettlement  of  Maryland, 
till  the  year  1661,  and  thefe  confiderations  account 
for  the  extention  of  the  Dutch  limits  on  the  weft 
lide  of  Delaware" 

Thus  till  the  year  1664,  New  Sweden  and  New 
Netherland  continued  in  pofleflion,  and  under  the 
government,  of  the  Dutch;  who,  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  up  Hudson's  or  North  river,  at  their 
fort  Orange  (now  Albany)  are  fold,  then  to  have 
carried  on  a  very  profitable  trade  with  the  Indians, 
even,  as  far  as  Quebec. 

King  Charles  the  fecond,  having  no  great  re-     Grant  of 
gard  for  the  Dutch,  and  being  determined  to  pre-  ^e  ^otd 
vent  the  confequences,  that  might  arife  from  a  fet-  to  the  Duke 
tlement  of  that  nation,  in  the  midfl  of  the  Britifh  ^fc    York' 
colonies,  granted  a  patent  to  his  brother  James, 
Duke  of  fork  and  Albany,  dated  March  twentieth, 
1664,  for  fundry  traces  of  land,  in  America,  in- 
cluding what  the  Dutch  claimed  under  the  name   Bounds  of 
of  New  Netherland,  thus  defcribed  and  bounded, the  srant- 
viz. — "  All  that  part  of  the  main  land  of  New- 
England,    beginning  at  a  certain  place,  called,  or 
known,  by  the  name  of  St.  Croix,  next  adjoining 
to  New  Scotland,  in  America;  and  from  thence 
extending  along  the  fea  coaft  unto  a  certain  place, 
Pemaquie,  or  Pemaquid,  and  fo  up  the  river  thereof, 
to  the  furthermoft  head  of  the  fame,  as  it  tendeth 
north  ward  5  and  extending  from  thence  to  the  river 
[16]  of 


I  2  2 


Introduction* 


of  Kimbequin,  and  fo  upwards,  and  by  the  fhorteff 
courfe  to  the  river  Canada,  north  ward:  arid  alfo 
all  that  iiland,  or  iflands,  commonly  called  by  the 
feveral  name  or  names,  of  Meitowacks,  or  Long 
Jfland,  fituate  and  being  towards  the  welt  of  Cafe 
Cod,  and  the  narrow  Higanfetts,  abutting  iipon  the 
main  land,  between  the  two  rivers,  there  called  or 
known  by  the  feveral  names  of  Connecticut  and 
Hudfon  rivers;  and  all  the  land  from  the  well-fide 
of  Connecticut  river  to  the  eaft  fide  of  Delaware 
Bay;  and  alfo  all  thofe  feveral  Illands  called  or 
known  by  the  name  of  Martin's  Vineyard  or  Nan- 
tucks,  otherwife  Nantucket,"  £c. 

Upon  this  Sir  Robert  Carr,  joined  in  Commif- 
fion  with   Colonel  Richard  Nicolls,   George  Cart- 
wright  and  Sa?mtel  Maverick,   were  immediately 
fent  with  a  fmall  fleet  and  fome  land  forces,  to  put 
the  Duke  in  poifeffion  of  the  country,  which  they 
accordingly  effected;  for  coming  upon  the  Dutch 
at  unawares5  and  unprepared,  they  were  obliged 
go-  to  fur-render  up  the  country,  and  their  town  of 
w  dnifterdam,  on  North  river  ;  which  was  thence 
if-  forward  called  New-Tork,  in  honor  of  the  Duke 

toryolNew      r 

York,  &c.    01   lork. 

"  Cartwrigbt  was  commiffioned  to  fubdue  the 

Dutch,  at  fort  Orange;  the  garrifon  capitulated  on 

the  twenty-fourth  cf  September,  and  he  called  it 

Albany,  from  the  Duke's  Scotch  title.     While  Cart- 

Firft  league  wright  was"  here,   he  had  an  interview  with  the 

of   friend-  Indians  of  the  Five  nations,  and  entered  into  a  lea- 

thePbidians,  gue  of  frienuihip  v/ith  them,  \vhich  remarkably 

&c-  continues  to  this  day." 

inhabitants  ^ne  commiffioners  likewise  fent  Sir  Robert  Carr, 
on  Deia-  with  the  fhips  under  his  command,  to  reduce  the 
inhabitants  on  Delaware  bay  and  river;  which  he 
efFecled  without  much  difficulty;  for,  on  his  arri- 
val at  New-  Amjlel  (New  Caftle)  the  Dutch  and 
Swedes,  on  the  firfl  of  Oclober,  1  664,  capitulated 
and  furrendered  their  fort;  fix  of  the  principal  per- 

fons 


vernment. 


Introduction* 

foils  among  them  figning  articles  of  agreement  and 
fubmiffion  to  the  Britifh  government.* 

"  The  Englifh  being  now  poffeffed  of  all  the 
country  of  New  Netherlands  Colonel  Richard  Ni-  vemment 
colls  took  the  government  upon  him,  with  the  (tile  Y 
of  Deputy  Governor,  under  the  Duke  of  Tork,  of  on 
all  his  territories  in  America*" — very  few  of  thewa 
inhabitants  chofe  to  remove  out  of  the  country; 
and  Governor  Stuyvefant  himfelf  held  his  eftate 
and  died  in  it. 

In  the  latter  end  of  Oclober,  affairs  being  in  a 
quiet  Situation  at  New  Tork,  Nicolls  was  commif-  hiftory 
fione4  by  Cartwright  and  Maverick,  to  repair  to 
Delaware  bay,  for  the  government  of  that  place, 
by  deputing  iuch  officers,  civil  and  military,  and 
for  taking  fuch  other  meafures,  as  he  mould  think 

proper, 

*  Thefe  articles  were  as  follow,  viz. 

«  ARTICLES  OF  AGREEMENT  between  the  honorable  Sir  Robert 
Carr^  knight,  on  behalf  of  his  majefty  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  JSurgy 
Majlen,  on  behalf  of  themfeives  and  all  the  Dutch  and  Swedes,  inr 
habitants  on  Delaware  bay,  and  Delaipare  river. 

I.  "  That  all  BurgejTes  and  Planters  will  fubmit  themfelyes  to  his  Ma- 
without any  reiiftance. 

a.  "  That  whoever,  or  wha,i  natjon  foever,  doth  fubmit  to  his  Ma- 
authority,  fhall  be  protected  in   their  eftates,  real  a;id  perfonal 
ivhatfoevcr,  by  his  Majefty 's  laws  and  juftice. 

3.  "  That  the  prefent  Magillrates  fiiall  be  continued  in  their  offices 
and  jurifdi6lions,  to  exercife  their  civil  power  as  formerly. 

4.  "  Tbat  if  any   Dutchman >  or  other   p-rfon,  fhall  defire  to  depart 
from   this   river,  it  fhall   be    lawful   for  him  fo  to  do,  with  his  goods, 
within  fix  months  after  the  date  of  thefe  articles. 

5.  "  That  the  Magiftrates,  and  all  the  inhabitants  (who  are  included 
in  thefe  articles)  fhall  take  the  oaths  of  allegiance  to  his  Majefty. 

6.  "  That  all  people   fhail   enjoy  the  liberty  of  their  confciences,  in 
Church  difcipline,  as  formerly. 

7.  "  That  whoever  fhall  take   the  oaths,  is,  from  that  time,  a  free 
denizen,  and  fhall  enjoy  all  the  privileges   of  trading   into  any  of  big 
Majefty's  dominions,  as  freely  as  any  Englijhman,  and  may  require  a  cer- 
tificate for  fo  doing. 

8.  "  That  the    Sclout,  the  Burgo  Mafer,  Sheriff  and  other  inferior 
Magiftrates  fhall  ufe  and  exercife  their  cuftomary  power,  in  uciininifira- 
tian  of  juftice,  within  their  precincts,  for  fix  months,  or  until  his  M^« 
jefty's  pleafure  is  further  known. 

*'  Dated  O&vber  I/.  1664." 

\ 


1 24  IntroduElion. 

proper,  till  the  King's  pleafure  fhould  be  further 
known.  In  which  fituation,  affairs  in  this  quarter, 
remained  till  the  year  1668;  when  Nicolls  and  his 
Council,  at  New  Tork^  gave  further  directions, 
for  a  better  fettlement  of  the  government  on  De- 
laware, which  appears,  at  that  time,  to  have  been 
principally  admimftered  by  Carr;  who  refided  on 
the  place.* 


The 


*  Thefe  directions  were : — 


'  That  it  is  neceflary  to  hold  up  the  name  and  countenance  of  a  gar- 
rifon,  in  Delaware,  with  twenty  men,  and  one  commiflion  officer. 

"  That  the  commiflion  officer  {hall  undertake  to  provide  all  forts  of 
provifions  for  the  whole  garrifon,  at  the  rate  of  five  pence  per  day,  viz. 
wholcfome  bread,  beer,  peafe,  or  beef,  that  no  juft  complaint  be  made 
of  either;  that  the  foldiers  (fo  far  as  conveniently  may  be)  be  lodged  in 
the  fort,  and  keep  the  ftockades  up,  in  defence ;  that  the  civil  govern- 
ment, in  the  refpedtive  plantations,  be  continued  till  further  orders. 

"  That,  to  prevent  all  abufes,  or  oppofitions,  in  civil  Magiftrates,  fo 
often  as  complaint  is  made,  the  commifiion  officer,  captain  Carr,  fhall 
call  the  Scbout,  with  Hans  Block,  Ifrael  Holme,  Peter  Rambo,  Peter  Coct, 
Peter  Aldrick,  or  any  two  of  them,  as  counfellors,  to  advife  and  deter- 
mine, by  the  major  vote,  what  is  juft,  equitable  and  neceffary,  in  the 
cafe  and  cafes,  in  queftion. 

"  That  the  fume  perfons  alfo,  or  any  two  or  more  of  them,  be  cal- 
led ^p  advife  and  direct  what  is  beft  to  be  done  in  all  cafes  of  difficulty, 
which  may  arife  from  the  Indians,  and  to  give  their  council  and  orders, 
for  the  arming-  of  the  fever"al  plantations  and  planters,  who  muft  obey  and 
attend  their  fummons  upon  fuch  occafion. 

"  That  two-thirds,  at  leaft,  of  the  foldiers  remain  conftantly  in  and 
about  Neiucajlle  at  all  hours. 

"  That  the  fines  or  premunires,  and  light  offences  be  executed  with 
moderation;  though  it  is  alfo  neceffary  that  ill  men  be  punifhed,  in  an 
exemplary  manner. 

"  That  the  commiflion  officer  captain  Carr,  in  the  determination  of 
civil  affairs,  whereunto  the  temporary,  before  mentioned,  counfellors  are 
ordered,  fhall  have  a  cafting  voice,  where  votes  are  equal. 

"  That  the  new  appointed  courifeliors  are  to  take  the  oath  to  his  Royal 
Highnefs  • 

V  That  the  laws  of  the  government,  eilablifhed  by  his  Royal  Hlgbnefs 
be  mewed,  and  frequently  communicated  to  the  faid  counfellors,  and 
.all  others,  to  the  end  that,  being  therewith  acquainted,  the  practice  of 
them  may  alfo,  in  convenient  time,  be  ellablilhed:  which  conduceth  to 
the  public  welfare  and  common  juftice. 

"  That  no  ofFenfive  war  be  made  againft  any  Indians,  before  you  re- 
ceive directions  from  the  government  for  fo  doing. 

"  That  in  all  matters  of  difficulty  and  importance,  you  muft  have 
recourfe,  by  way  of  appeal,  to  the  Governor  and  Council  at  New-York, 


Dated,  tLe  2JJI.  of  dpril,  1 6  68.' 


Intro dn8 ion.  125 

The  Duke  of  Tork,  having  been  thus  feized  of  Firft  rifc> 
all  that  tract  of  land,  before  defcribed,  did,  by  extent  and 
his  deeds  of  leafe  and  releafe,  bearing  date  the  ^Lj* 
23d.  and  24th.  days  of  June  1664,  in  confidera- fey. 
don  of  a  competent  fum  of  money,  grant  and  con- 
vey a  part  thereof,  unto  John,  Lord  Berkeley, 
Baron  of  Stratton,  and  Sir  George  Carte  ret,  of 
Saltrum,  in  Devon;  who  were  then  members  of 
the  King's  Council,  and  to  their  heirs  and  affigns 
forever,  bounded  and  defcribed  as  follows: — "  All 
that  tract  of  land  adjacent  to  New-England,  and 
lying  and  being  to  the  weftward  of  Lo?ig-Ijland, 
and  Manhattans -I/land,  and  bounded,  on.  the  eaft, 
part  by  the  main  lea,  and  part  by  Hudforfs  river ; 
and  hath  upon  the  Weft,  Delaware  texy,  or  river; 
and  extendeth  fouthward  to  the  main  ocean,  as 
far  as  cape  May,  at  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay; 
and  to  the  northward,  as  far  as  the  northermoft 
branch  of  the  faid  bay,  or  river,  of  Delaware, 
which  is  in  41  degrees,  40  minutes  of  latitude^ 
and  croffeth  over  thence,  in  a  ftraight  line,  to 
Hudfon's  river,  in  41  degrees,  of  latitude,  which 
faid  trad:  of  land  is  hereafter  to  be  called  Nova 
Ctefaria,  or  New-Jerfey,"  &c.  "  in  as  full  and  am- 
ple manner  as  the  fame  is  granted  unto  the  faid 
Duke  of  Tork,  by  the  before  recited  letters  pa- 
tent." 

Thus  New  Nether/andbeczme  divided  into  New-  .T 

1\  CW-  Nc-* 

Jerfey  and  New-Tor k;  the  former  named  from  thetheriand 
ifle  of  Jerfey,  in  compliment  to  Sir  George  C^rtentf, dividedinto 

T.    r     r       •  i  r  i_  i_       i  i    New- Jer- 

whole  family  came  from  thence;  the  latter  tookfey      ana 
its  name  in  honor  of  James  Duke  of  Tork.  New- York. 

Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  having     Smith's 
agreed  upon  certain  conftitutions  or  conceffions,  ^Ser.of 
to  fuch  adventurers  as  mould  chufe  to  fettle  within  fey. 
their  grant,  (which  was  the  firft  conflitution  of 
New  Jerfey >*}  appointed  Philip  Carteret,  the  firft 

Governor; 

*  Thefe  concefliens,  or  conftitutions,  may  be  feen  in  the  appendix  to 
Smith's  hiftory  of  Ntrw-Jerfeyj  No  I. 


126  IniroduEllon. 

Governor;  who  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
fummer,  1665;  and  thefe  conceflions  or  agree- 
ments with  the  people,  were  fo  well  liked  by  them, 
that  the  eaftern  parts  of  the  province  were  foon 
confiderably  peopled.  In  this  fituadon  the  confti- 
tution  and  government  continued  till  the  year 
1676,  when  the  province  was  divided  into  Eajl 
and  Weft  New-Jerfey. 

After  a  prudent  adrniniftration  of  three  years 
Nicolls  returned  to  England;  and  colonel  Francis 
Lovelace  was  appointed,  by  the  Duke,  to  fucceed 
Nicolls  ,  in  the  government  of  New-fork;  which 
he  began  to  exercife  in  May,  1667.  During  his 
time  affairs  appear  to  have  been  in  a  tranquil  fitu- 
ation,  on  I)ela?yare9  till  about  the  year  1668;  wheo. 
a  diilurbance  happened  from  fome  of  the  tribe  of 
Manias  Indians,  nigh  the  river,  about  the  place 
where  Burlington  now  (lands,  who  had  murdered 
the  fervants  of  one  of  the  fettlers. 

This  appears  to  have  been  the  confequence  of 

rranfao  r*  _.  :  ~i 

-  drunKCimefs  ;  by  realon  or  me  Indians  themlelves 


la  ware  re-  f/}erc^p0n  r.equefting  an.  abfolute  prohibition^  upon  the 


Indians,      whole  m;6T,  of  felling  jftr°n&  liquors  to  the  Indians 
&c.  generally.     Such  were  the  early  effects  of  ftrong 

liquor  among  this  people;  which  ever  fjnce  has 
been  fo  ruinous  and  fatal  to  them  ;  and  fo  frequent- 
ly the  fource  of  pernicious  evils  to  the  European 
fettlers,  near  them.  Their  ignorance  of  the  nature 
and  effects  of  drunkennefs,  to  which  at  firft  they 
were  abfolute  (hangers,  rendered  them  lefs  prepar- 
ed to  refift  the  temptation  ;  and  the  extreme  effecls 
of  madnefs,  arifing  from  intoxication,  in  a  favage 
(late,  were  confequently  more  unreftrained  and 
brutilh;  and,  when  enraged,  more  (hocking  and 
barbarous  than  among  civilized  people:  —  never- 
thelefs,  this  requeft  of  an  abfolute  prohibition  of 
the  fale  of  ftrong  liquors  among  them,  (liews  their 
fenfe  of  the  introduction  of  the  temptation,  their  ' 
weaknefs  to  refift  it,  and  the  bed  means,  with  them, 
to  avoid  the  pernicious  confequences  of  it;  which 


Introdufficn .  127 

requeft,  afterwards  was,  from  time  to  timey  fre- 
quently and  earneilly  repeated  by  the  different  na- 
tions, in  thefe  parts,  before  they  were  much  cor- 
rupted by  this,  and  other  European  vices. 

Human  nature,  when  deftitute  of  a  good  edu-      j/^g. 
cation,  and  thofe  benefits,  which  arife  from  a  wife     why  t})e 
and  early  inftitution  in  the  bed  knowledge  and  Indians  are 
cuiloms,  being  the  more  prone  to  imbibe  and  in-  ^™"n_to 
dulge  low,  immediate  and  fenfual  gratifications,  ncia>  &c. 
than  when  it  is  aided  by  thefe  excellent  advantages; 
\vhich  teach  to  afpire  after  and  purfue  the  more 
exalted  and  arduous  paths  of  virtue  and  felf-deniai; 
views,  \vhich,  as"  well  as  the  prefent,  alfo  refpecl 
a  future  more  high  and  lading  felicity,  fo  far  above 
the  untutored  ideas  of  favages,  is  a  confideration, 
that  may,  in  part,  account  for  the  greater  depra- 
vity of  the  Indians^  refpeftihg  this  vice  of  drunken- 
nefs,  than  is  to  be  found  among  other  people. 

Thefe  Indians ,  along  the  Delaware ,  and  the  ad-     since  the 
jacent  parts  of  Nsw^Jerfey  and  Pennfylvama^  fo  Eur°Peaili 
far  as  appears  by  the  belt  accounts  of  the  early  among 
fettlement  of  thefe  provinces,  when  cfear  of  the  tiie-n- 
effects  of  the  pernicious  poifon  of  ilrong  liquor, 
and  before  they  had  much  imbibed,  and  to  their 
own  natural  depravity  added,  fuch  European  vices 
as  before  they  were  Grangers  to,  were  naturally, 
and  in  general,  an  incffenfive,  faithful  and  hofpi- 
table  people. 

Governor  Lovelace  writ  to  Carr,  respecting  this    Governor 
affair;  giving  him  directions  how  to  proceed  in  Lovci^e 

i  11  r      /-r  r      •  r,-  IT,  glVCS  du'<iC- 

the  government  both  or   Chrlftians  and  Indians;  Sons  to 
to  confult  \vith  the  Indians^  and  to  fend  the  ftate  Carr>  3cr- 
of  the  affair  to  the  council  at  New-Tbrk.     But  it 
appears  to  have  been  afterwards  neglected  till  the 
year  1671,  when  William  Tomm  and  Peter  A  tricks  ar- 
rived at  New-Tbrk  from  Delaware,  with  the  parti- 
culars of  the  affair ;   declaring  that  if  fpecial  care 
was  not  taken,  and  effectual  means  ufed,  the  worfl 
confequenc^s  would  enfue. 

Upon 


128  Introduction. 

Upon  this  the  Governor  and  Council  immedi- 
ately took  meafures  to  prevent  further  mifchief ;  and 
from  Alrictfs  advice,  made  proper  difpofitions  to 
bring  the  offenders  to  juflice: — The  Governor  prp- 
hibited,  on  pain  of  death,  the  felling  of  powder, 
fhot,  and  itrong  liquors  to  the  Indians ;  and  writ 
to  Carr,  on  the  occafion,  to  ufethe  utmoft  vigi- 
lance and  caution. 

Remark-      But  the  Indians  themfelves  were  determined,  if 
3rle  T  ^  poffible,  to  brinff  the  murderers  to   iuftice;    and 

of      Tufhce  f  rr~    n  •  i          i  •    r 

among  the  and  accordingly  one  or  tnern  Tajhiowyean^  the  chief 
Indians,  offender,  was  fhot  to  death,  in  the  night  by  the 
Indians ^  who  brought  his  body  to  Wicocoa;  which 
was  afterwards  hung  in  chains  at  New-Cajile;  the 
other  principal  perfon,  concerned  in  the  murder, 
hearing  the  report  of  the  gun,  ran  into  the  woods, 
and  made  his  eicape,  not  being  heard  of  afterwards. 

The  Indians^  on  this  affair,  fummoned  many  of 
their  young  men  together,  and,  in  the  prefence  of 
the  Englifo,  told  them,  that  all  mould  in  like  man- 
ner be  treated,  who  mould  be  found  in  the  like 
practice: — This,  at  a  time,  when  the  Indians  were 
numerous  and  ftrong,  and  the  Europeans  few  and 
weak,  was  a  memorable  a£t  of  juftice,  and  a  proof 
of  true  friendship  to  the  Englijh^  greatly  alleviating 
the  fear,  for  which  they  Had  fo  much  reafon  among 
favages,  in  this 'then  wildernefs  country. 

Befide  this,  there  was  another  difturbance,  about 
tu?bancedslf~ tne  ^ame  time5  a  Svuede,  at  Delaware,  who  gave 
on     Deia-  out  that  he  was  the  fon  of   Conningsmarke9   the 
ware,  &c.  gweJifh  general,  attempted  to  make  an  infurrec- 
tion,  in  order  to  throw  off  the  Engltfh  allegiance. 
With  him  was  affociated  Henry  Coleman,  one  of 
the  Fins,  on  the  fame  river,  a  man  of  property, 
and  who  well   underftood  the   Indian   language. 
But  by  the  timely  care  and  vigilance  of  the  go- 
vernment  their  intention   was   prevented.      The 
former  was  taken  and  fecured;  as  to  the  latter, 
who   kept   himfelf  among   the  Indians,   it  does 

not 


Introduttiori.  I  d 

fiof  appear  what  became  of  him.  Connings?i(arkc^ 
commonly  called  the  Long  Fin^  was  condemned  to 
die;  but,  in  confideration  that  his  death  would 
involve  many  other  deluded  people  in  deep  fufFer- 
ing,  his  punifhment  was  mitigated  to  a  whipping^  ' 
and  branding  with  the  letter  R.  for  Rebellion,  and 
to  be  fent  abroad,  lie  was  accordingly  brought 
fettered  from  Delaware,  and  kept  prifoner  in  the 
Stadt-houfe,  at  New-York,  for  one  year5  and  then 
tranfported  to  Barbadoes,  for  fale.  It  was  further 
ordered^  that  the  chief  of  his  accomplices  mould 
forfeit  to' the  King  one  half  of  theif  goods  and  chat- 
tels ;  and  a  fniatlef  imilcl  to  be  laid  on  the  reft ;  to 
be  left  at  the  difcfetion  of  CommilTioners,  ap- 
pointed to  examine  the  matter. 

At  this  time  there  is  like  wile  an  account  of  an 
Indian  rape,  committed  on  a  Chriftian  woman. 
The  Indian  was  taken  and  condemned  to  death  by 
by  the  Comrnimoners  at  Delaware;  but  he  broke 
jail. — -And  one  Douglas  at  Hoarkill,  after  this,  for 
making  a  difturbance  among  the  new  fettlers,  by 
feditiotis  practices,  was  fecured  in  jail,  and  after- 
wards fent  to  New-Tork,  where  he  had  his  trial; 
and  was  fent  to  the  eailward,  and  ordered  not  to" 
return. 

Near  the  beginning  of  the  year   1 669,  a  com-     1669, 
million  and  letters  of  inftruclion  were  fent  from 
New-Tor/^  to  the  Hoarkiil,  authorizing  Hermannus  proceed- 
Frederickfon  to    be  Schout,  Slandefi  Matfon,   Otto  inss  on  De' 
Walgaft,  and  William  Cleahn,  to  be  CommifJioners :  l 
who  were  to  keep  good  order  there ;  and  to  try  all 
matters  of  difference,  under  ten  pounds,  among 
themfelves: — Which  feems  to  have  been  intended 
to  fave  them  the  trouble  of  going  to  Newcajtle, 
upon  every  trifling  occafion;  but  for  all  matters 
above  ten  pounds  they  were  to  apply  themfelves  to 
New-York;  and  fo  for  all  criminals.     Governor 
Lovelace  alfo  gave  an  order  to   captain  Martin 
Priegery  to  receive  the  cuftonu,  for  all  European 
[-*?} 


I  jd  Introduction. 

goods,  imported  at  the  Hoarkill,  and  on  the  furs 
and  peltry  exported  from  thence,  viz.  ten  pounds 
per  cent,  in  the  following  words: 

1669.  "  Whereas  I  am  given  to  underftand,  that  all  Eu- 
Appoint-  ropean  goods  imported  at  the  Hoarkill  in  Delaware 
Coiie<ft*r,  bay,  did  heretofore  pay  cuftom,  at  the  rate  of 
&c.  at  ten  pounds  per  cent,  and  all  furs  and  peltry  ex- 
S°aLewis-  ported  from  thence,  at  the  fame  rate;  which  turned 
town.  to  fome  advantage  towards  the  fupport  of  govern- 
ment; upon  mature  advice  and  confideration  had 
thereof,  I  have  thought  fit  to  renew  the  former 
cuftom,  and  do,  therefore,  hereby  order  and  ap- 
point Captain  Martin  Prieger,  who  is  a  perfon 
well  verfed  in  the  trade  of  thofe  parts,  and  very 
well  known  there,  both  to  the  Chriftians  and  In- 
dians•,  to  be  Receiver  and  Collector  of  the  cuf- 
toms  at  Hoarkill)  where,  by  himfelf,  or  his  depu- 
ty 3>  he  is  to  receive  ten  per  cent,  of  all  European 
goods,  imported  there,  whether  coming  from  this 
place,  Newcaftle  in  Delaware,  or  any  other  parts  v 
and  ten  per  cent,  alfo  for  all  furs,  or  peltry ',  ex- 
ported from  thence,  according  to  former  cuftom 
and  ufage,  on  that  behalf;  and  all  perfons  what- 
foever,  trading  thither,  or  from  thence,  to  any 
other  place,  are  to  take  notice  thereof,  and  obey 
this  my  commiffion,  under  the  penalty  of  confif- 
cation  of  their  goods,  if  they  fhall  prefume  to  do 
otherwife,  the  faid  Captain  Prieger  ftanding  oblig- 
ed to  be  anfwerable  here,  for  all  fuch  cuftorns,  as 
fhall  be  received  by  himfelf,  or  deputy,  there; 
of  which  he  is  to  render  unto  me  a  due  and  ex- 
ad  account."* 

Irx 

*  Hoarklll)  the  fettlement  fo  called,  from  a  fmaH  river,  or  creek* 
near  Cape-Inlopen,  or  Henlopen,  at  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay,  was  a 
place  of  cojifiderable  importance  to  the  Swedes^  about  that  time, 
though  fincc  chiefly  become  a  refidence  for  pilots  only,  and  called 
Leivis'to'wn ;  before  which,  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay,  is  the  road,  for 
ftiips,  &c. 

This  place  (from  an  old  M.  S.)  is  faid  to  have  been  named  Hoarkill 
by  the  Dutch,  from  the  Indians  proftituting  their  young  women  to  the 

Netherlander**. otherwife  it  is  by  David  Pierterfz  de  Uries,  who, 

about  the  year,  1630,  firft  endeavoured  to  fettle  there,  called  Sivanendalf, 

Other 


131 

In  the  Spring  of  the  year  1672,  the  town  of  1671. 
Newcaftle  was,  by  the  government  of  New-York, 
made  a  corporation;  to  be  governed  by  a  Bailiff,  ed. 
and  fix  Alfociates;  after  the  firft  year  four  old  to 
go  out,  and  four  others  to  be  chofen.  The  Bai- 
liff  was  Prefident,  and  had  a  double  vote:  the 
Conftable  was  chofen  by  the  bench.  They  had 
power  to  try  caufes,  as  far  as  ten  pounds,  without 
appeal.  The  Englifh  laws  were  eftablifhed  in  the 
town,  and  among  the  inhabitants,  on  both  fides 
of  Delaware.  The  office  of  Schout  was  conver- 
ted into  that  of  Sheriff,  for  the  Corporation  and 
river,  annually  chofen.  And  they  were  to  have 
free  trade,  without  being  obliged  to  make  entry 
at  New-York,  as  before. 

About  this  time  an  acl  of  violence  was  com- 
mitted, at  Hoarkill,  by  a  party  of  people  from  ThJ:  MzrJ; 

J  ^  •>   .         *  .    J  landers  dif- 

Maryland,  led  by  one  Jones;  who  feized  on  the  turb  the  in- 
Magiflrates  and  other  inhabitants,  plundered  them  J^itantsat 

.     ,       rr     i       i  rr-i  •     •         i     i        Hoarkill. 

and  carried  oil  the  booty.  Ihey  were  joined  by 
one  Daniel  Brown,  a  planter  of  Hoarkill.  Brown 
was  taken,  and  fent  to  New-York;  and  there  tried 
and  convicted;  but,  on  promife  of  amendment, 
and  fecurity  given  for  his  good  behaviour  in  fu- 
ture, he  was  difmirTed. 

Governor  Lovelace  wrote  a  fpirited  Letter  to  the  Governor 
Governor  of  Maryland,  on  the  occafion,  com-  Lovelace's 
plaining  of  the  outrage  and  injuftice,  and  requeft-  th 
ing  that  the  perpetrators  might  be  duly  punifhed. 
He  likewife  writ  to  Captain  Carr,  who  prefided 
at  Delaware,  on  the  fame  affair,  advifmg  him,  for 
the  prefent,  to  pafs  by  what  was  done,  till  he 
heard  from  England;  but  in  the  mean  time,  that 
the  inhabitants  there  fhould  prepare,  and  put 

themfelves 

Other  accounts  affirm,  That  the  original  of  the  name  arcfe  from  the 
•winding  and  turning  of  the  creek,  much  in  the  fhape  of  a  hern,  whence 

the  Dutch  word,  Hoernkill: This  is  the  tradition  of  the  inhabitants 

''there,  &c.  But  foon  after  it  came  into  the  hands  of  the  EngHJb,  it  took 
the  above  name  of  Le-wis-toivn;-~~~  and  the  creek  appears  to  be  much 
diminilhed,  &c, 

V 


x  3  2  Introduction. 

themfelves  in  a  pofture  of  defence  againil  any  fu- 
ture fimilar  invafion.* 

In 

1  The  iirft  of  thefe  letters  is  dated  the  twelth  of  Anguft  1672,  and 
*s  as  follows,  •viz.  • 

"   To  Philip  Calvert,   Efquire,   Governor  of  Maryland. 
«  SIR, 

"  I  thought  it  had  been  impoffible,  now  !.n  thefe  portending  boi- 
fterous  times,  wherein  all  true  hearted  Englijlmen  are  buckling  oh  their 
armour,  to  vindicate  their  honors,  and  to  aifert  the  imperial  intereft  of 
his  facred  Majefty's  rights  and  dominions;  that  now,  without  any  ji;ft 
grounds,  either  given  or  pretended,  fuch  horrid  outrages  (hould  he  com- 
mitted on  his  majefty's  liege  fubjedb,  under  the  protection  of  his  Royal 
Highnefs's  authority,  as  was  exercifed  by  one  Jones,  who,  with  a  party, 
as  difiblute  as  himfelf,  took  the  pains  to  ride  to  the  JJoarkills^  whtre  w 
derifion  and  contempt  of  the  Duke's  .authority,  be  bound  the  Magitlrates 
and  inhabitants,  defpiterully  treated  .them,  rifled  and  plundered  them  of 
their  goods;  and  when  it  was  dema-nded,  by  wb^at  authority  he  acted, 
he  anfwered  in  no  other  language,  but  a  cocked  piftol  to  his  breaft; 
which  if  it  had  fpoke,  had,  for  eyer  filer.ced  him.  I  do  n^t  remember 
I  have  heard  of  a  greater  outrage  and  riot,  committed  on  his  Majefty's 
fubjects,  in  America,  but  once  before  in  Maryland  -t  You  cannot  but 
imagine  his  Royal  Jiighnefs  will  not  be  fatisfied  with  thefe  violent  pro- 
ceedings; in  which  the  indignity  reboun.ds  on  him  ;  neither  can  you  but 
'believe  it  as'  eafy  an  -undertaking  to  me,  to  retaliate  the  fame  affront 
on  Jong's  he^d,  arid  accomplices,  as  he  did  on  thofe  indefenfible  inha- 
bitants: bujt  I  rather  chufe  to  have  firft  a  more  calm  redrefs  from  you; 
to  whom  I  now  appeal,  and  from  whom  I  may,  in  juftice,  expect  that 
right,  in  the  caftigation  of  Jones  cum  fociis,  that  your  nature  and  the 
law  has  provided  for;  otherwife  I  mult  apply  myfelt  to  fiich  other  reme- 
dies, as  the  exigence  of  this  indignity  (hall  perfwade  me  to;  thus,  leav- 
ing it  to  your  confideration,  I  fhall  remain  your  very  humble  fervant, 


The  following  is  his  letter  to  Cafr,  on  the  fame  occafion,  viz. 

"  SIR, 

"  The  letters  you  fent  trie,  by  the  exprefs  over  land,  came  fafe  to  my 
hands,  with  the  enclofed  relation  and  papers,  concerning  the  Hoarkill, 
and  the  Marylanders  forceably  poffefling  themfelves  of  the  place;  as  alfo 
of  the  goods  and  eftates  of  fome  of  the  inhabitants;  of  which  we  had 
fome  rumours  before,  but  did  not  give  much  credit  to  it;  fuppofing  what 
was  done  before  to  be  the  rafh  action  of  forne  private  perfon  ,  not  think- 
ing the  authority  of  Maryland  would  invade  his  royal  highnefs's  terri- 
tories; which  he  hath  been  poffeffed  of  for  near  eight  years,  without 
giving  the  leaft  overture  of  it  to  me3  who  am  his  Royal  Highnefs's  de- 
puty. Their  former  violent  action  and  force  upon  thofe  poor  unarmed 
people,  together  with  the  particulars  of  their  plunders,  I  had  immedi- 
ate opportunity  of  tranfmitting  to  his  Royal  Highnefs,  by  a  fhip  then 
bound  away  for  London  /  the  which  I  made  ufe  of,  and  recommended 
their  cafe;  and  I  hope,  it  hath  long  ere  this  arrived  at  his  hands,  fo  that 
fome  directions,  about  it,  may  be  expected  in  a  fhort  time;  till  when, 
i  think  it  beft,  for  the  prefent,  to  leave  matters  there  as  they  are;  but, 

a? 


In  this  year  the  inhabitants  of  New-Cqftle  and  Dutch 
Koarkill,  being  'ikewife  plundered  by  the  Dutch 
privateers,  were  permitted  by  the  government  at 
Ncw~Tork,  in  reparation  of  their  lofTes,  to  lay  an 
impofition  to  the  value  .of  four  guilders,  in  Warn* 
pum,  upon  each  anker  of  ftrong  rum,  imported, 
or  fold  there;  power  being  given  to  the  Magiftrates, 
to  levy  and  receive  the  fame.    This  was  to  continue 
only  one  year  for  tryal — Wampum  was  the  chief 
currency  of  the  country;  of  which,  at  this  time, their  chlef 
the  Indians  had  carried  fo  much  away,  that  it  was    "* 
become  fcarce.     To  encreafe  the  value  of  which, 
the  Governor  and  Council,  at  New-Tsrk,  in  the 
year  1673,  iiTuejd  a  proclamation;  which  was  pub- 
limed 

as  to  the  doud,  which  hangs  over  your  head*,  at  Delaware,  which,  it  is 
laid,  they  are  making  preparations  to  invade,  my  inftrucSHons  and  orders 
to  you,  and  the  officers  in  general,  are,  that  you  put  yourfelves  in  the 
.belt  pofture  of  defence  pofiibly  -you  can,  by  fitting  up  the  fort  in  the  town; 
keeping  your  companies  in  arms,  both,  there  and  up  the  river;  who  are  to 
provide  themfelves  with  fitting  ammunition;  and  that  all  foldiers  be  at 
an  hours  warning,  upon  any  alarm,  or  order  given;  and  that,  at  the 
town  efpecially,  you  make  your  guards  as  ftrong  as  you  can,  and  keep  a 
ftricT:  watch;  and  if  any  enemy  come  to  demand  the  place,  that  you  firft 
tlefire  to  know  their  authority  and  commiilion,  and  how  it  comes  to  pafs 
thofe  of  Maryland  fhould  now  make  fueh  an  invafion,  after  fo  long  quiet 
pofleflion  of  thofe  parts  by  his  Royal  Highnefs'?  Deputies,  under  his 
Majefty's  obedience,  and  by  other  nations  before  that,  feveral  years  be- 
fore the  date  of  the  Lord  Baltimor^s  patent;  whom  they  never  di/turbed, 
by  arms;  and  whofe  right  is  now  devolved  upon  the  Duke.  Stand  well 
upon  your  guard,  and  do  not  begin  with  them;  but,  if  they  firft  break 
the  peace,  by  firing  upon  your  guards,  or  any  fuch  hoftile  adtion,  then, 
ufe  all  poflible  means  to  defend  yourfelves  and  the  place;  and  command  all 
his  Majefty's  good  fubjects  to  be  aiding  and  affifting  to  you;  who,  I  hope, 
\vill  not  be  wanting  to  their  abilities.  In  all  matters  of  concern,  you 
are  to  take  advice  of  the  chief  officers  there. 

"  This  will  come  to  you  by  your  Bailiff",  Mr.  Peter  Alricksy  who  15 
battening  over  land,  to  fecure  his  affairs  there,  in  this  portending  inva- 
4Tion,  and  to  give  Jhis  bcft  help  for  the  fafeguard  of  the  place,  and  his 
Royal  Highnefs's  intereft,  upon  all  occafions.  Fail  not  to  fend  an  exprefs 
to  me,  by  whom  1  fhall  give  you  fuch  further  directions  and  afTiftance  as 
will  be  requifite;  and,  if  occafion  fhould  be,  will  come  over  myfelf  in 
perfon;  though  the  fpring  would  be  more  fui table  for  me,  than  a  winter 
voyage;  fo  recommending  all  things  to  your  care  and  vigilance,  of  which 
-I  expert  a  good  account,  I  conclude,  being  your  very  loving  friend, 

"   Francis  Lovelatt, 
rt 

Port  JOBtr,  in  New-Tori- 1 
'Jib.  of  Oflober,  1672  " 


*  34  Introduction. 

lifhed  at  Albany -,  Efopus,  Delaware,  Long-IJIand, 
and  parts  adjacent.5* 

The  ambitious  defigns  ofLswis  the  XlVth.  king 
N/W  7v  rk  °^  ^raYice->  agamft  the  Dutch ,  and  the  attachment 
&c.W  taken  ot  Charles  the  lid.  of  England,  to  the  French  court, 

Dutch  the  &ave  r^e  t0  t^le  war  w^k  t^le  States   General  in 

1672;  which,  in  the  fummer  of  the  next  following 

smith's hif-  year,  extended  itfelf  to  America;  when  a  few  Dutch 

tory  of  N.  {hips  arrived  at  New  Tork,  under  the  command  of 

Commodores  Cornelius  Evertfe  and  Jacob  Benkes 

&c.     The  fort  furrendered  without  any  refiftance, 

all  the  magiftrates  and  conftables  from  Eaft  Jerfey, 

Long  I/land,  Efopus  and  Albany  were  immediately 

Tuirmoned  to   Ncw-Tork,  and  the  major  part  of 

them  fwore  allegiance  to  the  States  General  and  the 

prince  of  Orange,    upon  which  colonel  Lovelace 

returned  to  England. 

From  the  Dutch  records  it  appears  that  deputies 
were  fent  by  the  people,  inhabiting  the  country, 
even,  as  far  weft  ward  as  Delaware  river;  who  in 
the  name  of  their  principals,  made  a  declaration  of 
their  fubmiflion;  in  return  for  which  certain  pri- 
vileges were  granted  them,  and  three  judicatories 
erected  at  Niewer  Amftel,  (New  Cajlle)  Upland 
(Cbcjlcr)  and  Hoar  kill,  (Lewiftown)  under  An* 
thony  Cohe>  who  was  commiffioned  Governor.! 

The 

*  u  This  is  the  Indian  money,  by  them  called  Wampum;  by  the  Dntcky 
Servant.  It  is  worked  out  of  fhells,  into  the  form  of  bead?,  and  perfo- 
rated to  firing  on  leather.  Six  beads  were  formerly  valued  at  a  Stiver; 
twenty  Stivers  made  what  they  called  a  Guilder;  which  was  about  fix- 
pence  currency,  or  four  pence,  ilerling.  The  white  Wampum  was 
worked  out  of  the  infide  of  the  great  Conqitcs.  The  black,  or  purple, 
was  formed  out  of  the  inf.de  of  the  Mii/lle^  or  Glam-JhM.  1  hefe,  being 
ftrung  on  leather,  are  fometimes  formed  into  belts,  about  four  inches 
broad,  and  thirty  in  length;  which  are  commonly  given  and  received  at 
treaties,  as  feals  of  friendmip. —  Wampum  has  been  long  made  by  certain 
poor  Indian  families  at  Albany,  who  fupport  themfelves  by  coining  this 
calh  for  the  traders." 

f  Colws  commiflion,  tranflated  as  follows,  fhews  the  extent  of  tlie 
Dutch  claim,  at  that  time  in  this  country,  viz. 

"  The  honourable  and  awful  council  of  war,  for  their  High  Mighti- 
qeffes,  the  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  his  Serene 

Highnels 


Introduction. 

The  Dutch  Governor  enjoyed  his  office  but  a      1674. 
fhort  time;  for,  on  the  9th.  of  February  1674,  the    ^Ne 
treaty  of  peace  between  England  and  the  States  Ge-  York!  &c 
neral  was  figned  at  Weftminfter ;  the  fixth  article  of  is 
which  reflored  this  country  to  the  Englijh;  the  terms 
of  it  were  generally,  "  that  whatfoever  countries, 
iflands,  towns,  ports,  caftles  or  forts,  have  or  mall 
be  taken,  on  both  fides,  fmce  the  time  that  the 
late  unhappy  war  broke  out,  either  in  Europe^  or 
elfewhere,  (hall  be  reflored  to  the  former  Lord 
and  Proprietor,  in  the  fame  condition,  they  mall 
be  in,  when  the  peace  itfelf  fhall  be  proclaimed; 
after  which  time  there  fhall  be  no  fpoil  nor  plunder 
of  the  inhabitants,  no  demolition  of  fortifications, 
nor  carrying  away  of  guns,  powder  or  other  mili- 
tary 

Highnefs  the  Prince  of  Orange,  over  a  fquadr&n  of  (hips,  now  at  anchor" 
in  Hudfon's  river,  in  New  Netherlands  •„  to  all  thofe  who  {hall  fee  Ar  hear 
thefe  Greeting*  As  it  is  necefiary  to  appoint  a  fit  and  able  perfon  to  car- 
ry the  chief  command  over  the  conqueft  of  New  Netherlands,  with  all  its 
appendencies,  from  cape  Hinlopen  on  the  fouth  fide  of  the  South  or  Dela- 
ware hay,  and  fifteen  miles  more  foutherly,  with  the  faid  bay  and  South 
river,  included,  fo  as  they  were  formerly  poffeffed  by  the  directors  of  the 
city  of  Amjlerdam,  and  after  by  the  EngHJb  government,  in  the  name  and 
light  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  further  from  the  faid  Cape  Hinlopen  along, 
the  Great  Ocean  to  the  eaft  end  of  Long  I/land  and  Shelter  IJland,  from 
thence  weflward  to  the  middle  of  the  found,  to  a  town  called  Greenwich  j 
on  the  Main,  and  to  run  landward  in  northerly  ;  provided  that  fuch  line 
ihall  not  come  within  ten  miles  of  North  Alver,  conformable  to  a  Provin- 
cial Treaty,  made  in  1650,  and  ratified  by  the  States  General,  Februa- 
ry aad.  1656,  and  January  a^d.  1664;  with  att  Lands,  Rivers,  Lakes/ 
Kills,  Creeks,  Frefh  and  Salt  Waters,  Fortretfes,  'Cities,  Towns  and 
Plantations,  therein  comprehended.  So  it  is,  that  we,  being  fufficiently 
allured  of  the  capacity  of  Anthony  Colve,  captain  of  a  company  of  foot,; 
in  the  fervice  of  their  High  Mightineffes,  the  States  General  of 
the  U/iited  Netherlands,  and  I) is  Serene  Highnefs  the  Prince  of  OrangeY 
&c.  by  virtue  of  our  Commiffion,  granted  us  by  their  before  men- 
tioned High  jVlightineffes,  and  his  Highnefs,  hs.te  appointed  and  qua- 
lified, as  we  do  by  thefe  prefents,  appoint  and  qualify,  the  faid  captain? 
Anthony  Co/ve  to  govern  and  rule  the  lands,  with  the  appenxlencie<r 
and  dependencies  thereof  as  Governor  General;  to  protect  therr> 
from  all  invafions  of  enemies,  as  he  {ball  judge  moft  neceflary ; 
hereby  charging  all  high  and  low  officers,  juflices  and  magiftrates,  and" 
others  in  authority,  foldiers,  burghers,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  thiy 
land,  to  acknowledge,  honour,  refpect  and  ober,  the  faid  A  thony  Co've, 
as  Governor  General ;  for  fuch  we  judge  necefiary  for  the  fervice  of  the 
country,  waiting  the  approbation  of  our  principals  This  done  at  fort 
SendriiJk}  the  lath,  day  of  Auguft,  1673." 
Signed  by 

CORNELIUS  EVERTS*,  junior- 

JACOB 


136  Introduction. 

tafy  ftores,  which  belonged  to  any  caftle  or  fortv 
at  the  time  when  it  was  taken." 

Edm.  An-  Upon  conclufion  of  the  peace,  in  i  674,  the  Duke-" 
drofs,  ap^  Of  Xork^  to  remove  all"  controverfy  refpedtirig  his 
vernor  of  property,  obtained  a  new  patent  from  the  Kingr 
New  York,  dated  the  29th.  of  June,  for  the  lands  granted,  in 
1664;  and  two-  days  after  commiffioiied  Major  •, 
afterwards,  Sir  Edmund  Artdrofs  to  be  Governor  of 
his  territories  in  America;  which  were  refigned 
to  him  by  the  Dutch  poffeflbrs,  on  hfe  arrival  at 
New-Tork,  on  the  31  ft.-  of  October  following.  Up- 
on which  he  authorized  captain  Cantwcll  and  Wil- 
liam Tomm^  to  take  porTellion  of  tne  fort  and  ftores 
at  Ncwcqfth,  for  the  King's  ufe;  and  gave  them  di- 
reclions  to  take  proper  ineafures  to  eftablim  order 
and  tranquility  there,  and  the  other  places  on  Dela- 
ware; enjoining  all  to  comport  themfelves1  amica- 
bly to  the  neighbouring'  colonies. 


As  Weft  New  Jerfey  was,  at  firft,  fettled  princi- 
Pally  by  the  fame  kind  of  people  as  •  Pennfylvania; 
of  \vas  afterwards,  viz.  by  the  people  called  Quakers, 
"  f°  a  ^ort  introductory  account  of  the  firft  arid  ear- 
ly fettlement  of  that  colony  by  thefe  people,  &c.  in 
\vhich  like  wife  William  Penn  was  fo  much  concern- 
ed may,  in  this  place,  not  be  improper. 

In  or  about  the  year  1675,  the  Lord  Berkeley 
Berkeley     fold  his  half  of  the  Province  of  New  Jerfey  to  a 
feiu  weft-  perfon  named  John  Fenwicke,  in  truft  for  Edward 
c'  Byllingc^  and  his  afligns,  in  confequence  of  which 
the  former,  this  year,  arrived  with  a  number  of 
paflengers,  in  a  mip.,  called  the  Griffith  from  Lon- 
don, on  a  vifit  to  his  new  purchaie.*  He  landed  at 

*  Both  Fen-wicke  and  Bylllnge  are  faid  to  have  been  of  the  people  cal- 
led ^itakers;  reflecting  w'hofe  particular  charadlers,  nothing  very  mate- 
rial appears.  —  Fenivuke  brought  with  him  two  daughters,  and  many  fer- 
vants:  —  two  of  the  latter,  viz.  Samuel  Hodge  and  John  Adams  afterwards 
married  his  daughters.  Some  of  the  others  in  this  fhip,  were  Edmund 
Champnefs,  Fenwicke's  fon  in  law,  Edward  Wade,  Samuel  Wade,  John. 
Smith  and  wife,  Samuel  Nicholfon,  Richard  Guy,  Richard  Noble, 
Richard  Hancock,  John  Pledger,  Hipolite  Lufever,  and  John  Matlack^ 
thefe,  and  others  with  them,  were  mailers  of  familie*. 


arrves 


fntrvduftion.  137 

a  place,  in  Weft  Jerfey,  fituated  upon  a  creek,  or 
fmali  river,  which  runs  into  the  river  Delaware; 
to  which  place  he  gave  the  name  of  Salem ;  a  name 
which  both  the  place  and  creek  ftill  retain.  This 
was  the  firft  Envjifh  (hip,  which  came  to  f^/?- 7^-  FirftEr'- 

-  i     •  6  \      r  J          gl'ft      fl»P 

fey;  and  it  was  near  two  years  before  any  more  a™ 
followed:  This  Jong  interval  is  fuppofed  to  have  w- 
been  occafioned  by  a  disagreement  between  Fen- 
•wicke  and  Bylhnge;  whjch  was  at  laft  compofed  by 
the  kind  offices  of  William  Penn. 

Byilinge,  having  been  reduced  in  his  circum- 
ftances,  had  agreed  to  prefent  his  interefl,  in  New- 
Jerfey,  to  his  creditors;  by  whofe  entreaty  and 
importunity,  William  Penn,  though  it  is  faid,  with 
reluctance,  was  prevailed  upon  to  become  joint 
truftee  with  two  of  them,  viz*  Gawen  Lawrie,  of 
London,  and  Nicholas  Lucas,  of  Hertford,  for  the 
management  thereof:  Thefe  he  inverted  with  his 
own  moiety  of  the  province;  it  being  all  his  re- 
maining fortune,  for  the  fatisfactibn  of  his  ere* 
ditors. 

Hence  William  Penn  became  one  of  the  chief 
inftruments  in  fettling  Weft-New-Jerfey  ;  and  there* 
by  acquired  fome  knowledge  of  the  adjacent  coun- 
try of  Pennfylvania,  before  it  had  that  name,  or 
was  granted  to  him.  And  though  New-Jerfey  was 
ftill  undivided,  yet,  from  neceffity,  many  mares 
of  their  propriety  were  foon  fold  to  different  pur- 
chafers;  who  confequently  alfo  became  proprietors, 
in  proportion  to  their  different  (hares. 

For  the  better  promoting  the  diflributjon  of     ^76. 
rights  to  lands,  an  orderly  fettlement,  and  a  regu- 
lar government  of  the  colony,  in  March,  1676, 
a  coriilitution  was  drawn  up,  under  the  name  of,  N. 
"  Concejffions  and  agreements  of  the  proprietors,  free- 
holders and  inhabitants  of  Wejl -New- Jerfey,  in  Ame- 
rica,39 in  44  chapters;  this  was  mutually  agreed 
to,  ?fnd  figned,  as  laws,  conceffions  and  agree- 

mentsr 


138  Introduttion. 

ments,  by  162  names;   and  may  be  feen  in  the 
appendix  to  S.  Smith's  hiftory  of  New-Jerfey~*. 

William  Penn  and  the  others,  having  agreed  on 
Bivifion  of  a  divifion  of  the  province  with  Sir  George  Carteret, 
fey,    Tnto  a  Multipartite  deed)  the  inflrument  for  dividing  the 
Eaft     and  fame,  between  Sir  George  Carteret,  on  the  one  part, 
Weft,  &c.  an(j  Efayard  Byllinge,  William  Penn^  Gaiven  Law- 
rie  and  Nicholas  Lucas,    on  the  other  part,  was 
figned  by  them,  dated  the  firft  day  of  July,   1676. 
After  which  the  latter  wrote  to  Richard  Hart/borne?* 
a  refident  in  the  province,  requefting  his  confent 
to  be  joined  in  commiflion  with  two  others,  Darius 
Waffe  and  Richard  Guy  ;  whom  they  authorized  and 
empowered  to  ad  for  them,  furnifhing  them  with 
inftructions  for  their  conduct,,  and  engaged  to  ra- 
tify and  confirm  their  proceedings,  in  profecution 
of  the  fame.     In  their  letter  to  Hart/home,  dated, 
London,  the  26th.  of  the  fixth  month,  1676,  they 
fay, 

Extract  of       i.  "  We  have  divided  with  George  Carter et; 

*^  P™?^-  and  have  fealed  deeds  of  partition,  each  to  the 

toRS.Harti'-  other;  and  we  have  all  that  fide  on  Delaware  river, 

home.        from  one  end  to  the  other;  the  line  of  partition  is 

from  the  eaft  fide  of  Little  Egg  Harbour,  ftraight 

North,  through  the  country,  to  the  utmoft  branch 

of  Delaware  river;  with  all  powers,  privileges  and 

immunities  whatfoever:" — "   Ours  is  called  New 

Weft  Jerfey;  his  is  called  New  Eaji  Jerfey.\ 

2.  "  We 

*  Richard  Hart/home  lived  in-  Middletoivn,  in  EaJl-'Jtrfey;  he  was  one. 
of  the  people  called  Quakers,  of  good  reputation,  public  character,  and 
of  a  benevolent  difpofltion,  in  thofe  early  times.  He  came  thither  from 
London,  in  the  feventh  month,  old  ftyle,  1669;  where  he  lived  many  years* 
There  are  feveral  of  his  defcendants,  flill  inhabitants  of  thefe  parts. 

f  The  divifion  line  between  Eajl  and  WeJl-Jerfey,  as  it  was  afterwards- 
run  and  marked  out,  about  the  year  1687,  and  agreed  to,  in  the  next 
following  year,  by  Coxe  and  Barclay,  the  refpe&ive  Governors  of  each  divi- 
fion, more  particularly,  proceeded  from  Little  Egg  Harbour,  N.  by  W.  and 
30  degrees  and  5  minutes  more  weflerly  60  miles,  to  the  corner  of  John  Do- 
bie's  plantation,  on  the  fouth  branch  of  Raritan  river;  from  thence  con- 
tinuing behind  that  and  other  plantations,  to  that  of  James  Dunda^  It 

proceeded 


Introduction.  139 

2.  "  We  have  made  concejjions  by  ourfelves;  be- 
ing fuch  as  Friends  here,  and  there  (we  queftiou 
not)  will  approve  of,  having  fent  a  copy  of  them 
by  James  VVaffe:  There  we  lay  a  foundation  for 
after  ages  to  underfland  their  liberty,  as  men  and 
chriftians;  that  they  may  not  be  brought  into  bon- 
dage, but  by  their  own  confent:  for  we  put  the 
power  in  the  people;  that  is  to  fay ,  They  to  meet, 
and  choofe  one  honefl  man,  for  each  propriety, 
who  hath  fubfcribed  to  the  concejjlons ;  all  thefe 
men  to  meet,  as  an  AfTembly  there,  to  make  and 
repeal  laws;  to  chufe  a  Governor,  or  a  Commif- 
fioner,  and  twelve  Affiflants,  to  execute  the  laws 
during  their  pleafure.     So  every  man  is  capable 
to  chufe,  or  to  be  chofen;  no  man  to  be  arrefted, 
condemned,  imprifoned,  or  molefted,  in  his  eftate, 
or  liberty,  but  by  twelve  men  of  the  neighbour- 
hood: no  man  to  lie  in  prifon  for  debt;  but  that 
his  eftate  fatisfy,  as  far  as  it  will  go,  and  he  be  fet 
at  liberty,  to  work:  no  man  to  be  called  in  quef- 
tion,  or  molefted  for  his  confcience;  with  many 
more  things  mentioned  in  the  faid  conceffions. 

3.  "  We  have  fent  over,  by  James  Wajfe,  a  com- 
miflion,  under  our  hands  and  feals;  wherein  we 
empower  thyfelf,  James  Waffe  and  Richard  Guy,  or 
any  two  of  you,  to  acl  and  do  according  to  the 
inftruclions,  of  which  here  is  a  copy;  having  alfo 
fent  you  goods,  to  buy  and  purchafe  fome  lands 
of  the  natives,"  &c. 

The  reft  of  this  letter  chiefly  refpecled  "John  Yen- 
ivicke;  who,  as  they  apprehended,  might  probably 

proceeded  from  the  rnoft  north  wefterly  part  thereof,  north-eaftward, 
to  the  north  branch  of  faid  river;  thence  by  the  largeil  branch  thereof, 
to  its  north  end;  from  thence  to  the  neareft  part  of  Pafaick  river;  whence 
following  its  courfe,  and  that  of  Paquanlck  river,  fo  long  as  it 
runs  northerly,  or  northwefierly;  thofe  rivers  ftill  being  the  bounds  be- 
tween both  provinces;  and  if  the  latter  do  not  run  far  enough  to  the  la- 
titude of  41  degrees,  then  from  faid  river,  by  a  ftraight  line  northward 
to  the  latitude,  the  titmoft  north  partition  point,  from  which  point,  a 
jftraight  line  drawn  due  eaft,  to  the  partition  point,  on  Hudfon  s  river, 
to  be  the  bounjiry  between  Eaf-Jerfey  and  New  Tori." 

S.  Smith's  hiJJory  of  Ne'w'J 'erfiy- 


14®  Introduction. 

iendeavour  to  obftruft  their  mode  of  proceeding,  in 
fettling  the  colony ;  that  the  Coinmiffioners  fhould 
immediately  agree  with  thelndians  for  lands, and  get 
them  furveyed  and  taken  up,  before  many  more  peor ' 
pie  arrived,  arid  the  price  thereby  advanced,  The  in* 
flruclions  were  dated  the  i8th.  of  the  Sixth  month, 
and  purported  the  method  of  treating  with  John 
Fenwicke;  the  mode  of  taking  up  lands  of  the 
natives; — -Which  was  all  to  be  divided  into  one 
hundred  parts,  as  agreed  in  England,  and  lots  to 
be  caft  for  the  fame;  viz.  ninety  parts,  for  the  ufe 
of  William  Penn,  Gawen  Ldwrie  and  Nicholas  Lu~ 
cas;  and  ten  parts  for  John  Edridge  and  Edmond 
Warner,  Fenwicke's  heirs;*  and  to  provide  a  place 
for  the  Settlement  of  a  town,  &c.  The  former 
was  figned  by  Lawrie,  Penn^  Lucas ,  By  Hinge  ^  Ed- 
ridge  and  Warner;  the  htter,  by  all  thefe,  except 
Edridge* 

Eaft-Jerfeyi  which  was  the  property  of  Sir 
George  Carter  ef^  had,  before  this  time,  been  con- 
fiderably  peopled,  under  its  Governor,  Philip 
Carteret,  as  already  mentioned,  in  the  year  1665; 
fo  upon  the  divilion  of  the  province  being  now 
fettled,  in  the  prefent  year  1676,  the  proprietors 
of  Weft-New-Jerfey  publifhed  a  defcription  of  the 
country;  in  confequence  of  which  many  people 
removed  thither. 

Proprietors  But  the  wefteni  proprietors  being  of  the  people 
of  weft-  called  Quakers •,  their  part  of  the  province  confe- 
quently,  through  their  influence,  became  fettled 
principally  by  the  fame  kind  of  people ;  but  to  pre- 
vent any  of  their  religious  fociety  from  rafhly,  or  in- 
advertently, removing  into  this  new  country,  or 
without  due  confideration,  and  contrary  to  the  mind 
of  their  parents  and  neareil  relatives,  three  of  the 
principal  perfons  among  the  proprietors,  viz.  W. 

Penn9 

*  To  thefe  two  perfons  the  faid  ten  parts  had  been  conveyed  by  Ftn- 
•wicke;  being  together  with  a  certain  fum  of  money,  the  proportion,  or 
iatisfa&ion,  agreed  on  between  him  and  Byllinge^  and  conveyed  to  him 
by  the  latter,  for  his  fervice  and  trouble,  in  the  concern. 


141 

Penn,  G.  Lawrie  and  N.  Lucas,  wrote  an  epiftle,  < 
of  caution  to  their  friends,  the  Quakers;  which,  Their  con- 
as  it  further  mews  their  right  to  this  part  of  the  J^te^S 
province,  the  care  of  that  people  over  one  another,  dement, 
at  that  time,  and  their  concern  for  an  orderly  fettle-  **' 
ment  in  it ;  that  none  might  be  deceived,  and  have 
occafion  to  repent  of  fuch  an  important  undertak- 
ing, is  not  unworthy  of  the  perufal  of  the  pofte- 
rity  and  defendants  of  thofe  early  adventurers, 
fettlers  and  cultivators  of  the  country.* 

On 

**  This  cpiftlc  was  as  follows,  •viz, 

"   Dear  Friends  and  Brethren^ 

"  In  the  pure  love  and  precious  fellow  fhip  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chrift 
we  very  dearly  falute  you; — Forafmuch  as  there  was  a  paper  printed  fe-p 
veral  months  ago,  entitled,  "  The  ctefcription  of  Neiv-WeJI-Jerfey,  in  which 
our  names  were  mentioned,  as  Trufters  for  one  undivided  moiety  of  the 
faid  province-,  and  becaufe  it  is  alledged,  that  fome,  partly  on  this  ac- 
count, and  others  apprehending  that  the  paper,  by  the  manner  of  its 
expreffion,  came  from  the  body  of  Friends,  as  a  religious  fociety  of  people* 
and  not  from  particulars,  have,  through  thefe  miftakes,  weakly  concluded, 
that  the  faid  defcription,  in  matter  and  form,  might  be  writ,  printed 
and  recommended  on  purp'nie  to  prpmpt  and  allure  people  to  dif-fettle 
and  tranfplant  themfelves,  as  its  alfo  by  fome  alledged;  and  hecanfe  we 
are  informed  that  feveral  have,  on  that  account,  taken  encouragement 
and  refolution  to  tranfplant  themfelves  and  families  to  that  province;  and 
Jeft  any  of  them  (as -is  feared  by  fome)  fhould  go  out  of  a  curious  and 
unfettled  mind;  and  others  to  fhun  the  teilimony  of  the  bleffed  Croft  of 
Jefus ;  of  which  feveral  weighty  friends  have  a  godly  jealoufv  upon  their  ; 
fpirits,  lefl  an  unwarrantable  forwardnefs  fhould  a&  or  hurry,  any  be-? 
iide,  or  beyond,  the  wifdom  and  counfel  of  the  Lord,  or  the  freedom  of 
his  light  and  fpirit,  in  their  own  hearts,  and  not  upon  good  and  weighty  : 
grounds;  it  truly  laid  upon  us  to  let  Friends  know  how  the  matter  ftandsj 
which  w  e  fhall  endeavour  to  do  with  all  clearnefs  and  fidelity. 

I.  "  That  there  is  fuch  a  place  as  Nsiv-Jcrfiy  is  certain. 

a.  "  That  it  is  reputed  of  thofe,  who  have  lived  and  travelled  in  t?;?t 
country  to  be  wholefome  of  air,  and  fruitful  of  foil,  and  capable  of  lea 
trade,  is  alfo  certain;  and  k  is  not  right,  in  any>  to  del'pife  it,  or  diffwadc 
thofe,  that  find  freedom  from  the  Lord,  and  neceffity  put  upon  them,  o%^_ 
going. 

V  "  That  the  Duke  of  Tori  fold  it  to  thofe  called  Lord  RerMey*  Ba- 
ron of  Stra&ut,  and  Sir  George  Carter*;  equally  to  be  divided  between 
them,  is  alfo  certain. 

4.  "  One  fnmety,  or  half  part,  of  the  faid  province,  being  the  right 
of  the  Lord  Berkeley,  was  fold  by  him  to  John  Fenivicke,  in  truft  for  Edward 
Byllinge,  and  his  afiigns. 

5.  "  Forafmuch  as  Edward  Blllmge  (after  Will; am  Penn  had  ended  the 
difference  between  E.  Byllinge  and  J.  Fenivicke)  was  willing  to  prefent 
liis  ictereft,  in  the  faid  province,  to  his  creditors,  as  all  that  he  had  left 

hjm 


142 


Introduction. 


1667.  On  the  1  6th.  day  of  the  Sixth  month  1677^ 
Arrival  of  arrived  at  New-Coftle  from  London,  the  fliip 
the  i  **> 


te          >  fc^  Gregory  Mar/ow,  mailer;   with  the  other 
Commifiioners  ;  which  the  proprietors  had  before 

mentioned, 

liim,  towards  their  fatisfaftion,  he  defired  IV.  Prnn  (though  every  way 
unconcerned)  and  Gaivsn  Lati>rifznd  Nicholas  Lucas,  two  of  his  credi- 
tors, to  be  truftees,  for  performance  of  the  fame;  and  becaufe  feveral 
of  his  creditors,  particularly  and  very  importunately  prelfed  W.  Perm 
to  accept  of  the  truft,  for  their  fakes  and  fecurity,  we  did,  all  of  us, 
comply  with  thcfe,  and  the  like  requefts,  and  accepted  of  the  truft. 

6.  "  Upon  thi«  we  became  truftees  for  one  moiety  of  the  faid  province, 
yet  undivided;  and  after  no  little  labour,  trouble  and  coil,  a  divifion  was 
obtained  between  the  faid  Sir  George  Carteret  and  us,  as  truitees:  the 
country  is  fituated  and  bounded,  as  is  exprefled  in  the  printed  description. 

7.  "  This  now  divided  moiety  is  to  be  caft  into  one  hundred  parts, 
lots  or  proprieties;  ten  of  which,  upon  the  agreement,  made  betwixt 
E*  Biliiuve  and  J,  Feniuicke,  his  executors  and  afligns,  with  a  coniider- 
able  fum  of  money  by  way  of  fatisfa<Stion,  for  what  he  became  concerned 
in  the  purchafe  from  the  faid  Lord  Berkeley,  and  by  him  afterwards  con- 
veyed to  John  Edrulgt  and  Edmond  Warner,  their  heirs  and  affigns. 

8.  "  The  ninety  parts  remaining  are  expofed  to  fale;  on  behalf  of  the 
creditors  of  the  faid  Ed-ward  Byllinge.     And  forasmuch  feveral  friends 
are  concerned  as  creditors,  as  well  as  others,  and  the  difpofal  of  fo  great 
a  part  of  this  country  being  in  our  hands;  we  did  in  real  tendernefs  and 
regard  to  friends,  and  efpecially  to  the  pool  and  neceffitous,  make  friends 
the  firft  offer;  that  if  any  of  them,  though  particularly  thofe,  who  being 
low  in  the  world,  and  under  trials  about  a  comfortable  livelihood  for 
themfelves  and  families,  fhouW  be  defirous  of  dealing  for  any  part  or 
parcel  thereof,  that  they  might  have  the  refufal. 

9.  "  This  was  the  real  and  honeft  intent  of  our  hearts,  and  not  to 
prompt,  or  allure  any  out  of  their  places,  either  by  the  credit  o'.ir  names 
might  have  with  our  people  throughout  the  nation,  or  by  reprefcnting  the 
thing  otherwife  than  it  is  in  itielf. 

"  As  to  the  printed  paper,  fome  time  fince  fet  forth  by  the  creditors,  as 
a  defcription  of  that  province,  we  lay,  as  to  two  paffages  in  it,  they  are 
not  fo  clearly  and  fafely  worded  as  ought  to  have  been;  particularly  in 
feeming  to  hint,  the  Winter  feafon  to  be  fo  fhort  a  time;  when,  on  fur- 
ther information,  we  hear  it  is  fometimes  longer,  and  fometimes  fhorter, 
than  tkerein  expreffed;  and  the  laft  claufe,  relating  to  liberty  of  confcience, 
•we  would  not  have  any  to  think,  that  it  is  promifed  or  intended,  to  main- 
tain the  liberty  of  the  exercife  of  religion  by  force  of  arms;  though  we 
fhall  never  confent  to  any  the  leaft  violence  on  confcience  ;  yet  it  was  never 
defigned  to  encourage  any  to  expect  by  force  of  arms,  to  have  liberty  of 
conference  fenced  againft  invaders  thereof. 

"  And  be  it  known  unto  you  all,  in  the  name  and  fear  of  Almighty 
God,  his  Glory  and  Honor,  Power  and  Wifdom,  Truth  and  Kingdom, 
is  dearer  to  us,  than  all  vifible  things;  and  as  our  eye  has  been  fingle, 
and  our  hearts  fincere,  in  the  living  God,  in  this,  as  in  other  things,  fo 
we  defire  all,  whom  it  may  concern,  that  all  groundlefs  jealoufies  may 
be  judged  down,  and  watched  againft;  and  that  all  extremes  maybe 
avoided,  on  all  hands,  by  the  power  of  the  Lord;  that  nothing  which 

hurts 


mentioned,  they  intended  to  fend.     Their  names 
•were,   "Thomas   Olive,  Daniel  Wills,  John  Kinfey, 
Jofeph  Hehnfay,  Robert  Stacy,  Benjamin  Scott,  Rich-  the 
ar d  Guy,  and  Thomas  Foulke.     They  were  empow-  mii 
ered  to  purchafe  lands  of  the  Indians;  to  infpecl  the 
rights  of  fuch  as  claimed  property;  to- give  directions 
for  the  laying  out  the  lands;  and,  in  general,  to  ad- 
minifter  the  government,  according  to  the  concef- 
Jions.* 

The 

hurts  or  grieves  the  holy  life  of  truth  in  any  that  goes  or  ftaya,  may  be 
adhered  to,  nor  any  provocation  given  to  break  precious  unity. 

"  This  am  I,  William  Penn,  moved  of  the  Lord  to  write  unto  you, 
left  any  bring  a  temptation  upon  themfelves,  or  others;  and,  in  offend- 
ing the  Lord,  flay  their  own  Peace.  BlefTed  are  they  that  can  fee  and 
behold  him  their  Leader,  their  Orderer,  their  Conductor  and  Preferver 
in  flaying  and  going;  whofe  is  the  earth  and  the  fulnefs  thereof,  and  the 
cattle  upon  a  thoufand  hills.  And,  as  we  formerly  writ,  we  cannot  but 
repeat  our  requeft  unto  you,  that,  in  whomfoever  a  defire  is  to  be  con- 
cerned in  this  intended  plantation,  fuch  would  weigh  the  thing  before  the 
Lord,  and  not  headily,  or  rafhly,  conclude  on  any  fuch  remove;  and  that 
they  do  not  offer  violence  to  the  tender  love  of  their  near  kindred  and 
relations,  but  foberly  and  confcientioufly  endeavour  to  obtain  their  good 
ivills ;  the  unity  of  friends,  where  they  live;  that,  whether  they  go,  or 
ftay,  it  may  be  of  good  favour  before  the  Lord,  and  good  people;  from 
whom  only  can  all  heavenly  and  earthly  blefiings  come; — This  we  thought 
good  to  write,  for  the  preventing  all  mifunderftandings,  and  to  declare 
the  real  truth  of  the  matter;  and  fo  we  recommend  you  all  to  the  Lord, 
who  is  the  watchman  of  his  Ifrael.  We  are  your  real  friends  and  bre- 
thren. 

WILLIAM  PENN, 
GAWEN  LAWRIE. 
NICHOLAS  LUCAS. 

*  Of  thefe  Commiflioners,  Richard  Guy  came  in  the  firft  fhip;  John 
Kinfcy  died  at  Sbackamaxon,  (the  Indian  name  of  the  place,  where  Ken- 
flngton  flands,  near  Philadelphia]  foon  after  his  landing. 

Among  the  purchafers  of  the  Wefl-Jerfey  knds,  were  two  companies., 
both  confuting  of  friends,  or  Quakers;  the  one  of  perfons  from  Tort/bire, 
the  other  from  London.  Thefe  contracted  for  large  (hares,  and  had  patents 
for  them. — See  the  conccfijons,  in  Smith's  appendix  to  the  hiftory  of 
New-Jerfeyt  No.  2,  &.C. 

Thofe  of  the  county  of  Tort,  were,  Thomas  Hutchinfon  of  Beverly^. 
"Thomas  Pearfon  of  B  on-wide ,  Jofipb  Helm/ley  of  Great  Kelic,  George 
Hutchinfon  of  Sheffield,  and  Mahlon  Stacy  of  Hanfivorth.  All  thefe  were 
principal  creditors  of  Edivard  Ey  Hinge;  and  to  thefe,  feveral  of  the  other 
creditors  made  alignments  of  their  debts,  which  together  amounted  to 
3500  pounds  fterling;  and  they  took,  in  fatisfa&ion  for  the  fum,  one- 
*-:nth  part  of  Wt$~Jcrf?y;  -which  was  conveyed  to  them  by  William  Penn, 

Gatixa 


r-flen  ers       ***~  Rum^'er  °^"  paffengers  in  this  (hip,  was  twcr 
'"Si  hundred  and  thirty,  moftly  of  the  people  called 
Keat*  Quakers ;  and  fome  of  them  had  good  eftates  in 
England.     They  landed  about  Rackoon  creek,  oil 
Rac-  Delaware;  where  the  Swedes  had  fome  fcattered 
but  infufficient  to  receive,  or  accom- 

x  7 

niodate  them.  This  was  the  fecond  fhip,  which 
arrived  at  WeJi-Jerfey  with  pafl'engers.  As  this  fhip 
lay  in  the  river  Thames •,  with  the  paflengers  on 
board,  ready  to  fail,  king  Charles  the  fecond,  in 
his  pleafure  barge,  coming  along  fide,  and  obferv- 
ing  a  great  number  of  people  on  board,  and  being 
informed  where  they  were  bound,  afked  whether 
they  were  all  Quakers,  and  gave  them  his  bleffing. 

the  Com-      After  their  arrival,  the  Commiffioners  proceeded 
further  up  the  river,  to  the  place  where  Burlington 


the/* a™  was  afterwards  built,  then  called 

&c.  'from  an  Indian  fachem,  who  lived  there.  Here 
they  treated  with  the  Indians,  and  entered  on  the 
regulation  of  their  fettlements;  for  which,  befides 
the  commifTion  of  the  proprietors,  they  had  like- 
wife  obtained  that  of  Governor  Androfs;  on  whom, 
in  their  paffage,  they  had  waited,  at  New-Tork,  to 
acquaint  him  with  their  bufmefs;  who,  as  he  had 
received  no  inflruftions  from  the  duke  of  Tork,  in 
the  cafe,  was  unwilling  to  furrender  the  govern- 
ment of  the  place  to  them,  without  an  order  from 
the  Duke,  He  had  continued  Governor  of  this 
country,  fince  the  Dutch  furrender  of  it  to  the 
King,  in  1673;  and  though  the  Puke  foon  after 
had  a  rergrant  of  it,  as  before  obferved,  yet  it  was 
not  till  the  year,  1678,  that  he,  in  confequence 
thereof,  made  a  new  grant  of  WeJl-Jerfey  to  the 

afligns 

Gatven  Laiv rie  and  Niclolas  Lucas,  and  Edivard Bylllnae^  in  two  different 
deeds,  dated  the  firfl  of  the  month  called  March,  1676. 

Smith's  hijlory  of  Ne'M-*jetfey, 

The  York/hire  Commiffioners  were  Jo/eft  Helmjle\^  William  Emley,  and 
Robert  Stacy;— thofe  of  London,  were  Jokn  Pf nford,  Tlotnas  Olive^  Daniel 
Wills  and  £  en' am  in  Scott. 


Introduction*  145 

ailigns  of  Lord  Berkeley^  as  well  as  alfo  of  Eqft- 
Jerfey,  to  Carteret,  the  proprietor  of  the  fame. 

The  Commiflioners  procured  interpreters  from 
the  Swedes,  Ifrael  Helmes,  Peter  Rambo^  and  Lacy 
Cock;  and  afterwards  Henrie  Jacobfon  Falcombre: 
They  made  divers  purchafes  of  lands  from  the 
Indians;  but  not  having  goods  fufficient  to  pay  for 
all  they  bought,  they  agreed  not  to  fettle  any  part, 
till  it  was  paid  for.* 

The  town  of  Burlington  was  laid  out  by  mutual 

r    i  •  i  i         L     /^«  T    Burlington 

agreement  or  the  proprietors;  and  by  the  Comrmi-  iaidout,&c. 
fioners,  it  was  firft  named  New-Beverly;  but  foon 
after  it  got  the  name  of  Burlington.     It  was  frrft  s.  Smith, 
fettled  by  a  confiderable  number  of  reputable  fami-  &Ct 
lies,  from  Torkfhire^  and  other  places  in  England;! 

afrem 

*  'Thomas  Olive,  the  firfh  mentioned  of  thefe  Commiflioners,  by  the 
Kent,  was  afterwards  Governor  of  Wcjl-*$crfey,  and  in  other  refpe&s,  a 
man  of  importance;  being  both  a  preacher  and  writer  among  the  Quakers. 
While  he  was  in  the  magiftracy,  by  his  fkill  and  prudent  management, 
he  acquired  an  univerfally  good  character;  and  in  both  his  religious  and 
civil  capacity  and  deportment,  through  life,  he  is  faid  to  have  merited  and 
obtained  the  general  love  and  efteem  of  all  people,  till  his  death;  which 
was  about  the  year  1 692,  at  Rankokas,  where  he  had  lived. 

To  form  an  idea  of  the  price  of  lands,  then  purchafed  of  the  Indians, 
the  following  inftance  may  fuffiee,  viz. 

"  The  price  of  the  lands,  fituated  between  Qldmans-crceli,  and  Timber- 
creek,  extending  about  twenty  miles  on  the  river  Dda-ware,  purchafed  this 
year,  (1677)  confifted  of  thirty  matchcoats,  twenty  guns,  thirty  kettles, 
and  one  great  one,  thirty  pair  of  hofe,  twenty  fathom  of  duffelds,  thirty 
petticoats,  thirty  narrow  hoes,  thirty  bars  of  lead,  fifteen  fmall  barrels  of 
powder,  feventy  knives,  thirty  Indian  axes,  feventy  combs,  fixty  pair  of 
tobacco  tongs,  fixty  pair  of  fcizzars,  fixty  Tinihaw  looking  glaffes,  one 
hundred  -and  twenty  awl  blades,  one  hundred  and  twenty  fifii  hooks,  two 
grafps  of  red  paint,  one  hundred  and  twenty  needles,  fixty  tobacco  boxes, 
two  hundred  bells,  cvne  hundred  Jews  harps,  fixty  anchors  of  rum." 

Smith's  hijiory  of  Netv-Jcrfey. 

In  the  fame  hiftory  it  is  mentioned  in  another  place,  about  the  year, 
1703,  when  the  price  of  lands  was  confequenly  much  advanced,  viz. 

"  The  council  (of  proprietors)  have  made  two  purchafes,  amounting 
to,  according  to  our  beft  computation,  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thoufand  acres,  at  leaft;  the  coft  thereof  to  the  Indians,  with  other  inci- 
dental charges,  will  amount  to  about  the  fum  of  feven  hundred  pounds." 

Ibid. 

f  Some  of  the  mafters  of  families,  who  came  in  the  (hip  laft  menti- 
oned, and  fettled  in  and  about  Burlington,  were  Thomas  Olive,  Daniel 
Wills,  William  Peachy,  William  Clayton,  John  Crips,  Thomas  Eves, 
Thomas  Harding,   Thomas   Nofiter,   Thomas   Fairnfworth,   Morgan 
f  i  Q!  Drewet 


146  Introduction. 

a  frefh  number  of  which  arrived  from  Wickaco,  the 
Swedes  fettlemcnt  on  Delaware,  in  the  latter  end 
of  October  this  year;  but  the  feafon  being  fo  far 
fpent,  they  had  only  time  to  erect  a  kind  of  Wig- 
warns,  like  thofe  of  the  Indians,  for  their  accom- 
modation during  the  winter. 

1677.         The  Indians  fupplied  them  with  corn  and  veni- 
The  indi-  fon  ;  which  was  their  principal  food.     Thefe  na- 

hef'ful  ^ves  were  t^len  not  muc^  corrupted  with  ftrong 
to  the  fi'rft  Kqours,  and  they  were,  in  general,  friendly,  kind 
and  helpful  to  the  Engli/b;  though  at  that  time 
*  they  were  very  numerous,  and  the  latter,  compared 
with  them,  but  few  and  weak  ;  and  notwithftand- 
ing  endeavours  had  been  ufed,  as  was  fuppofed, 
by  fome  perfons,  to  render  them  otherwife,  in  try- 
ing to  make  them  believe  that  the  Engttjh  had  fold 
them  the  Small-pox  in  their  match  coats  ;  yet,  at  a 
meeting,  which  they  had  on  this  affair,  one  of  their 
chiefs  expreffed  himfelf  thus:  —  "  In  my  grandfa- 
thers time,  the  fmall-pox  came  ;  in  my  fathers  time 
the  fmall-pox  came;  and  now,  in  my  time,  the 
fmall-pox  is  come;"  —  then  ilretching  his  hands' 

towards 

Drewet,  William  Pcnnton,  Henry  Jennings,  William  Hibes,  Samuel 
I.,ovet:t,  John  Woolfton,  William  Woodmancy,  Chriftopher  Saunders, 
and  Robert  Powel;  —  John  Wilkinfon  and  William  Perkins  died  in  their 
paflage.'  —  Perkins,  early  in  life,  joined  in  fociety  with  the  Quakers,  and 
lived  well,  in  Leicefterfhire;  —  and  in  the  fifty-  fecond  year  ©f  his  age, 
with  his  wife,  four  children,  and  fome  fervants,  embarked  in  this  fhip:  — 
among  his  fervants  was  one,  by  name,  Marfhall,  a  Carpenter,  a  very 
ferviceable  perfon,  in  fitting  up  the  new  habitations." 

Smith's  lifory  of  New-Jerfcy. 

Extraft  from  John  Crips's   letter,   dated,  Burtingteny   on  Delaware, 
s6th.  8th.  month,  1677,  t©  his  friend  Henry  Stacy,  in  England. 

"  Here  is  a  town  (Burlington)  laid  out  for  twenty  proprieties,  and 
a  ftraight  line,  drawn  from  the  river  fide  (Delaware)  up  the  land,  which 
is  to  he  the  main  ftreet,  and  a  market  place  about  the  middle.  The  York- 
Jhire  ten  proprietors  are  to  build  on  one  fide,  and  the  London  ten,  on  the 
other  fide;  and  they  have  ordered  one  ftreet  to  be  made  along  the  river 
fide;  which  is  not  divided  with  the  reft,  but  in  fmall  lots  by  itfelf; 
and  every  one  that  hath  any  part  in  a  propriety,  is  to  have  his  fhare  in  it, 
The  town  lots  for  every  propriety  will  be  about  ten  or  eleven  acres; 
which  is  only  for  a  houfe,  orchard  and  gardens,  &c." 


Introduction. 

towards  the  fkies,  he  faid,  "  It  came  from  thence:" 
to  which  the  reft  ailented. 

In 

*Thom-is  Sudd,  who  owned  a  fhare  of  propriety  in  Weft  Jfrfey,  being 
anceilor  to  a  large  family  there;  and  who  arrived  at  Burlington  in  1678,  in  a 
Pamphlet,  defcribing  the  country  about  nine  or  ten  years  afterwards, 
fays, 

"  The  Indians  told  us,  rn  a  conference  at  Burlington,  (hortly  after  we 
came  into  the  country,  they  were  advifed  to  make  war  on  us,  and  cut 
Us  off,  while  we  were  but  few ;  for  that  we  fold  them  the  Small  Pox^ 
with  the  Matdh  coat  they  had  bought  of  us  : — Which  caufed  our  peo- 
ple to  be  in  fears  and  jealoufies  concerning  them :  therefore  we  font  for 
the  Indian  Kings,  to  fpeak  with  them,  who  with  many  more  Indians t 
came  to  Burlington,  where  we  had  a  conference  with  them,  about  the 
matter.  We  told  them,  we  came  among!!  them  by  their  own  confent, 
•and  had  bought  the  land  of  them  ;  for  which  we  had  honeftly  paid,  as 
•well  as  for  all  the  commodities  which  we  had,  at  any  time  bought  of 
them;  that  we  had  been  juft,  kind,  and  refpectful  to  tkem,  from  the  time  of 
our  firft  coming  ;  and  therefore,  know  no  f  eafon  that  they  had  to  make 
Avar  on  us.  To  which  one  of  them  in,  behalf  of  the  reft,  made  the  fol- 
lowing fpeech  in  anfwer." 

"  Our  young  men  may  fpeak  fuch  words  as  we  do  not  like,  nor  ap- 
prove of ;  and  we  cannot  help  it.  And  fome  of  your  young  men  may 
fpeak  fuch  words  as  you  do  not  like;  and  you  cannot  help  that:  — 
We  arc  your  brothers,  and  intend  to  live  like  brothers  with  you  ;  we 
have  no  mind  to  have  war,  for  when  we  have  war,  we  are  only 
fkln  and  bones,  the  meat  that  we  eat  does  "us  no  good;  we  always 
are  in  fear,  we  have  not  the  benefit  of  the  fun  to  fhine  on  us  ;  we  hide  us 
in  holes  and  corners;  we  are  minded  to  live  in  peace.  If  we  intend,  at 
any  time,  to  make  war  upon  you,  we  will  let  you  know  of  it,  and  the 
Tcafons  why  we  make  War  with  you  ;  and  if  you  make  us  fatisfa&ion  for 
the  injury  done  us,  for  which  the  war  was  intended,  then  we  will  not 
make  war  on  you ;  and  if  you  intend  at  any  time,  to  make  war  on  us,  we 
•would  have  you  let  us  know  of  it,  and  the  reafon;  and  if  we  do  not  make 
ffuuia&ion  for  the  injury  done  unto  you,  then  you  may  make  war  on  us  ; 
ctherwifc  you  ought  net  to  do  it:  you  are  our  brothers,  and  we  are  wil- 
ling to  live  like  brothers  with  you  :  we  are  willing  to  have  a  broad  path, 
for  you  and  us  to  walk  in  ;  and  if  an  Indian  is  afieep  in  this  path,  the 
£,ft^r;Jhman  fhall  pafs  by  und  do  him  no  harm.  And  if  an  Engl/jhman  be 
afleep  in  this  path,  the  Indian  (hall  pafs  by  him  and  fay  "  he  is  an  Englijb- 
tnan  ;  he  is  afleep,  let  him  alone,  he  loves  fleep.1"  It  fhall  be  K  plain  patb$ 
there  mufl  not  be  in  this  path  a  Jlump,  to  hurt  our  feet.  And  as  to  the 
fmall-pox,  it  was  once  in  my  grandfather's  time;  and  it  could  not  be  the 
Engli/b,  that  could  fend  it  to  us  then;  there  'being  no  Englijb,  in  the 
country;  and  it  was  once  in  my  father's  time;  they  could  not  fend  it  us 
then  neither;  and  now  it  is  in  my  time;  I  do  not  believe  they  have  fsnt 
it  to  us  now;  I  do  believe  it  is  the  Man  above  that  hath  fent 
it  us." 

"  Some  are  apt  to  afk,  how  we  can  propofe  fafely  to  live  among  fuch  a 
Heathen  people,  as  the  Indians,  whofe  principles  and  practices  lead  them 
to  war  and  bloodfhed;  and  ours  on  the  contrary,  to  love  enemies?  I  an- 
fwer, that  we  fettled  by  the  Indians  confent  and  goodliking,  and  bought 
the  land  of  them,  that  we  fettle  on;  which  they  conveyed  to  us  by  deedsj 

undet 


'47 


1 48  Introduction. 

In  November  arrived  another  (hip  from  London^ 
with  about  fixty  or  feventy  paffengers;  of  which 
fome  fettled  at  Sale?n;  and  others  at  Burlington. 
Among  the  former  are  mentioned  "James  Nevill, 

Henry 

under  their  hands  and  feals;  and  alfo  fubmltted  to  feveral  articles  cf 
agreement  with  us,  -viz.  not  to  do  us  any  irjury,  but  if  it  fhould  fo  happen, 
that  any  of  their  people,  any  time,  fhould  injure,  or  do  harm  to  any  of 
us,  then  they  were  to  make  us  fatisfadion,  for  the  injury  done.  There* 
fore  if  they  break  thefe  covenants  and  agreements,  then,  in  confequence 
thereof,  they  may  be  proceeded  againft,  as  other  offenders,  i>iz.  to  keep 
in  fubjeclion  to  the  Magiftrate's  power;  into  whofe  hands  the  fword  of 
jujlice  is  committed  to  be  ufed  by  him,/<?r  the  punijkmer.t  of  evil-doers,  and 
the  praife  of  them  t!mt  do  ivell:  therefore  I  do  believe  it  to  be  both  law- 
ful and  expedient  to  bring  offenders  to  juftice,  by  the  power  of  the  ma- 
giftrate'sfword;  which  is  not  to  be  ufed  in  vain; — but  may  be  ufed  againft 
iuch  as  raife  rebellions  and  infurreSiions  againft  the  government  of  the  coun* 
try,  be  they  Cbrijiians  or  Indians,  (now  that  thefe  have  fo  far  agreed  to  abide 
the  laws  of  civil  government)  otherwife  it  is  in  vain  lor  us  to  pretend 
to  magiflracy,  or  government;  it  being  that,  which  we  own  to  be  lawful, 
both  in  principle  and  practice. 

"  The  Indians  have  been  very  ferviceable  to  us,  by  felling  us 

vcnifon,  Indian  corn,  peas  and  beans,  fifli  and  fowl:"———"  The  wo- 
men plant  the  corn  and  carry  burdens.  There  are  many  of  them  of  a 
good  underftanding,  confidering  their  education; — and  in  their  public 
meetings  of  bufinefs,  they  have  excellent  order;  one  fpeaking  after  ano- 
ther; and  while  one  is  fpeaking  all  the  reft  keep  filent,  and  do  not  fo  much 
as  whifper  one  to  the  other. 

'*  We  had  feveral  meetings  with  them;  one  was  in  order  to  put  down 
the  fale  of  rum,  brandy  and  other  ftrong  liquors,  to  them  ;  they  being  a 
people,  that  have  not  government  of  themfelves,  fo  as  to  drink  in  mode- 
ration. At  which  time  there  were  eight  Kings,  (one  of  them  was  Ola- 
nickon,  a  noted  friend  to  the  Engli/b}  and  many  other  Indians.  The  Kings 
fat  on  a  form,  and  we  on  another,  over  againft  them.  They  had  prepa- 
red four  belts  of  Wampum  (fo  their  current  money  is  called,  being  black 
and  white  beads,  made  of  a  fifh  fhell)  to  give  us  as  feals  of  the  cove- 
nant, they  made  with  us.  One  of  the  Kings  by  the  confent  and  appoint- 
ment of  the  reft  flood  up,  and  made  this  following  fpeech: 

"  The  ftrong  liquor  was  firit  fold  us  by  the  Dutch ;  and  they  are 

blind  ;  they  had  no  eyes,  they  did  not  fee  that  it  was  for  our  hurt.  The 
Hext  peopie  that  came  among  us,were  the  Swedes,  who  continued  the  fale  of 
thefe  ftrong  liquors  to  us ;  they  were  alfo  blind  ;  they  had  no  eyes,  they 
did  not  fee  it  to  be  hurtful  to  us  to  drink  it ;  although  we  know  it  to  be 
hurtful  to  us  ;  but  if  people  will  fell  it  to  us,  we  are  fo  in  love  with  it, 
that  we  cannot  forbear  it.  When  we  drink  it,  it  makes  us  mad ;  we  do 
not  know  what  to  do:  we  then  abufe  one  another;  we  throw  each  other 
into  the  fire.  Seven  fcore  of  our  people  have  been  killed  by  reafon  of  the 
drinking  it,  fmce  the  time  it  was  firft  fold  us.  Thofe  people  that  fell  it 
are  blind;  they  have  no  eyes:— But  now  there  is  a  people  come  to 
live  amongft  us,  that  have  eyes;  they  fee  it  to  be  for  our  hurt,  and  we 
know  it  to  be  for  our  hurt;  they  are  willing  to  deny  themfelves  the  pro- 
fit of  it,  for  our  gopd :  Thofe  people  have  eyes ;  we  are  glad  fuch  a  peo- 
ple are  come  among  us:  we  muft  put  it  down  by  mutual  confent;  the 

cafe 


149 

Henry  Salter,  and  George  Deacon,  with  their  fami- 
lies. —  And,  in  this  year  alfo  arrived  the  Fly-Boat, 
Martha,  of  Burlington,  in  Torkjhire;  which  failed 
from  Hull,  in  the  latter  end  of  the  furnmer,  with 
one  hundred  and  fourteen  paflengers.* 

In  one  of  thefe  veffels,  or  about  this  time,  came  Arrival  of 
John  Kinfey,  then  a  young  man;  his  father,  hav- 
ing  been  one  of  the  Commiflioners,  before  menti- 
oned, who  died  on  his  arrival.     He  was  afterwards 
a  perfon  of  diftinguifhed  fervices,  in  divers  public  Account  Of 
ftations.     His  fon  of  the  fame  name,  and  likewife  h  :»  fon  j. 
one  of  the  people  called  Quakers,  afterwards  Chief  Kinfe>T'&< 
Juflice  of  Pennfylvania,  and  eminent  in  the  law, 
was  no  lefs  memorable  for  his  ufeful  and  benefi- 
cent abilities  and  good  qualities,  both  in  his  public 
and  private  life  and  character. 

In  the  Tenth  month,  O.  S.  (December)  1678,  ar- 
rived the  Shield,  from  Hull,  Daniel  Toives,  Com- 
mander, and  anchored  before  Burlington.  This  was 

the 

calk  muft  be  fealed  up:  it  muft  be  made  faft;  it  muft  not  leak  by  day  noT 
by  night,  in  light  nor  in  the  dark  ;  and  we  give  you  thefe  four  belts  of 
Wampum\  which  we  would  have  you  lay  up  fafe,  and  keep  by  you,  to 
be  witneffes  of  this  agreement,  that  we  make  with  you;  and  we  would 
have  you  tell  your  children,  that  thefe  four  belts  of  Wampum  are  given 
you,  to  be  witneffes  betwixt  us  and  you,  of  this  agreement." 

5.  Smiths  bljlory  of  New  Je^fey. 

*  Some  mafters  of  families,  in  this  Ihip,  were,  Thomas  Wright, 
William  Goforth,  John  Lynam,  Edward  Seafon,  William  Black,  Rich- 
ard Dungworth,  George  Miles,  William  Wood,  Thomas  Schooly, 
Richard  Harrifon,  Thomas  Hooton,  Samuel  Taylor,  Marmaduke  Horf- 
man,  William  Oxley,  William  Ley,  and  Nathanial  Luke.  The  fami- 
lies of  Robert  Stacy  and  Samuel  Odas;  and  Thomas  Ellis  and  John 
Batts,  fervants  fent  by  George  Hutchinfon,  came  in  this  ihip.  —  Twenty 
of  the  paflengers  were  faid  to  be  living  45  years  afterwards. 


Note,  Many  who  came  fervants,  and  were  induilrious,  fucceede4 
better,  than  fome  who  brought  eftates,  or  fortunes,  &c.  the  former, 
being  more  generally  better  fuited  to  encounter  the  hardfhips  and  diffi- 
culties of  a  new  country,  often  acquired  confiderable  poffeilions;  while 
the  latter,  being  accuftomed  to  live,  and  depend,  on  their  fortunes,  and 
what  they  brought  with  them,  had  the  difadvantage;  and  fometimes 
fpent  all  they  had,  and  were  reduced  to  indigence,  in  a  country,  where 
fervants  were  difficult  to  be  had  or  kept;  and  the  lower  clafs  of  peo- 
ple naturally  became  more  independant,  than  in  old  countries,  &c. 


150  Introduction. 

the  firil  mip,  that  came  fo  far  up  the  river  Delaware 

Oppofite  to  Coaquanock^  the  Indian  name  of  the 

place,  where  Philadelphia  now  ftands,  which  was 

a  bold  and  high  more,  (he  went  fo  near  it,  in  tur- 

1678.    ning,  that  part  of  the  tackling  ilruck  the  trees: 

Arrival  o/ome  °*  t^le  paflengers  exprefling,  ie  It  was  a  fine 

the  shidd,Jituation  for  a  town.9'     The  people,  next  morning, 

went  on  more  upon  the  ice;  fo  hard,  and  fo  fud- 

denly  had  it  froze,  in  the  fpace  of  one  night!* 

?68o.         The  duty,  which  was  impofed  by  the  govern- 
The  dut  ment;  °f  New-Tor k  on  all  exports  and  imports,  at 
at  Hoarkill,  remained  a  grievance  till  the  year  1680. 
n*s  duty  was  exacted  of  fettlers,  who  came  to 
«&c       Weft-Jerfey.     But   it   was,   this    year,    redreifed, 
through  the  application  of  their  friends,  in  En- 
gland)  to  the  Duke  of  York:  he  referred  the  mat- 
ter to  Council;  where  it  reded  for  a  confiderable 

time  j 

*  In  this  veflel  came  William  Emley,  the  fecond  time,  with  his  wife 
and  children,  and  bt>th  men  and  women  fervants;  Mahlon  Stacy,  with 
his  wife  and  children,  and  feveral  both  men  and  women  fervants;  Tho- 
mas Lambert,  his  wife,  children,  men  and  women  fervants;  John 
Lambert  and  fervants;  Thomas  Revell,  his  wife,  children  and  fervants; 
Godfrey  Hancock,  his  wife,  children  and  fervants;  Thomas  Potts,  his 
wife  and  children;  John  Wood,  and  four  children;  Robert  Muffin,  his 
wife  and  children;  Robert  Schooly,  his  wife  and  children;  James  Pharo, 
his  wife  and  children ;  Sufannah  Fairnfworth,  her  children  and  two  fer- 
vants; Richard  Tatterfal,  his  wife  arid  children;  Godfrey  Newbold, 
John  Dewibury,  Richard  Green,  Peter  Fretwellt  John  Fret  well,  John 
Jjewbold;  one,  by  name,  Barnes,  a  merchant,  from  Hull,  Francis 
Berwick,  George  Parks,  George  Hill,  John  Heyres  and  others. 

In  this  year  (1678)  alfo  arrived  a  {hip  from  London,  which  brought 
John  Denn,  Thomas  Kent,  John  Hollingfhead,  with  their  families; 
William  Hewlings,  Abraham  Hewlings,  Jonathan  Eldridge,  John 
Petty,  Thomas  Kirby,  with  others: — the  former  of  thefe  fettled  about 
Salem;  the  reft,  at  Burlington. 

About  this  time,  and  a  few  years  afterwards,  arrived,  at  Burlington, 
the  following  fettlers,  from  England,  viz.  John  Butcher,  Henry  Grubb, 
William  Butcher,  William  Brightwen,  Thomas  Gardner,  John  Budd, 
John  Burten,  Seth  Smith,  Walter  Pumphrey,  Thomas  Ellis,  Janits 
Satterthwaite,  Richard  Arnold,  John  Woolman,  John  Stacy,  Thomas 
Eves,  Benjamin  Duffeld,  John  Payne,  Samuel  Cleft,  William  Cooper, 
John  Shinn,  William  Biles,  John  Skein,  John  Warrel.  Anthony  Morris, 
Samuel  Bunting,  Charles  Reed,  Francis  Collins,  Thomas  Matthews, 
Chriftopher  Wetherill,  John  Dewibury,  John  Day,  Richard  Bafnett, 
John  Antrom,  William  Biddle,  Samuel  Furnace,  John  Ladd,  Thomas 
Rapcr,  Roger  Huggins  and  Thomas  Wood. 

Smith's  f)iflory  of  Ne 


Introduction. 

time;  but,  at  laft,  by  the  management  and  affiduity 
of  William  Penn,  George  Hutchinfon,  and  others, 
it  was  reported  in  their  favor;  and  Sir  John  Wer- 
den^  on  the  Duke's  behalf,  wrote  to  have  it  dif- 
continued:  William  Penn  and  the  reft  having 
made  it  fully  appear,  that  they  had  purchafed  the 
government  of  the  country  with  the  foil;  which, 
therefore,  of  right,  ought  not  to  be  fubjec"fc  to  any 
impofition  of  duties,  from  the  government  of  New- 
York;  that  the  Duke  of  Tork9  having  granted  all 
his  right  to  the  faid  country,  to  the  afligns  of  Lord 
Berkeley,  and  thefe  to  them,  in  as  ample  a  manner, 
as  it  was  granted  to  the  Duke  by  the  King;  which 
was  exprefsly,  "  To  make,  ordain  and  ejiablifh,  all 
manner  of  orders,  laws,  direflions^  inftruments  and 
forms  of  government,  and  Magiftrates,  Jit  and  ne- 
cejfary  for  the  territory  of  or ef aid;" — with  this  limi- 
tation, "  fo  always  as  the  fame  be  not  contrary  to  the 
laws  andjiatutes  of  this  our  realm  of  England;  but 
as  near  as  may  be,  agreeably  thereto; — it  was  there- 
by plain,  that  the  colony,  or  any  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, could  not  poffibly  be,  of  right,  fubject  to 
any  laws  or  impofitions,  but  thofe  of  its  own., 
and  of  Great  Britain.* 

In 

*  In  the  prefent  year  1680,  arrived  Samuel  Jtningf,  with  his  family, 
from  Coles-Hill^  in  Bvckiitgbantjkirt.  He  was  a  perfon  of  ibme  note 
and  eminence;  a  preacher  among  the  Quakers,  and  ibmetime  Governor 
of  the  province; — His  letter,  after  his  arrival,  directed  to  William  Penn, 
EdivardByllingc,  or  G.  Laivrie,.  further  mentions  the  difcontinuance  of 
this  impofition,  as  follows: 

"  Dear  Friends, 

"  THIS  may  give  you  art  account  of  mine,  and  my  family's  fafe  ar- 
rival in  Neiv-Jerfey,  with  all  the  reft  that  came  with  us. — I  might  fay 
fomething  concerning  our  pafiage  at  fea,  but  I  wave  it,  for  want  of 
time;  and,  in  fine,  may  obferve,  all  was  well;  for  which  I  bltfs  God; 
and  the  Lord  keep  us  all  fenfible  of  it,  with  the  reft  of  his  mercies,  for 
ever." 

"  Dear  Friends,  about  fix  weeks  fmce  we  arrived  in  Delaivart  river, 
where  I  expected  to  have  met  with  a  combat,  in  the  denial  of  Cujloms. 
Jn  our  paffage,  at  fea,  I  had  communicated  to  ail  that  had  any  confide- 
rable  cargo  on  board,  the  opinion  of  Council,  concerning  the  illegal 
demand  thereof,  with  what  elfe  I  thought  might  be  for  their  information; 
which  thus  far  prevailed,  that  mofi,  if  not  ull,  concerned,  feemed  re- 

folved 


152  Introduction. 

In  the  fettlement  of  new  countries,  people  dif- 
ferently   interefted    commonly    characterize,    or 
praife  and  difpraife  them,  as  it  fuits  their  intereit 
to  encourage  or  difcourage  fuch  colonization;  but 
See   s.  we    find  mo  ft  of  thofe  early   adventurers,  whcf 
or'8  of  f°on  a^ter  t^le^r  arrrva^  wrote  to  their  friends,  in 
N.  jerfey.    England^  appear  to  have  been  well  pleafed  with 
the  country,  by  giving  a  very  favourable  account 
The  new  of  it,  in  many  of  their  letters,  and  fome  of  them, 
Coionifts     even    beyond  their  former  expectation:  of  which 

well  pleafed    .        ,?  ,1        •  r>   r 

with     the  the  following  extract  from  one,  written  by  an  ear- 
country,      jy  Colonift  and  proprietor,  in  the  year  1680,  may 
ferve  as  a  fpecim'en  refpecling  the  native  produce 
of  provifions  of  the  country,  in  thofe  early  times, 
viz. 

"  But   now   a   word   or  two   of  thofe 

Extract  of  ftrange  reports  you  have  of  us,  and  our  country : 
a  letter  ref-  j  affirm  they  are  not  true ;  and  fear  they  were 

peeling          r      1         r  r   •    •         r  T  i 

the  provi-  Ipoke  from  a  ipirit  or  envy.     It  is  a  country  that 
and  produceth  all  things  for  the  fupport  and  fuftenance 
The  of  man,  in  a  plentiful  manner;  if  it  were  not  fo? 
country.      J  mould  be  afliamed  of  what  I  have  before  written; 
but  I  can  (land,  having  truth  on  my  fide,  againft 
and  before  the  face  of  all  gainfayers  and  evil  fpies. 

folved  to  deny  the  paying  of  cuftom  here;  having  paid  all  the  King's 
duties  in  England.  In  good  time  we  came  to  anchor,  in  Delaware* 
where  one  Ptter  Alrlclts  (collector  of  the  cuftoms)  came  aboard,  and 
brought  a  handfome  prefent  to  our  Commander,  and  fent  for  me  into  the 
K.ound-houfet  where  they  both  were;  and  Peter  told  me,  he  had  nothing 
to  fay  to  us,  relating  to  cujlomi;  he  had  no  commiftion  for  it;  nor  did 
he  know  of  any  body  that  had;  fo  we  had  all  our  goods  fufely  landed 
after  this  unexpected  eafy  manner. 

**  In  purfuance  of  the  truil  committed  to  me  after  my  arrival,  I  ac- 
quainted thofe  nominated  in  the  commifiion  with  me,  of  it;  but  in  a 
inert  time  after  I  received  your  letters,  giving  me  an  account  of  a  new 
grant  obtained,  wherein  the  cuftoms  are  taken  off;  a  free  port  confirmed, 
and  the  government  iettled  on  Edward  Byllinge ;  which  I  doubt  not  will 
be  very  acceptable  to  every  honeft  man.  But,  as  yet  1  have  not  had 
time  to  let  the..people,  in  general,  know  it:  and  now  feeing  the  ports 
are  made  legally  free,  and  the  government  fettled,  I  would  not  have 
any  thing  to  remain  as  a  difcouragement  to  planters;  here  are  feveral 
good  and  convenient  fettlements  already,  and  here  is  land  enough,  and 
good  enough,  for  many  more. 

"  SAMUEL  JENINGS. 
*'  Nevo- Jerfey t  IJtL  of  Q8«bert  l68o," 


Introduction*  153 

I  have  travelled  through  moil  of  the  places  that 
are  fettled,  and  fome  that  are  not;  and  in  every 
place  I  find  the  country  very  apt  to  anfwer  the 
expectation  of  the  diligent.     I  have  feen  orchards 
laden  with  fruit  to   admiration;  their  very  limbs 
torn  to  pieces  with  the  weight,  and  mod  delicious 
to  the  tafte,  and  lovely  to  behold.    I  have  feen  an 
apple-tree,  from  a  pippin-kernel,  yield  a  barrel  of 
curious  cyder;  and  peaches  in  fuch  plenty,  that 
fome  people  took  their  carts  a  peach-gathering;  I 
could  not  but  fmile  at  the  conceit  of  it;  they  are 
very  delicate  fruit,  and  hang  almoft  like  our  oni- 
ons, that  are  tied  on  ropes.     I   have  feen  and 
known,  this  fummer,  forty  bumels  of  bold  wheat 
of  one  bufhel  fown;  and  many  more  fuch  inflances 
1  could  bring,  which  would  be  too  tedious  here 
to  mention.     We  have,  from  the  time  called  May 
until  Michaelmas,  great  ftore  of  very  good  wild 
fruits;  as,  ftrawberries,    cranberries    and    hurtle- 
berries;  which  are  like  our  bilberries  in  England, 
but  far  fweeter;  they  are  very  wholefome  fruits. 
The   cranberries,  much  like  cherries,    for  color 
and  bignefs;  which  may  be  kept  till  fruit  come 
again;  an  excellent  fauce  is  made  of  them  for  ve- 
nifon,  turkeys,  and  other  great  fowl;  and  they 
are  better  to  make  tarts  than  either  goofberries  or 
cherries;  we  have  them  brought  to  our  houfes  by 
the  Indians^  in  great  plenty.     My  brother  Robert 
had  as  many  cherries,  this  year,  as  would  have 
loaded  feveral  carts.     It  is  rny  judgment,  by  what 
I  have  obferved,  that  fruit  trees,  in  this  country, 
deftroy  themfelves  by  the  very  weight  of  their 
fruit. 

"  As   for   venifon    and  fowls,  we  have  great 
plenty ;  \  we  have  brought  home  to  our  houfes,  by    pltntr  in 
the  Indians ,  feven  or  eight  fat  bucks  in  a  day;  S^'^in 
and  fometimes  put  by  as  many,  having  no  occafion  1680. 
for  them;  and  fifh,  in  their  feafon  very  plenteous, 
my  coufin  Resell  and  I,  with  fome  of  my  men, 
went  lafl  third  month  into  the  river  to  catch  her- 
[20]  rings  > 


Introduction. 

rings ;  for,  at  that  time,  they  came  in  great  moles 
into  the  (hallows;  we  had  neither  rod  nor  net; 
but,  after  the  Indian  fafhion,  made  a  round  pin- 
fold, about  two  yards  over,  and  a  foot  high,  but 
left  a  gap  for  the  fifh  to  go  in  at,  and  made  a  bum 
to  lay  in  the  gap,  to  keep  the  fifh  in;  and  when 
that  was  done,  we  took  two  long  birches,  and 
tied  their  tops  together,  and  went  about  a  ftones- 
cafl  above  our  faid  pinfold;  then  hawling  thefe 
birch-boughs  down  the  ftream,  where  we  drove 
thoufands  before  us;  but  fo  many  got  into  our 
trap  as  it  would  hold ;  and  then  we  began  to  hawl 
them   on  more,  as  faft  as  three  or  four  of  us 
could,  by  two  or  three  at  a  time;  and,  after  this 
manner,  in  half  an  hour,  we  could  have  filled  a 
three  bufliel  fack  of  as  good  large  herrings  as  ever 
I  faw.     And  as  to  beef  and  pork,  here  is  great 
plenty  of  it,  and   cheap;  and   alfo  good  Iheep. 
The   common  grafs    of  this   country  feeds  beef 
very  fat.     I  have  killed  two  this  year;  and  there- 
fore I  have  reafon  to  know  it:  befides,  I  have  feen, 
this  fall,  in  Burlington,  killed  eight  or  nine  fat 
oxen  and  cows  on  a  market  day,  and  all  very  fat. 
And   though  I  fpeak  of  herrings  only,  left  any 
fhould  think  we  have  little  other  forts,  we  have- 
great  plenty  of  moil  forts  of  fim,  that  ever  I  faw 
in  England:  befides  feveral  other  forts  that  are  not 
known  there;  as,  rocks, cat-fiih,  mads,  (heeps-heads, 
flurgeons;  and  fowls  plenty;  as,  ducks,  geefe,  tur- 
keys, pheafants,  partridges ;  ajid  many  other  forts, 
that  I  cannot  remember,  and  would  be  too  tedi- 
ous to  mention. 

"  Indeed  the  country,  take  it  as  a  wildernefs, 
is  a  brave  country,  though  no  place  will  pleafe  all. 
But  forne  will  be  ready  to  fay, — He  writes  of  con- 
veniences, but  not  of  inconveniences. — In  anfwer 
to  thefe,  I  honeftly  declare  there  is  fome  barren 
land,  as,  I  fuppofe,  there  is  in  mod  places  of  the 
world ;  and  more  wood  than  fome  would  have  up- 
on their  lands ;  neither  will  the  country  produce 

corn 


Introduction* 

£orn  without  labour,  npr  cattle  be  got  without 
fomething  to  buy  them,  nor  bread  with  idlenefs; 
elfe  it  would  be  a  brave  country  indeed;  and  I  quef- 
tion  not,  but  all  then  would  give  it  a  good  word; 
For  my  part,  I  like  it  fo  well,  I  never  had  the  leaft 
thought  of  returning  to  England^  except  on  account 
of  trade. 

"  MALHON  STACY." 

Weft-New-Jerfey  being  now  become  populous,     1681. 
and  Edward  By  Hinge  chofen  Governor  by  the  pro-  s.  Jenings 
prietors,  in  England,  he  commiflioned  Samuel  Jen-  made  5e" 

'  6         r  ,   •  -1  1    •     T_  •        Put7       G°- 

ings,  fome  time  after  his  arrival,   which  was  m  vernor  un. 
1680,  to  be  his  deputy.     Jenings  accordingly  cal-  der  E-  Byl- 
led  an  Affembly,  with  which,  in  November  1681,  mge' 
he  agreed  upon  certain  fundamentals  in  govern- 
ment, paffed  a  number  of  laws;  and,  with  the 
CommifTioners  for  fettliag  and  regulating  lands, 
fixed  on  proper  rules  and  methods,  for  that  pur- 
pofe,  all  which  may  be  feen  in  S.  Smith's  hiftory 
Of  that  province."* 

Note.  In  the  year  1683,  Oaiveit  Lanvrie,  arriving  Deputy-Governor 
of  Ea/l-Jerfiy,  under  Robert  Barclay,  writes  thus  from  Elizabeth-town,  to 
the  proprietors,  at  London,  viz. 

—  •  "  There  is  not  a  poor  man  in  all  the  province,  nor  that  wants; 
here  is  abundance  of  provifion;  pork  and  beef  at  two  pence  per  pound; 
fifh  and  fowl  plenty  ;  oyfters,  I  think,  would  ferve  all  England;  wheat 
four  fhillings  fterling  per  bufhel;  Indian  wheat  two  fhillings  and  fix- 
pence;  it  is  exceeding  good  for  food  every  way;  and  two  or  three  hun- 
dred fold  increafe:  cyder  good  and  plenty,  for  one  penny  per  quart, 
Good  drink,  that  is  made  of  water  and  molaffes,  ftands  in  about  two 

Jhillings  per  barrel; good  venifon  plenty,  brought  in  to  us  at  eighteen 

pence  the  quirter;  eggs  at  three  pence  per  dozen;  all  things  very  plenty; 
land  very  good  as  ever  I  faw:  vines,  walnuts,  peaches,  ftrawberries,  and 
many  other  things  plenty  in  the  woods." 

*  About  this  time  a  large  number  of  fettkrs,  chiefly  friends,  or 
uakers,  from  Dublin,  and  places  adjacent,  in  Ireland,  arrived  at  Elfmg- 
lurv,  near  Salem)  fome  of  whom,  John  and  Andrew  Thompfon,  and 
Robert  Zane  fettled  there :  others  went  up  to  Burlington;  and  feveral  of 
them  fettled  at  ffc-w-Toivn  creek ;  where  the  Indians  were  fhy,  at  firft, 
but  after  becoming  more  acquainted,  they  were  very  kind,  friendly  and 
helpful  to  them. 

In  the  year  1682,  the  names  of  the  members  of  Affembly,  whkh 
was  the  fecond  Affembly,  under  Jenings,  were, 

"  Thomas  Olive,  Speaker,  Mahlon  Stacy,  Jofhua  Wright,  John  Lam- 
fcert,  Thomas  Lambert,  William  Emley,  Godfrey  Hancock,  Daniel 
Leeds,  Thomas  Wright,  Samuel  Borden,  Robert  Stacy,  Thomas  Budd, 
Daniel  Wills,  fewer t  Thomas  Gardiner,  John  Crips,  John  White,  Jclm 

Chaffm, 


56  Introduction* 

After  this  large  numbers  of  frefli  fettlcrs  conti- 
nued coming  into  the  province;  and,  in  the  year 
1682,  a  fhip  of  550  tons  burthen  arrived  at  Weft- 
yerfey,  with  three  hundred  and  fixty  parlengers; 
who  landed  between  Philadelphia  and  Burlington, 
on  the  Jerfey  more. 

The  reprefentatives  of  Weft-Jerfey,  in  general 
Aflembly,  continued  to  be  annually  elected,  till 
the  furrender  of  the  proprietary  government  to 
the  crown,  in  1702;  before  which  time  the  coun- 
cil, (who  were  Juftices  ex  officio)  Juftices  of  peace, 
and  inferior  officers  of  government,  were  chofen 
by  them ;  and  the  Governor  was  appointed  by  the 
proprietors. 

Chaffin,  Bernard  Davenifli,  Ifaac   Marriott,  William  Peachy,  William 
Cooper,  Mark  Newby,  Thomas  Thackery,  Robert  Zane,  James  Nevill, 
Richard   Guy,   Mark   Reeves,    Richard    Hancock,  John    Smith,  John 
Pledger,  Edward  Wade,  George  Deacon,  and  Samuel  Hedge. 
Thofc  of  the  Council  tusre, 

<e  Thomas  Olive,  Robert  S,tacy,  Mahlon  Stacy,  William  Biddle, 
Thomas  Budd,  John  Chaffin,  James  Nevill,  Daniel  Wills,  Mark  Newby,. 
Elias  Farre. 

*¥rtJJices  for  Burlington , 

"  William  Biddle,  Robert  Stacy,  Elias  Farre,  Mahlon  Stacy,  John 
Chaffin,  Thomas  Budd,  Benjamin  Scott,  John  Crips,  Thomas  Thack- 
cry. 

"Jujlices  for  Salem, 

V  James  Nevill,  George  Deacon,  Richard  Hancock,  Edward  Wade. 
CommrJ/ioners  for  laying  out  lands,   \5?c. 

"  Elias  Farre,  William  Biddle,  Thomas  Budd,  Thomas  Gardiner, 
Mark  Newby,  James  Nevill,  Thomas  Olive,  Robert  Stacy,  Benjamin 
Scott,  William  Cooper. 

Sheriff  far  Bur line  ton,  John  White. 
Sheriff  or  Salem,  Thomas  Woodruffe. 

Provincial  Clerk  and  Recorder  for  Burlington,  Thomas  Revell. 
Ditto  for  Salem,  Samuel  Hedge. 

Surveyor,  Daniel  Leeds. 

Confablcs,  Robert  Schooly,  John  Pancoaft,  John  Burtenv  William 
Brightwen,  Thomas  Sharp." 

Among  the  laws,  patted  in  Wef -Jerfey,  tinder  the  adminiftration  of 
Jenings,  anno  1683,  the  following  indicates  their  views  and  care  f 
orderly,  induftrious  and  reputable  fettlement,  &c.  viz. 

"  And  whereas,  it  hath  pleafed  God  to  commit  this  country  and  pro- 
vince into  the  hands  of  fuch,  who  (for  the  generality  of  them)  are 

fearing 


Introduction.  . 

As  to  the  religious  ftate  of  the  firil  and  early 
fettlers  of  Weft  New  Jerfey,  it  is  obfervable,  as  ftate  of  w. 
before    mentioned,  they  confiiled    principally    of  ^" 
the  people  called  Quakers ;  whofe  religious  princi-  time. 
pies,  fyflem,  and  general  practice  have  been  al- 
ready described:  hence  on  their  arrival  at  the  place 
where  Burlington  now  (lands,  and   other  places, 
we  find  it  was  their  firft  and  great  concern  public- 
ly to  fupport  their  religious  worlhip;  on  account 
of  which  many  of  them  had  fuffered  much,  in 
their  native  country,* 

Before 

fearing  God,  and  painful  and  induftrious,  in  the  promoting;  anc!  im- 
proving the  faid  province;  and,  for  the  better  preventing  of  fuch  as  arc 
profane,  looie  and  idle  and  fcardalous,  from  fettling  amongft  us,  v.ho 
are,  and  will  be,  not  only  unferviceabje,  but  greatly  burdenfome  to  the 
province :  It  is  therefore  hereby  enacted,  by  the  authority  aforefaid, 
that  all  perfon  and  perfons,  who  ihall  tranfport  him,  or  themfelves  into 
this  province,  (hall,  within  eighteen  months  after  he,  or  they,  fhall 
arrive,  in  the  faid  province,  procure  and  produce  a  certificate,  under 
the  hands  of  fuch  of  that  religious  fociety,  to  whom  he  or  they  did  be- 
long, or  otherwile,  from  two  Magiftrates,  if  procurable,  or  two  Con* 
ftables,  or  Overfeers  of  the  poor,  with  three,  or  more,  creditable  pet*- 
fons  of  the  neighbourhood,  who  inhabit,  or  belong  to  the  place,  where 
he,  or  they,  did  laft  refide,  as  may  give  fatisfaclion,  that  is  to  fay, 
that  he,  or  they  came  not  clandeftinely,  or  fraudently  away;  and  if  un- 
married, that  he,  or  fhe,  are  clear  from  former  engagements,  in  that 
particular;  and  alfo,  that  he,  or  fhe,  are  fuch  as  live  foberly  and  honeftly, 
to  the  beft  of  their  knowledge;  and  that  no  Juftice  fhall  prefume  to 
marry  any  fuch  perfon  or  perlbns,  who  fhall  come  into  this  province, 
before  fuch  certificate  be  produced;  or  that  it  be  laid  before  the  Governor, 
or  two  Juftices,  and  give  them  fufficient  fatisfa&ion  concerning  their 
clearnefs;  and  that  all  fuch  perfon  and  perfons,  who  fhall  fettle  in  the 
faid  province,  and  fhall  refufe,  or  neglect,  to  produce  fuch  certificate,  a* 
aforefaid,  within  the  faid  eighteen  months,  fhall  be  fined  at  the  difcre- 
tion  of  the  Governor  and  Council  of  the  faid  province,  not  exceeding 
twenty  pounds;  the  fame  to  be  levied  by  diftrefs  and  faie  on  the  offend- 
er's goods,  and  to  be  paid  into  the  hands  of  the  Treafurer  of  the  laid 
province." 

*  Th£  following  is  an  extract  from  a  manufcrlpt,  written  by  one  of  the 
paffengcrs,  in  the  Shield,  from  Hull,  in  1678. 

"  The  fir  ft  fettlers  were  moftjy  of  the  people  called  ^naloj,  -who 
were  well  beloved  where  they  came  from,  and  had  valuable  eftates: 
and  though  while  they  lived  in  their  native  country,  they  had  plenty  *>f 
all  neceflaries,  yet  their  defire  to  remove  to  America  was  fo  ftrong, 
that  they  could  not  be  content  without  going  thither;  and  chofe  to  ven- 
ture themfelves,  their  wives,  children,  and  all  they  had,  in  the  undt?r- 
taking." 

"  But,  notwithftanding  the  matters  of  families  were  men  of 

good  eftates,  yet,  before  they  could  get  their  land  in  order,  and  cora 

and 


r^8  Introdu  ftion. 

Before  a  houfe  was  built  on  the  place,  they  con- 
afcey  meet  ftantly  at  dated  times,  held  their  religious  meetings 
under  a  under  a  tent,  covered  with  fail  cloth,  till  "John 
Woolfton  had  got  his  houfe  ready  j  which  was  the 
firft  framed  houfe  in  Burlington;  at  whofe  houfe, 
and  that  of  Thomas  Gardiner ,  they  afterwards  con- 
tinued to  hold  their  meetings  both  for  divine  wor- 
ihip,  and  the  difcipline  or  order,  or  their  religious 
fociety,  till  a  fuitable  meeting  houfe  was  built  for 
that  purpofe;  which  was  not  till  feverai  years  after 
their  firfl  arrival  there,  and  a  fimilar  care  and  prac- 
tice appear  to  have  been  among  them,  in  other 
places  where  they  fettled. 

Among 

aftd  ftock  about  them,  they  endured  great  hardfhips,  and  went  throngh 
many  difficulties  and  ftraits;  neverthelefs  I  never  perceived  any  of  them 
to;  repine,  or  repent  of  their  coming." 

"•  As  it  is  faid  in  holy  wVit,  the  preparations  of  the  heart,  in  man,  is 
d?  Che  Lord,  to  it  may  well  be  believed,  that  the  hearts  of  thefe  people 
•were  prepared  for  this  fervice;  even,  to  labor  for  the  replenifhing  of  the 
Wd;  it  being  a  wildernefs  indeed,  and  they  unacquainted  with  the  na- 
ture of  the  foil,  and  alfo  with  the  inhabitants;  altogether  pilgrims  and 
Grangers,  at  their  firft  coming  among  them." 

**  A  providential  hand  was  very  vifible  and  remarkable,  in  many  in  • 

fiances,  that  might  be  mentioned; and  the  Indian*  were,  even, 

rendered    our   benefa&ors   and   protectors! Without  any    carnal 

weapon  we  entered  the  land;  and  inhabited  therein,  as  fafe  as  if  there 

Rad  been  thoufands  of  garrifons; For  the  moil  High  preferved  us 

from  harm  both  of  man  and  beaft :— — — and  as  the  Englijb  increased 
more  and  more,  there  came  fuch  a  fore  diftemper  among  the  Indians 
that  they  died  fo  faft  that,  in  feme  places,  their  bodies  wafted  above 
ground."" 

u  Many  were  the  inftances,  whofe  eonfidrration  might  be  ufeful  to 
future  generations,  and  the  fteps  of  their  forefathers  and  elder*,  inftruc- 
tive  to  poften'ty." 

-   "  The  aforefaid  people  were  zealous  in  performing  their  religious 

fervice ;  for  having,  at  firft,  no  meeting-houfe  to  keep  public  meeting* 
in,  they  made  a  t<^nt,  or  covert,  of  fail  cloth,  to  meet  under;  and  after 
they  got  forne  little  houfes  to  dwell  in,  then  they  kept  their  meetings 

ia   one  of  them,  till  they  could  build  a  meeting  houfe." Thomas 

OTive  and  Willam  Peachy  were  two  of  the  firft  fettlers,  who  had  a  public 
Mmiftry. 

**  Samuel  Jenirrgf  and  fiis  wife,  Ann,  were  early  comers  to  America, 
and  of  worthy  memory,  endued  with  both  fpiritual  and  temporal  wif- 
dem;  ••  •<•  fome  part  of  his  time  he  was  made  Governor  of  Weji- 
Jerfey;  he  was  a  fuppreffor  of  vice,  and  an  encourager  of 

virtue;— — — fharp  towards  evil  doers,  but  tender  and  loving  to  them 
Sfcafr  did  well;  giving  good  counfel,  and  wbolefome  advice  to  friends  and 

neighbours;. 


Introduction.  i$g 

Among  the  firft  things  that  appear  to  have  come  Firft«bjea* 
under  particular  notice  and  regulation,  in  their ot    .  ^^ 

r    IT  •    T  r          -i     •  •      i  i       care  m  their 

meetings  or  diiciphne,  after  their  arrival,  were,  the  meetings  ** 
taking  proper  care  and  fupport  of  their  poor;  the  dif"piiae» 
ordering  and  palling  of  marriages,  (thirteen  couple 
having  been  married  among  them  at  Burlington,  be- 
fore the  year  1681,)  and  the  difcouraging  of  all 
their  people  from  felling  ftrong  liquors  to  the  In- 
dians. 

In  the  year  1680,  in  an  epiille  from  their  month-  They  write 
ly  meeting  at  Burlington,  to  the  yearly  meeting  in  Lon- to 
don,  which  was  the  firft  regular  correfpondence  of 
that  nature,  eftablifhed  between  the  fociety,  in  this 
part  of  the  world,  and  the  faid  yearly  meeting,  they 
were  particularly  urgent,  among  other  things,  that 

none 

neighbours; an  able  minifter  of  the  gofpel;  and  labo-ured  much 

therein;  to  the  comfort  and   edification  of  many  people,  both  in  this 
province,  and  other  places,"  &c.  M.  S. 

Note.  Among  thofe  of  this  fociety,  who  arrived  in  this  province, 
before  the  grant  of  Pennfylvania.  to  William  Pcnn,  in  1 68 1,  or  foon  after- 
wards, the  following  perfons  appear  to  be  mentioned,  as  a<ftive  and  ufeful, 
not  only  in  their  own  religious  fociety,  but  moft  of  them  aifo  in  a  civil 
capacity,  in  arid  about  Burlington,  viz. 

John  Batcher,  Henry  Grubb,  William  Butcher,  William  Bright  wen, 
Thomas  Gardiner,  Thomas  Foulke,  John  Bourten,  Samuel  Jenings,  Set3i 
Smith,  Walter  Pomphrey,  Thomas  Ellis,  James  Satterthwiiite,  Richard 
Arnold,  John  Woolman,  John  Stacy,  Thomas  Eves,  John  Payne,  Sa- 
muel Cleft,  William  Cooper,  John  Shinn  and  William  Biles. — And 
about  this  time,  or  foon  afterwards,  arrived  John  Skein,  Anthony  Mor- 
ris, Samuel  Bunting,  Francis  Collins,  Thomas  Matthews,  Chriftopher 
Wetheriil,  John  Dewlbury,  John  Day,  Richard  Bafnett,  John  An  tram, 
William  Biddle  and  Samuel  Furnace. 

Among  the  women  of  worthy  and  eminent  character,  in  the  fame 
fociety,  at  this  time,  appear  to  have  been,  Elizabeth  Gardiner,  Sarali 
Biddle,  Elizabeth  Hooten,  Helen  Skein,  Ann  Butcher,  Sufannah  Bright- 
wen,  Mary  Crips,  Frances  Antrom,  Frances  Taylor,  Ann  Jenings, 
Joan  Atkinfon,  Sufannah  Budd,  Judith  Noble,  Ann  Peachy,  &c. 

John  Wool/Ion  is  faid  to  have  been  a  perfon  of  good  efteem  among  his 
friends,  the  Quakers  at  Burlington-,  and  that  during  more  than  twenty 
years  fatigue  of  a  new  fettlcment,  he  ever  proved  himfelf  a  ready  friend., 
kind  neighbour,  and  a  valuaMe  member  of  fociety  till  his  death,  in  1698. 

Thomas  Gardiner  was  a  man  of  eminence  among  the  tVttaiers  and  carry 
fettlers  in  Burlington  and  Wefi-Jerfey.  He  ferved  in  feveral  public  offi- 
ces, in  the  government,  with  honor  and  fidelity; — was  very  fkilful  in 
a  variety  of  bufinefs; — a  good  iurveyor,  and  a  very  ufeful  member -of 
fociety; — feveral  years,  one  of  the  Council;  Treafurer  of  the  weilera 
<3ivifion,  and  the  firft  Speaker  of  the  AfTembly,  after  the  union  of  the 


i6o 

none  of  their  friends,  or  members  of  the  fame  ft)*- 
ciety  in  England,  or  elfe where,  mould  remove  to 
them,  without  certificates,  or  well  authenticated 
recommendation,  from  the  fociety,  where  they 
Lift  lived,  prior  to  their  removal;  in  order  to  pre- 
vent impoilure,  idle,  diforderly  and  defigning  per- 
fons  from  coming  among  them,  and  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  innocent  and  well-meaning;  and  that 
they  might  be  well  advifed  in  fuch  important  under- 
taking** 

TLe  firit      The  firfl  general  yearly  meeting  of  the  people 
general      called  Quakers,  in  this  country,  for  regulating  the 
meeting,    affairs  of  their  religious  fociety,  was  held,  or  met, 
&c.  in       at  Burlington,  on  the  28th.  day  of  the  Sixth  month, 
i68i.f     It  was  conftituted  of  fuch  of  their  religi- 
ous meetings  as  were  then  eftiblifhed,  or  fettled, 
in  New-Jcrfey,  as,  at  Shrew/bury,  Salem,  Burling- 
ton, Rankokas,  &c.  and  on  the  weft  fide  of  De- 
laware, (where  divers  Englifh  fettlements  of  this 
people  appear  to  have  been,  prior  to  thofe  under 
William  Penn)  as,  at  Shackamaxon,  (or  nigh   the 
place  where  Kenjlngton  (lands,  in  the  vicinity  of 

Philadelphia) 

governments  of  Eajl  and  Wejl-'Jerfey^  in  1703.  He  died  at  Burlington , 
in  1712. 

John  Skein,  was  a  native  of  Scotland;  a  perfon  of  great  fcrvice  and 
integrity,  both  in  his  religious  and  civil  conduct;  he  was  near  two  years 
Governor  of  Wcjl-'Jerfey^  and  died  in  the  year  1687.  He  was  a  preacher 
among  the  Quakers;  had  fuffered  much  for  his  religion,  in  his  native 
country;  where  he  had  diftmguifhed  himfelf  in  its  caufe. 

*  This  epiftle  was  figfted  by  "Join  Woolfion,  Daniel  Leeds,  John  But- 
cher, Henry  Grubb,  William  Butcher,  Seth  Smith,  Walter  Pomphrey, 
Thomas  Ellis,  James  Satterthvvaite,  Thomas  Budd,  William  Peachy, 
William  Brightwen,  Thomas  Gardiner,  Robert  Stacy,  John  Hollingf- 

head,  Robert  Powell,  John  Burton,  Samuel  Jenings; and  by  Rich- 

ard  Arnold,  John  Woolman,  John  Stacy,  Abraham  Hulings,  Peter 
Fretwell,  Thomas  Eves,  John  Payne,  John  Crips,  Thomas  Lambert, 
John  Kinfey,  Samuel  Cleft,  William,  Cooper,  John  Shin,  William  Biles, 
Thomaa  Harding,  William.  Hulings. 

f  On  the  3ift.  this  yearly  meeting  entered  upon  regulating  fuch  affairs 
of  the  fociety,  as  then  appeared  firft  neceflary,  &c.  particularly  the  ap- 
pointment of  times  and  places  of  the  different  meetings  for  religious 
•worfhip,  and  the  difcipline,  or  other  bufmefs  of  the  fociety: — amor^ 
which  a  general  meeting  for  worfhip  was  then  agreed  to  be  held  yearly 
at  Salem.,  on  the  fecond  foft  day  of  the  week  in  the  Second  month,  &c. 


Introduction*  1  6  i 

Philadelphia)  near  the  falls  of  Delaware;  and  at 
Upland,  fince  called  Chejhry  &c.* 

This  yearly  meeting  of  the  fociety  on  both  fides  Y  M  rincc 
of  Delaware^  was  afterwards,  from  the  year  1684,  removed  to 
held   alternately  at  Burlington  and  Philadelphia,™^ 
till  the  year  1761  when  it  was  removed  entirely  to 
Philadelphia;  fince  which  time  it  continues  to  be 
annually  held  there,  and  maintains  a  conilant  re- 
gular intercourfe  and  correfpondence  with  that  of 
the  fame  fociety  in  London. 

As 

*  The  firft  religious  meetings  df  this  people,  in  Netu-Jerfcy,  were  re- 
gularly fettled,  firft,  at  Shrew/bury,  in  1670;  fecond  at  Salem,  in  1675. 
At  the  former  place,  in  1667,  the  fettlers  are  faid  to  have  been  either 
all,  or  moft  of  them,  Friends,  or  Quakers;  —  among  whom  Lewis  Mor- 
ris, a  Friend  from  Barbados*,  was  one  of  the  moft  confiderable  ,  &c. 
As  to  the  latter  place,  or  Salem,  the  Friends,  who  came  with  John  Fex- 
,  in  1675,  firft  fettled  a  meeting  there,  on  their  arrival. 


Note.  It  may  be  further  obferved,  that,  among  the  records  of  early  time, 
•uiz.  about  the  years  1681  and  l68z,  there  are  feveral  papers  of  religious 
advice,  addreffed,  —  "  To  the  planters,  and  fuch  as  are  tranfporting  them 
felvcs  to  the  plantations,  in  America"  among  the  Quakers,  by  George  Fox  t 
the  firft  and  chief  preacher,  in  that  fociety;  tending  to  inculcate  fuch 
a  principle  and  motive  of  adting  and  general  pradice,  in  life  and  man- 
ners, as,  if  duly  adhered  to,  would  render  laws  and  punifhments  lefs 
neceffary,  by  preventing  the  caufes  of  them:  —  Thefe  exhorted  to  a  due 
performance  of  certain  Chrijlian  duties,  both  in  a  religious  and  civil  ca- 
pacity; pointing  out  the  infallible  meams  of  executing  the  fame;  —  In 
which,  that  the  reader  may  fee  a  fpecimen  of  the  nature  of  thefe  advices, 
among  other  things,  it  is  there  expreffed  and  advifed,  viz. 

I  "  That,  while  they  were  making  outward  plantations,  in  America-, 
they  fhould  not  neglect  the  more  important  cultivation  of  their  own 
minds,  and  that  more  excellent  improvement,  in  heavenly  riches,  and 
true  mental  felicity  ;  which  is  of  more  lafting  duration,  than  all  worldly 
objects;  by  faithfully  difcharging  their  duty  to  God,  as  well  as  to  each, 
other;  and  their  inviting  and  inftrudtiftg  the  Indiam,  and  all  people, 
where  they  came,  in  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  true  Ctri/hatnty. 

a  "  To  keep  to  truth  and  uprightnefs,  in  all  their  dealings;  taking  no 
advantage  from  the  diftrefs  of  others,  or  the  circumftances  of  the  times; 
iiot  to  opprefs  any,  through  lucrative  views,  when  in  their  power;  nor 
Do  be  elevated  in  mind  by  their  temporal  acquifitions;  which  the  fame 
hand  of  Providence,  that  gave  them,  could  as  eaiily  take  away:  and 
that  their  lives  and  conventions  ftjould  be  confiftent  with  their  profeffi- 
on,  in  all  things,  and  not  adminifter  any  real  occafion  for  report,  that 
they  were  become  worfe,  through  the  increafe  of  their  worldly  poflef- 
fions;  to  the  incumbering  of  their  minds,  and  drawing  them  into  a 
practice,  incompatible  with  their  real  felicity. 

3.  "  That  none  (hould  go  beyond  their  abilities  and  capacities,  in 
trade,  and  thereby  rifle  the  property  of  others,  to  their  hur^;  nor  ftrive 
to  be  great,  in  the  world;  but  to  keep  to  moderatiqrt,  in  all  things. 

[21]  4- 


1 6  2  Introduction* 

Proportion  As  to  the  proportion,  which  the  number  of 
m<^nker8>  tne^e  Pe°ple>  m  later  years,  bears  with  the  reft  of 
withothers,  the  inhabitants,  in  Weft-Jerfey,  who  have  fmce 
&c-  flocked  into  it  and  increafed  among  them,  it  ap- 

pears by  S.  Smith's  hiflory  of  New-Jerfey,  publiftV 
ed  in  1765,  from  which  the  major  part  of  what 
has  here  been  faid  of  it  is  taken,  that  in  the  eight 
counties,  of  which  Wcft-Jerfey  confifts,  there  then 
were  meeting-houfes,  where  meetings  were  held 
for  divine  worfhip,  of  the  Shakers  thirty-two,  of 
the  Prejbyterians  thirty-two,  of  the  different  Bap- 
lifts  thirteen,  of  the  Epifcopalians^  or  church  of 
England  ten,  of  the  low  Dutch,  Germans  and 
Swedes,  both  Lutheran  and  Prejbyterian  congre^ 
gations,  ten,  and  one  of  the  Moravians. 

Number  of      In  the  fame  hiftory,  the  whole  number  of  the 

inhabitants,  inhabitants    of  both   Eaft  and  WeJl-Jerfey,  were 

then  fuppofed  to  be  about  one  hundred  thoufand. 

E.  jcrfey      Eaft-Jerfey  was,  by  the  laft  Will  of  its  proprie- 

pr^prkton,  tor>  Sir  George  Carteret,  ordered  to  be  fold,  at  his 

&c.         '  death,  to  pay  his  debts.* — He  died  in  1679;,  and 

it 

4.  "   That  all,  who  were  in  offices  of  government,  as  Governor^ 
Judges,  Juttices,&c.  fhould  ftrictly  adhere  to  juftice  and  equity,  diftinguifh- 
rag  themfelves  by  the  faithful  dilcharge  of  their  duty,  efpecially  in  helping 
the  poor,  fatherleis  and  diltrefled,  &c.  (with  many  quotations  out  of  the 
S.  Scriptures,  on  this  head)  and,  that,  fuch  as  rule  over  others,  fhould, 
in   the  firft  place,  govern  well  their  own  families;  recommending  the 
examples  of  Daniel,  Jofeph,  &C.  to  thofe  in  authority;  and  the  Apoftle's 
advice,  "   Tofobmitto  every  ordinance  of  man,  tvhttber  it   be  to  the  Klttg^  as 

Jiipretne^  or  to  Governors^  as  to  them  that  are  fent  by  them^   &c. 

5.  "  And,  that  all  thefe  things,  with  many  others,  (too  tedious  here  to 
particularize,)  mould  be  obferved  and  done,  from  a  fenfe,  principle,  or 
motive,  of  confcientious  duty;  which  is  a  more  noble  and  ftronger  ob- 
ligation, on  the  human  mind,  and  far  above  what  any  flavifh  fear,  or 
mere  external  force,  or  power  of  laws  and  punilhments  alone,  is  able  to 
induce,  or  efFedl." 

*  "  His  Will  is  dated,  December  jth.  1678;  he  devifes  to  Edward, 
Earl  of  Sandwich,  John  Earl  of  Bath,  Bernard  Grenville,  Sir  Thomas 
Crew,  Sir  Robert  Atkins  and  Edward  Atkins,  Efquire,  and  their  heirs, 
among  other  lands,  all  his  plantation  of  New-Jerfey,  upon  truft  and 
confidence,  that  they,  and  the  furvivors,  or  furvivor  of  them,  fhould  make 
fale  of  all  the  faid  premifes;  and  out  of  the  money,  that  fhould,  upon 
fuch  fale,  arife,  pay  and  difcharge  debts,  &c.  as  therein  mentioned." 

Smiths  lifiory  tjf  Ntiv-J'erfiy. 


Introduction.  1 63 

it  was  accordingly  difpofed  of,  and  conveyed,  to 
twelve  perfons,or  proprietors,  and  to  their  heirs  and 
afligns,  by  indenture  of  leafe  and  releafe,  bearing 
date  the  firft  and  fecond  of  February,  1681-2: — 
Of  which  Philip  Carteret  had  remained  Governor 
ever  fmce  the  quintipartite  divifion,  in  1676,  as 
well  as  before,  till  about  this  time;  Elizabeth-town 
being  then  the  capital,  or  the  place  of  the  Gover- 
nor's refidence.  The  names  of  the  twelve  pro- 
prietors were,  William  Penn,  Robert  Weft,  Tho-  Their 
mas  Rudyard,  Samuel  Groome,  Thomas  Hart,  names> 
Richard  Mew,  Thomas  Wilcox,  of  London,  Gold- 
fmith,  Ambrofe  Rigg,  John  Haywood,  Hugh 
Hartfhorne,  Clement  Plumfted  and  Thomas  Coo- 
per. 

Thefe  twelve  proprietors  foon  took  in  twelve    Names  of 
others,  making,  in  all,  twenty-four.     The  names  <he    other 
of  the  latter  twelve  proprietors  were,  James,  Earl  twclve> &c* 
of  Perth,  John  Drummond,  Robert  Barclay,  Ro- 
bert Gordon,  Aarent  Sonmans,  Gawen  Lawrie, 
Edward  Byllinge,  James  Braine,  William  Gibfon, 
Thomas  Barker,    Robert  Turner,    and  Thomas 
Warne.    They  publifhed  an  account  of  their  coun- 
try, a  frefh  project  for  a  town,  (Perth  Amboy)  and  a 
method  of  difpofm'g  of  their  lands.     Their  plan 
was  popular;  and  many,  efpecially  of  the  Scotch , 
reforted  thither:  and  to  thefe  proprietors  the  Duke 
of  Tork  made  a  frefh  grant  of  Ea/i^Jerfey^  bear* 
ing  date,  the  i4th.  of  March,  1682. 

Many,  if  not  mod,  of  thefe  proprietors  were     Robert 
Friends,  or  Quakers;  Robert  Barclay  of  Urie,  ittBarcky  in 
Scotland,  a  very  noted  perfon  in  that  focietv    as  l683>madcr 

rr  A-          j      i_    •  r     i  _'«*     w  Govcrnorof 

before  mentioned,  being  one  of  them,  was  by  the  Eaft  jerfey, 
reft  of  the  proprietors,  in  1683,  made  Governor  &c- 
of  EaJl-Jerfey,  for  life;   Thomas  Rudyard,  of  the 
fame  fociety,  from  London,  likewife  a  proprietor, 

being 

Note.  George  Keith,  a  fcotchman,  fometime  Surveyor  Genera]  of  Eajl- 
Jerfey,  and  a  noted  perfon  among  the  ^ualers,  is  thought  to  have  ar 
riv^d  about  this  time,  (1682)  or  foon  afterwards. 

Ibid. 


£64 


Introduction. 


being  his  deputy;  who,  either  at,  or  before,  this 
time,  had  arrived  in  the  province;  but  he  was  fbon 
after  fucceeded  by  Gawen  Lawrie  of  London,  (one 
of  the  proprietors  of  both  Eqft  and  Weft-Jerfef) 
under  Robert  Barclay* 

Govern-  Eoft  and  Weft^erfey  thus  continued,  in"  an  in- 
^ej^°je^  creating ''-and  profperous  ftate,  for  a  number  of 
fey  fun-en- years,  or  till  about  the  year  1701;  when  the  na- 

crown^nno ture  °^  ^^  governments>  which  were  inverted  in 
1702,        fuch  a  large  number  of  proprietors,  occafioned  fo 

much 

*  Barclay's  Commiffion  was  in  the  following1  words,  v/'z. 

«*  The  proprietors  of  the  province  of  Ee/1-jffvr-Jerfty  to  our  trufty 
and  well  beloved  fellow  proprietor,  Robert  Barclay  fejid  Greeting: 

0  Whereas,  the  powers  of  government  of  the  province  of  EaJl-Ne-at- 
Jerfey  is  devolved  upon  us,  and  afiigned  to  us,  by  James  duke  of  York, 
with  power  to  conftitute  and  appoint  fuch  Governor  and  Cormniffioners, 
for  the  well  governing  of  the  faid  province,  as  we  fhall  fee  meet;  and 
•we  having  heretofore,  out  of  the  confidence,  we  had  of  Robert  Barclay, 
his  {kill,  prudence  and  integrity,  constituted  him  Governor  of  the  faid 
province,  to  appoint  a  deputy,  during  his  abfence  therefrom;  to  be  ap» 
proved  by  fixteen  of  the  proprietors:  upon  the  fame  reafon  and  confi- 
dence, we  do  hereby  confirm  to  him  the  government  of  the  faid  pro- 
vince, during  all  the  days  of  bis  life;  as  to  have  the  power  of  the  govern- 
ment of  all  the  faid  province,  and  of  all  ifles,  rivers,  ifiands  and  feas,  within 
the  fame,  or  belonging  thereto;  to  do  all,  and  every  thing,  or  things, 
•which  to  the  charge  and  office  of  a  Governor  doth  appertain;  command- 
ing all  inferior  officers  to  obey  him,  as  their  Governor,  according  to  this 
our  commiflion,  and  the  power  hereby  given  him,  and  according  to  the' 
laws  and  conftitutions  made,  or  confirmed,  by  us,  or  to  be  made;  which 
he  himfelf  is  to  obferve  and  follow;  as  unto  his  duty  and  office  doth  ap- 
pertain. And  whereas,  we  have  agreed,  and  are  fatisfied,  for  certain 
good  reafons  and  confideratibns,  mewing  us  thereunto,  to  commit  this 
truft  unto  him,  and  give  him  this  character,  without  laying  any  neccf- 
fity  upon  him,  to  repair  to  the  faid  province;  fo  hkewife  we  have,  and 
do  hereby  give  him  power,  from  time  to  time,  as  need  fhall  be,  during 
his  abfence,  to  name  and  conftitute,  and  grant  commiffion  to,  a  Depury 
Governor  to  ferve  in  the  faid  province;  he  being  always  approved  by  fix- 
teen-  of  us  the  proprietors,  and  following  the  orders,  he  receives  from 
us,  according  to  the  laws  and  conftitutions  of  the  faid  province. 

"  Given  under  the  feal  of  the  faid  province,  and  figned  by  our 
hands;  dated  at  London,  the  lyth.  of  the  Fifth  month,  cal- 
led July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  according  to  the  Enghfh- 
account,  1683." 

Note.  "  R.  Barclay  never  came  to  the  province.  He  died  on  tiie  third 
of  October  1690;  having  cominued  Governor  till  1685* — when  Lord 
Neil  Camptell,  uncle  to  the  Duke  of  Argyle^  was  appointed  Governor, 
and  came  over  to  the  province/'——"  In  1698,  Sir  Thomas  Lane  was 
Governor  of  Eafi-Jerfey." 

Smith's  lijlory  of 


Introdu&ion.  16$ 

much  inconveniency,  difpute;  party  and  confufion, 
that,  in  the  following  year,  the  proprietors  of  both 
divisions  agreed  to  furrender  the  government; 
which  was  accordingly  done  by  them,  to  Queen 
Ann,  by  an  inilrument,  dated  the  1 5th.  day  of 
April,  1702.  Since  which  time  they  both  have 
continued,  in  profperity,  united  in  one  government, 
immediately  under  the  Crown. 

It  may  be  further  obferved  from  S.  Smith's  ac- 
count of  this  province, 

"  That  the  whole  extent  of  it,  from  North  to    Extent  of, 
South,  or  from  Cape  May,  in  latitude  39  degrees,  for  of  acre* 
to  the  north  ftation  point,  in  latitude  41  degrees,  in,  N.  Jer- 
40  minutes,  at  69!  miles  to  a   degree,  is  about fey* 
1 84  miles;  and  its  greateft  breadth,  about  60  miles; 
but   fuppofing   it,  at  a  medium,  to  be   150,  in 
length,  and  50,  in  breadth,   the  whole  province, 
muft  then  contain   4,800,000   acres;    of  which 
one-fourth  part  (probably  more)  is  poor,  barren, 
land,  in  refpect  to  tillage;  but,  in  part,  abounding 
with  pines  and   cedars,  and  fome  few  tracts  of 
fwamp,  that  will  make  meadow. 

Eaft  Jerfey  is  divided  into  five  Counties,  'viz. 
Middlefex,  Monmouth,  Effex,  Somerfet,  and  Bergen.  °f 
Wejl- Jerfey,  into  eight,  as,  Burlington,  Gloucejier, 
Sale?n,  Cumberland,  Cape  May,  Hunterdon,  Mor- 
ris and  Su/Jex. 

"  It  is  fuppofed  that  Weft- Jerfey,  contains  more 
?.cres,  than  the  eaftern  divifion,  and,  in  return, 
took  more  barren  land.     Eaft-  Jerfey,  now  in  1 765, 
is  fuppofed  to  have  located  nearly  468,000  acres,  |  5* 
good  land,  and  96,000  acres  of  pine  land.   -The  j 
proprietors  of  WeJl-Jerfey,  foon  after  their  arrival, 
divided  among  them  500,000  acres;  which  they 
called  the  firft  dividend:  fince  which,  at  different  \ 
times,  they  have  iffued  directions  for  each  proprie- 
tor's taking  his  part  of  four  other  dividends,  of 
the  like  quantity,  amounting  in  the  whole,  with 
allowance  of  five  per  cent,  for  roads,  to  2,625,000;' 

conjectured 


1,66  Introduction. 

conj enured  by  many  to  be  full  as  much  as  the 
divifion  contains;  of  this  the  far 'greater  part  is 
already  furveyed;  what  yet  remains  are  chiefly 
the  rights  of  minors  and  people  abroad." 

The  trade      The  vicinity  of  the  cities  of  New-Tork  to  Eqft- 
of  N.  jcr-  Jerfey^  and  of    Philadelphia  to   Weft-Jerfey,  has 
inPhUadei-  can~ied  moft  of  their  foreign  trade  to  thefe  two 
phiaandN.  places;  to  which  the  inhabitants  refort,  in  that 
York.        refpedt,  as  to  the  capitals  of  each  refpedive  divi- 
fion; fo  that  there  is  no  town  of  very  considerable 
trade,  fize,  or  importance,  in  that  other  wife  rich., 
plentiful  and  flourifliing  colony  of  New-Jerfey, 


T  H  E 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


PENNSYLVANIA, 


CHAPTER    I. 

William  Penn's  chief  defign  in  the  Colonization  of  Penn- 
fyhania  —  caufe  and  manner  of  obtaining  the 
grant:  —  -King  Charles  thefecondys  royal  charter  to 
William  Penn.  —  Boundary  between  Maryland  and 
Pennfylvania,  with  the  real  extent  and  content  of  the 
latter.  —  The  King's  declaration.-  —  Account  of  the 
province  ',  terms  of  J  ale  for  land,  and  conditions  of 
fettlement  publi/hed)  with  advice  to  the  adventurers. 
—  Freefociety  of  traders,  &c. 


_t 


T  has  been  mentioned,  in  the  preceding  intro- 
duction, in  what  manner  William  Penn  became 
concerned  in  the  province  of  Weft-New-'Jer/ey, 

,  ..i  P.  ,,.*/-/.*^       W.  Penn  s 

and  a  principal  promoter  or  its  colonization,  in,  time  fpent 
or  about,  the  year  1676.     After  which  time,  as  !\bc^" 
before,  it  appears,  in  the  annals  of  his  life,  that  " 
he  was  continually,  and  various  ways,  employed, 
in  promoting  the  happinefs  of  mankind,  both  in 

their 


i68  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1676.  their  religious  and  civil  capacity;  infomuch  that 
v*^rx^  his  name  is  revered  in  a  double  refpect,  and  ren- 
dered dear  to  pofterity.  The  fruits  of  his  labours 
have  placed  his  conduct  above  the  power  of  envy 
and  detraction;  which  would  pervert  every  good 
and  laudable  defign  to  the  vileft  purpofes,  and 
reprefent  the  moil  generous  actions,  as  arifing 
front  fordid  and  finifter  views:  evils,  which  always 
indicate  their  oppofite  virtues  and  true  merit,  and 
have  their  refidence  in  bafe  and  low  minds. 

His  views      The  views  of  William  Penn,  in  the  colonization 
0  of °f  Pcnnfylvania^  were  moft  manifeft,  the  beft  and 
a-  moft  exalted,  that  could  occupy  the  human  mind;* 

to 

'*  Governor  HutcJ/mfon,  in  his  hiftory  of  Majfachufet's-bay,  fays,  "  Our 
anceftors  valued  themfelves  upon  being  a  colony  for  religion.  Penn  had 
Ho  other  motive  to  found  his  colony,  than  btunanfolicy. 

Firft,  By  religion  here,  it  feems  not  unreafonable  to  fuppofe,  the  author 
meant,  that  partial  advancement  of  a  particular  fed,  or  of  the  profef- 
fors  of  one  particular  form  of  religion  only,  both  in  civil  and  ecclefiafti- 
cal  power  and  advantages,  to  the  exclufion  of  all  others;  which  appears, 

fey  his  kiftory,  to  have  been  the  real  cafe,  in  that  colony: and  that, 

by  human  policy  only,  is  to  be  underftood,  in  this  place,  the  conferring  ot 
no  excluffve  favour,  nor  partial  advantages,  on  the  votaries  of  any  one 
particular  form  of  religion  alone,  according  to  the  political  ftate  or  con- 
ilitution  of  Pennfylvania,  eftabliftied  by  William  Penn;-* for  as  menti- 
oned in  the  beginning,  it  is  moft  certain,  that  William  Penn,  both  in  a 
religious  and  civil  refpedt, — "  As  an  univerfal  father,  opened  his  arms  to 
all  mankind,  without  diftinction  of  fed,  or  party.  In  his  republic,  it 
was  not  the  religious  creed,  but  perfonal  merit,  that  entitled  every  mem- 
ber of  fociety  to  the  protection  and  emolument  of  the  ftate." 

It  is  not  my  bufinefs  here  to  compare  this  kind  of  religion,  with  what 
is  here  called  human  policy  alone,  nor  to  fhew  how  far  the  latter  excels, 
or  tranfcends,  the  unreafonable  limitation  of  the  former,  both  in  a  re- 
ligious and  political  fenfe,  notwithstanding  the  names  here  given  them; 
becaufe  the  perverfion,  or  mifapplication  of  names  and  words  is  eafy 
and  common ; — but  to  call  the  beft  religion,  human  policy  only,  cannot 
alter  the  nature  of  it,  though  it  may  fometimes  have  an  effed;  on  igno- 
fant  and  inconfiderate  minds,  &c. 

Second,  Befides,  I  think  I  have  known  fome  others,  fo  differently 
minded  in  their  conceptions  of  things,  and  fo  ftrongly  fwayed  by  the 
opinion,  though  under  pretence  of  religion,  or  from  declared  religious 
views,  as  to  endeavour  to  make  men  believe,  "  That  true  Chrijlians  ought 
not  to  be  concerned,  as  agents,  in  the  affairs  of  civil  government  at  all:"— ~ 
becaufe,  fay  they,  "  Chriji's  kingdom  is  not  of  this  ivorld,"  &c.  I  ftiall  not 
meddle  here  with  fuch  opinions  further  than,  in  this  hiftory  to  oppofe 
the  invariable  fentiments,  and  uniform  conduct  of  William  Penn  to  the 
extravagancy  of  all  fuch  notions. 

When 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  169 

Co  render  men  as  free  and  happy  as  the  nature  of   1680. 
their  exiftence  could  poflibly  bear,  in  their  civil  v*>*v>~> 
capacity,  and  in  their  religious  flate,  to  reflore  to 
them  thofe  loft  rights  and  privileges,  with  which 
God  and  nature  had  originally  blefled  the  human 
race.     This,  in  part,  he  effeded;  and,  by  thofe 
means,  which  Providence,  in  the  following  man-  His  fucccfs 
ner,    put    into  his  hands,    he  ib  far  brought  to  ******  hls 

r  i        i  •         L         j      *        •  rn°  dcflgn. 

pals,  as  both  to  excite  the  admiration  or  itrangers, 
and  to  fix  in  pofterhy,  that  love  and  honor  for 
his  memory,  which  the  length  of  future  time  will 
fcarcely  ever  be  able  to  efface. 

It  has  already  been  obferved,  that  the  eminent    w.  i»enn 
public  fervices  of  Admiral  Penn  had  brought  him  Petit*ons . 

r  i_-   i_    r  !_•     r  rtr.,,.         the  King  m 

in  favor  at  court;  to  which  favor  his  fon,  William  1680. 
Penn,  fucceeded,  notwithftanding  the  fmgularity 
of  the  choice  of  his  mode  of  life.     There  was  a 
large  fum  of  money  due,  from  the  government, 
to  the  Admiral,  at  the  time  of  his  death;  much  of 

When  preparing  for  his  fettlement  and  government  of  Pennfyfoania 
William  Penn,  in  divers  of  his  letters  and  writings,  on  the  occafion,  &c.- 
befides  what  is  publifhed,  of  that  nature,  in  his  printed  works,  expreffed 
his  religious  fenfe  and  -vietus,  in  a  manner  fufficiently  clear,  on  this  affair} 
of  which  the  following  fhort  extracts  may  fcrve,  as  a  fpecimen,  viz. 

Firft,  To  his  friends,  in  a  more  general  capacity:— 

"  And  now  give  me  leave  to  fay,  I  have  ferved  the  Lord,  his  truth 
and  people,  in  my  day,  to  my  ability,  and  not  fought  myfelf,  though 
much  fpent  my  ielf;  fo  has  he  firmly  made  me  to  believe,  that  I  ihall 
not,  even,  outwardly,  go  without  my  reward;  I  fee  his  blefled  hand 
therein,  that  has  blefled  my  faith  and  patience,  and  long  attendance  with 
fuccefs.  And  becaufe  I  have  been  fomewhat  exercifed,  at  times,  about 
the  nature  and  end  of  government,  among  men,  it  is  reafonable  to 
expe<ft,  that  I  ihould  endeavour  to  eftabliili  a  juft  and  righteous  one,  in 
this  province;  that  others  may  take  example  i>y  it; — truly  this  my  heart  defires^ 
For  the  nations  want  a  precedent:  and  till  vice,  and  corrupt  manners,  be 
impartially  rebuked  and  punifhed,  and  till  virtue  and  fohriety  be  cherifh- 
ed,  the  wrath  of  God  will  hang  over  nations.  I  do,  therefore,  defire 
the  Lord's  wifdom  to  guide  me,  and  thofe  that  may  be  concerned  with 
me;  that  we  may  do  the  thing,  that  is  truly  wife  and  juft,"  &c.  M.S. 

Secondly,  To  a  particular  friend  in  England,  who  afterwards  removed  to 
fcnnfylvaniay  taken  from  his  own  hand  writing,  dated,  in  1681,  viz. — 

"  For  my  country,  I  eyed  the  Lord,  in  obtaining  it;  and  more  was  I 
drawn  inward  to  look  to  him,  and  to  owe  it  to  his  hand  and  power, 
than  to  any  other  •way;  I  bavefo  obtained  itt  and  dufire  to  keep  it ;  that  I  may 
not  be  unworthy  of  his  love;  but  do  that,  which  may  anfwer  his  kind 
Providence,  and  ferve  his  truth  and  people :  that  an  example  may  befit  up 
to  the  nations  ••  there  may  be  room  there,  though  not  here,  for  fuch  art 
Aoly  experiment ."  &C. 


170        *      HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 680.  which  he  himfelf  had  advanced  for  the  fea  fervicej 
v-^vx^  the  reft  was  for  arrearages  in  his  pay.     In  confe- 

quence  of  this  debt,  William  Penn,  in  the  fummer 
of  the  year  1680,  petitioned  King  Charles  the  fe* 
cond,  that  letters  patent  might  be  granted  him,  for 
a  tract  of  land,  in  America,  lying  north  of  Mary* 
land;  on  the  eaft,  bounded  by  Delaware  river ;  on 
the  weft  limited  as  Maryland;  and  northward  to 
extend  as  far  as  plantable. 

This  was  firft  laid  before  the  Privy  Council,  and 
afterwards,  the  Lords  of  the  committee  of  trade 
and  plantations.  After  feveral  meetings  on  the  oc- 
cafion,  in  which  the  objections,  from  the  Duke 
of  York,  by  his  agent,  Sir  John  Werden,  as  pro- 
prietor of  that  tract  of  Land,  fmce  called,  the 
counties  of  New-CaJlle,  Kent  and  Suffex,  on  De- 
laware ;  and  from  the  Lord  Baltimore,  proprietor  of 
Maryland,  were  fully  heard  and  debated;  the  Lord 
Chief  Juftice  North,  and  the  Attorney-General, 
Sir  William  Jones,  being  confuted  both  refpecting 

1 68 1.  the  grant  itfelf,  and  alfo  the  form,  or  manner,  of 
w.  penn  ma^mg  &•     Tne  affair  was  at  length,  refulted  in 

obtains  the  William  Penn's  favor;  and  he  was,  by  charter,  da- 
ted  at  Wejlminfter,  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1681, 
made  and  conftituted  full  and  abfolute  proprietor 
of  all  that  tract  of  land  and  province,  now  called 
Pennfyhania,  and  invefted  with  the  powers  of  go- 
vernment of  the  fame.* 

*  And'erfon-)  in  his  excellent  treatife,  entitled,  "  An  hiftoriccl  and  cfcroc- 
nological  dedutt'ton  of  the  origin  of  commerce"  &c.  publifhed  in  two  volumes 
folio,  under  the  year  1680,  thus  mentions  the  rife  of  this  colony,  viz.- 

"  The  fame  year,  1680,  gave  rife  to  the  noble  Englljh  colony  of 

Pennfylvanra,  in    KTortB  America;*' "    That    country,  till   now,  was 

moftly  a  part  of  Virginia,  and  another  part  of  it  was  a  part  of  New 
Tori  colony.  Mr.  William  Penn.  an  eminent  Quaker^  and  a  gentleman  of 
great  knowledge  and  true  philofophy,  had  it  grauted  to  him,  at  this 

time; which  he  defigried  for  a  retreat  or  afylum,.{<yr  the  people  of 

his  religious  perfwafion,  then  made  uneafy  at  home,  through  the  bigotry 
of  fpiritual  courts,  &c.  Mr.  Penn,  therefore,  carried  thither  with  him 
a  large  embarkation  of  thofe  Gjiakers;  afterwards,  from  time  to  time, 
joined  by  many  more,  from  Britain  and  Ireland.  At  his  firft  arrival 
there,  he  found  many  Englijb  families  in  it,  and  confiderable  numbera 
of  Dutch  and  S-weJes;  who  all  readily  fubmitted  to  his  wife  and  excellent 
regulations;  which  highly  merit  to  be  known  by  all  perfons,  who  would 

apply   • 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  171 

This 'charter  confifls  of  twenty-three  fe&ions.    1681. 
The  preamble  to  which  declares  the  reafons  for  the  v-xw-' 
faid  grant  were,  "  The  commendable  defire  of  Reafons  for 
Wllllan  Penn  to  enlarge  the  Britijh  Empire,  by  pro-  ^  grant' 
moting  commodities  of  trade;  reducing  the  favage 
natives,  by  gentle  and  jull  means,  to  the  love  of 
civil  fociety,   and  the  Chriflian  religion,  and  by 
tranfplanting  an  ample  colony  into  that  unculti- 
vated country,  together  with  the  memorable  fer- 
vices  of  his  father  Admiral  Penn;"  The  whole  is 
exprefTed  in  the  following  manner,  viz. 

"  The  Charter  of  Charles  the  fecond,  of  England, 

Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  King,  defender  of    I6gI. 
the  faith,  &c.  unto  William  Penn,  proprietary 
and  Governor  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvania," 

"  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the 
faith,  &c.  to  all,  to  whom  thefe  prefents  mall 
come,  Greeting: 

"  Whereas  our  trufly  and  well-beloved  fubjeft 
William  Penn,  Efquire,  fon  and  heir  of  Sir  William 
Penn  deceafed,  (out  of  a  commendable  defire  to  Preambk- 
enlarge  our  Britijh  empire,  and  promote  fuch  ufe- 
ful  commodities,  as  may  be  of  benefit  to  us  and 
our  dominions,  as  alfo  to  reduce  the  favage  Natives, 
by  jufl  and  gentle  manners,  to  the  love  of  civil  fo- 
ciety, and  chriftian  religion)  hath  humbly  befought 
leave  of  US,  to  tranfport  an  ample  colony  unto  a 
certain  country,  herein  after  defcribed,  in  the  parts 
of  America,  not  yet  cultivated  and  planted;  and 
hath  likewife  fo  humbly  befought  our  royal  Ma- 
jefty  to  give,  grant  and  confirm  all  the  faid  country, 

with 

apply  to  colonizing.  The  true  wifdom,  as  well  as  equity,  of  his  un- 
limited toleration  of  all  religious  perfwafions,  as  well  as  his  kind,  juft  and 
prudent  treatment  of  the  native  Indians;  alfo  his  laws,  policy  and  g«- 
vernment,  fo  endeared  him  to  the  planters,  and  fo  widely  fpread  the 
fame  of  his  whole  cecoriomy,  that,  although  fo  lately  planted,  it  is 
thought,  at  this  day  (about  the  year  1760)  to  have  more  white  people  in 
it,  than  any  other  colony,  on  all  the  continent  of  Englifi  America,  Ni-&~ 
£flgland  alone  excepted.'' 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

with  certain  privileges  and  jurifdi&ions,  requifite 
for  the  good  government  and  fafety  of  the  faid 
country  and  colony,  to  him,  and  his  heirs  for- 
ever. 

Se&ion  I. 

Confidera-  "  Know  ye,  therefore,  that  we,  (favoring  the 
gr°anntof  the  petition  and  good  purpofe  of  the  faid  William 
Penn,  and  having  regard  to  the  memory  and 
merits  of  his  late  father,  in  divers  fervices,  and 
particularly  to  his  conduct,  courage  and  difcretion, 
under  our  deareft  brother  "James  Duke  of  York, 
in  that  fignal  battle  and  viftory,  fought  and  ob- 
tained, againft  the  Dutch  fleet,  commanded  by 
the  Heer  Van  Opdam,  in  the  year  1665:  In  con- 
fideration  thereof,  of  our  fpeciaj  grace,  certain 
knowledge,  and  mere  motion)  have  given  and 
granted,  and,  by  this  our  prefent  Charter,  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  do  give  and  grant  unto 
the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns-,  all 
that  tract,  or  part,  of  land,  in  America,  with  the 

Bounds  of  iflands  therein  contained,  .#s  the  fame  is  bounded, 
the  grant.  Qn  ^  e^  ^y  rje/aware  rjver,  from  twelve  miles 
diftance  northwards  of  New-Cajlle  town,  unto  the 
three  and  fortieth  degree  of  northern  latitude,  if 
the  faid  river  doth  extend  fo  far  northward,  but 
if  the  faid  river  fhall  not  extend  fo  far  northward, 
then,  by  the  faid  river,  fo  far  as  it  doth  extend;  and 
from  the  head  of  the  faid  river,  the  eaftern  bounds 
are  to  be  determined  by  a  meridian  line,  to  be  drawn 
from  the  head  of  the  faid  river,  unto  the  faid  forty- 
third  degree.  The  faid  land  to  extend  weftward 
five  degrees  in  longitude,  to  be  computed  from  the 
faid  eaftern  bounds;  and  the  faid  lands  to  be 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  beginning  of  the  three 
and  fortieth  degree  of  northern  latitude,  and,  on 
the  fouth,  by  a  circle,  drawn  at  twelve  miles  dif- 
•  tance  from  Neiu.-Cqftle,  northward  and  weftward, 
unto  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth  degree  of  north- 
ern latitude;  and  then  by  a  ftraight  line  weftward 
to  the  limits  of  longitude  above  mentioned. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  173 

Se&ion  II. 

"  We  do  alfo  give  and  grant  unto  the  faid  Wil- 
Ham  Penny  his  heirs  and  afligns,  the  free,  and  un- 
difturbed  ufe,  and  continuance  in,  and  pafTage  un-« 
to,  and  out  of  all  and  fmgular  ports,  harbours, 
bays,  waters,  rivers,  ifles  and  inlets,  belonging 
unto,  or  leading  to,  and  from,  the  country,  or 
iflands  aforefaid,  and  all  the  foils,  lands,  fields, 
woods,  underwoods,  mountains,  l>ills,  fenns,  ifles, 
lakes,  rivers,  waters,  rivulets,  bays  and  inlets, 
fituated,  or  being  within,  or  belonging  to,  the  li- 
mits, or  bounds,  aforefaid,  together  with  the  fifh- 
ing  of  all  forts  of  fifh,  whales,  fturgeon,  and  all 
royal,  and  other  fifhes,  in  the  feas,  bays,  inlets, 
waters,  or  rivers,  within  the  premifes,  and  all  the 
fifh  taken  therein;  and  alfo  all  veins,  mines,  mine- 
rals and  quarries,  as  well  difcovered  as  not  difco- 
covered,  of  gold,  filver,  gemms,  and  precious 
flones,  and  all  other  whatfoever,  be  it  ftones, 
metals,  or  of  any  other  thing  or  matter  whatfo- 
ever, found,  or  to  be  found,  within  the  country, 
ifles,  or  limits,  aforefaid. 

Section  III. 

"  And  him,  the  faid  William  Pemi,  his  heirs  and 
afligns,  we  do  by  this  our  royal  charter,  for  us,  &c. 
our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  make,  create  and  confli- 
tute  the  true  and  abfolute  proprietary  of  the  coun-  tary,  &c. 
try  aforefaid,  and  of  all  other  the  premifes;  fav- 
ing  always  to  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  the 
faith  and  allegiance  of  the  faid  William  Penn^  his 
heirs  and  afligns,  and  of  all  other  proprietaries, 
tenants  and  inhabitants,  that  are,  or  fhall  be,  with- 
in the  territories  and  precincts  aforefaid;  and  fav- 
ing  alfo  unto  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  the 
fpvereignty  of  the  aforefaid  country ;  to  have,  hold, 
poflefs  and  enjoy  the  faid  tract  of  land,  country, 
ifles,  inlets,  and  other  the  premifes,  unto  the  faid 
William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  afligns,  forever,  to  be 

holden 


174  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68 1.    holden  of  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccefibrs,  kings  of 
v^v^>  England,  as  of  our  caftle  of  Windfor^  in  the  county 
TO  be  held  °f  Berks  ^  in  free  and  common  foccage,  bjfealtv 
in  common  only,  for  all  fervices  and  not  in  capite,  or  by  knight 
freeze.      fervjce .  yielding  and  paying  therefore  to  us,  our 
heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  two  Beaver  Jkins^  to  be  deli- 
vered at  our  caftle  of  Windfor^  on  the  firft  day  of 
of  ^5  and  JanuaiT>  m  every  Year;  and  alfo  the  fifth  part  of 
fiivSoar"   °f  a^  g°ld>  and  ^ver  oar>  which  fliall,  from  time 
to  time,  happen  to  be  found  within  the  limits  afore- 
faid,  clear  of  all  charges.     And  of  our  further 
grace,  certain  knowledge,  mere  motion,  We  have 
thought  fit  to  erect,  and  we  do  hereby   erect,  the 
aforefaid  country  and  iflands  into  a  province  and 
name,  feigniory,  and  do  call  it  Penfihaniay  and  fo  from 
henceforth  will  have  it  called, 

Seftion  IV. 

"  And,  for  as  much  as,  we  have  hereby  made 
and  ordained  the  aforefaid  William  Penn,  his  heirs 
and  affigns,  the  true  and  abfolute  proprietaries  of 
all  the  lands  and  dominions  aforefaid,  Know  ye? 
therefore,  that  we  (repofing  fpecial  trull  and  con- 
&c.  '  fidence  in  the  fidelity,  wifdom,  juftice  and  provi- 
dent circumfpeftion  of  the  faid  William  Perm)  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  do  grant  free,  full  and 
abfolute  power,  by  virtue  of  thefe  prefents,  to 
him  and  his  heirs,  to  his,  and  their  deputies  and 
lieutenants,  for  the  good  and  happy  government 
of  the  faid  country,  to  ordain,  make  and  enact, 
and,  under  his  and  their  feals,  to  publiDi  any  laws 
whatfoever,  for  the  raifing  of  money  for  public 
ufes  of  the  faid  province,  or  for  any  other  end, 
appertaining  either  unto  the  public  ftate,  peace,  or 
fafety  of  the  faid  country,  or  unto  the  private 
utility  of  particular  perfons,  according  unto  their 
bed  difcretion,  and  with  the  advice,  affent  and  ap- 
probation of  the  freemen  of  the  faid  country,  or 
the  greater  part  of  them,  or  of  their  delegates, 
or  deputies,  whom,  for  the  enabling  of  the  faid 

laws, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  Jy 

laws,  when,  and  as  often  as  need  fhall  require,  1681. 
we  will  that  the  faid  William  Penn^  and  his  heirs 
fhall  aiTernble,  in  fuch  fort  and  form,  as  to  him 
and  them  fhall  feem  beft,  and  the  fame  laws  duly 
to  execute,  unto  and  upon  all  people,  within  the 
faid  country  and  limits  thereof* 

Sedtion  V< 

"  And  we  do  likewife  give  and  grant  unto  the 
faid  William  Penn,  and  to  his  heirs,  and  their  de-  power  to 
puties  and  lieutenants,  full  power  and  authority  meask*  j£d" 
to  appoint  and  eftablifh  any  Judges  and  Juftices,  oSer^offi 
Magiflrates,  and    other  officers   whatfoever,  (for  cers»  &c- 
the  probates  of  wills,  and  for  the  granting  of  ad- 
miniftration  within  the  precincls  aforefaid,  and  with 
what  power  foever,  and  m  fuch  form,  as  to  the  faid 
William  Penn,  or  his  heirs  fhall  feem  moft  conve- 
nient: alfo  to  remit,  releafe, pardon  and  abolifh  (whe-  ^JJj^* 
ther  before  judgment  or  after)  all  crimes  and  of-  reprieving', 
fences    whatfoever,    committed    writhin    the   faid  &c- 
country,  againft  the  laws,  (treafon  and  wilful  and 
malicious    murder  only  excepted,  and,  in  thofe 
cafes,  to  grant  reprieves,  until  our  pleafure  may 
be  known  therein)  and  to  do  all  and  every  other 
thing  and  things,  which  unto  the  complete  efta- 
blifhment   of  juflice,  unto   courts  and  tribunals, 
forms  of  judicature,  and  manner  of  proceedings 
do    belong,  although,  in   thefe  prefents,  exprefs 
mention  be  not  made  thereof;  and  by  judges,  by 
them   delegated,  to    award    procefs,  hold    pleas, 
and  determine,  in  all  the  faid  courts  and  tribunals, 
all  a&ions,  fuits  and  caufes  whatfoever,  as  well 
criminal  as  civil,  perfonal,  real  and  mixt;  which  *«  judge?, 
laws,  fo  as  aforefaid,  to  be  publiihed,  our  plea- 
fure is,  and  fo  we  enjoin,  require  and  command, 
mall  be  mod  abfolute  and  available  in  law;   and 
that  all  the  liege  people  and  fubjecls  of  us,  our 
heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  do  obferve  and  keep  the  fame 
inviolably  in  thofe  parts,  fo  far  as  they  concern  them, 
under  the  pain  therein  exprefTed,  or  to  be  expreiTed. 

Provided 


176  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Provifo.  Provided  neverthelefs.  That  the  fame  laws  be  con- 
fonant   to   reafon,  and   not   repugnant,  or   con-* 
trary,  but,    (as    near    as    conveniently    may   be) 
agreeable  to  the   laws  and  flatutes,  and  rights  of 
this  our  kingdom  of  England;  and  faving  and  re- 
ferving  to  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceffors,  the  receiv- 
ing, hearing  and  determining  of  the  appeal  and 
i^hof  a^"  appeals  of  all,  or  any  perfon,  or  perfons,  of,  in5 
peals  re-     or  belonging  to  the  territories  aforefaid,  or  touch- 
ing any  judgment  to  be  there  made$  or  given. 

Se&on  VL 

<c  Andj  for  as  much  as,  in  the  government  of 
fo  great  a  country,  fudden  accidents  do  often  hap- 
pen, whereunto  it  will  be  neceiTary  to  apply  remedy, 
before  the  freeholders  of  the  laid  province,  or 
their  delegates,  or  deputies,  can  be  aflembled,  to 
the  making  of  laws;  neither  will  it  be  convenient, 
that  inftantly  upon  every  fuch  oceafion,  fo  great 
a  multitude  fhould  be  called  together:  Therefore 
(for  the  better  government  of  the  faid  country) 
we  will  and  ordain,  and  by  thefe  prefents,  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  do  grant  unto  the  faid 
William  Penn  and  his  heirs,  by  themfelves,  or  by 
I»ower  to  their  Magiflrates  and  officers,  in  that  behalf,  duly 
make  ordi- to  be  ordained,  as  aforefaid,  to  make  and  confti- 
s,  &c.  tute  £f  an j  whoiefome  ordinances,  from  time  to 
time,  within  the  faid  country  to  be  kept  and  obferv- 
edj  as  well  for  the  prefervation  of  the  peace,  as  for 
the  better  government  of  the  people  there  inha- 
biting ;  and  publicly  to  notify  the  fame  to  all  per- 
fons, whom  the  fame  doth,  or  may  any  ways 
concern.  Which  ordinances  our  will  and  pleafure 
is  (hall  be  obferved  inviolably  within  the  laid  pro- 
vince, under  the  pains  therein  to  be  expreffed,  fo 
as  the  faid  ordinances  be  confonant  to  reafori,  and 
be  not  repugnant  nor  contrary,  but  (fo  far  as  con- 
veniently may  be)  agreeable  with  the  laws  of  our 
kingdom  of  England^  and  fo  as  the  faid  ordinances 

ber 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  177 

"be  not  extended,  in  any  fort,  to  bind,  change,  or    1681 
take  away  the  right,  or  intereft  of  any  perfon,  or  v^y^; 
perfons,  for,  or  in,  their  life,  members,  freehold,  Their  ex 
goods,  or   chattels.     And  our  farther   will    and tent- 
pleafure  is,  That  the  laws  for  regulating  and  go- 
verning of  property  within  the  faid  province,  as 
well  as  for  the  defcent  and  enjoyment  of  lands,  as 
likewife  for  the  enjoyment  and  fucceffion  of  goods  ted 
and  chattels,  and  likewife  as  to  felonies,  fhall  be  l™* 
and  continue  the  fame,  as  they   fhall  be  for  the  fi^ed,  &c. 
time  being  by  the  general  courfe  of  the  law  in  our 
kingdom  of  England,  until  the  faid  laws  fhall  be 
altered  by  the  faid  William  Penn^  his  heirs  oraffigns, 
and  by  the  freemen  of  the  faid  province,  their  de- 
legates, or  deputies,  or  the  greater  part  of  them. 

Sedlon  VII. 

"  And  to  the  end  that  the  faid  William  Penn, 
or  his  heirs,  or  other  the  planters,  owners,  or 
inhabitants  of  the  faid  province  may  not,  at  any 
time  hereafter  (by  miiconitruclion  of  the  power 
aforefaid)  through  inadvertency,  or  defign,  de« 
part  from  that  faith  and  due  allegiance,  which  by 
the  laws  of  this  our  realm  of  England,  they  and 
all  our  fubjects,  in  our  dominions  and  territories, 
always  owe  to  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  by  co- 
lour of  any  extent,  or  largenefs  of  pov/ers  hereby 
given,  or  pretended  to  be  given,  or  by  force  or 
colour  of  any  laws  hereafter  to  be  made,  in  the 
faid  province,  by  virtue  of  any  fuch  powers ;  Our  Duplicate 
farther  will  and  pleafure  is,  that  a  tranfcript  or  of  di  laws 
duplicate,  of  all  laws,  which  fhall  be  fo,  as  afore-  ^itbtcedtr™f' 
faid,  made  and  publifhed  within  the  faid  province,  the  privy 
fhall  within  five  years  after  the  making  thereof,  be 
tranfmitted  and  delivered  to  the  Privy  Council,  for 
the  time  being,  of  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs: 
And  if  any  of  the  faid  laws,  within  the  fpace  of 
fix  months  after  that  they  fhall  be  fo  tranfmitted 
and  delivered,  be  declarer!  by  us,  our  heifs  aid 
[23]  fucceffbis, 


178  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68 1.  fucccflbrs,  in  our,  or  their  Privy  Council,  incon- 
\«s*v^u  fiftent  with  the  fovereignty,  or  lawful  prerogative 
of  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  or  contrary  to  the 
faith  and  allegiance,  due  to  the  legal  government 
of  this  realm,  from  the  faid  William  Penn,  or  his 
heirs,  or  of  the  planters  and  inhabitants  of  the 
faid  province,  and  that  thereupon  any  of  the  faid 
laws  fhall  be  adjudged  and  declared  to  be  void  by 
us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  under  our,  or  their 
privy  feal,  that  then,  and  from  thenceforth  fuch 
laws,  concerning  which  fuch  judgment  and  decla- 
ration fhall  be  made,  fhall  become  void:  other- 
wife  the  faid  laws,  fo  tranfmitted,  fhall  remain 
and  fland  in  full  force,  according  to  the  true  in- 
tent and  meaning  thereof. 

Seftion  VIII. 

Liberty  for      "  Furthermore,  that  this  new  colony  may  the 
*£sg'ts0fub~  more  happily  increafe  by  the  multitude  of  people 
transport    referring  thither;  Therefore,  we,  for  us,  our  heirs 
Aemfeives,  and  fucceflbrs,  do  give  and  grant,  by  thefe  prefents, 
power,  licence,  and  liberty  unto  all  the  liege  peo- 
ple and  fubjefts,  both  prefent  and  future,  of  us, 
our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  (excepting  thofe,  who 
mail  be  efpecially  forbidden)   to  tranfport  them- 
felves   and  families   unto  the  faid  country,  with 
fuch  convenient  fhipping,  as,  by  the  laws  of  this  our 
kingdom  of  England^  they  ought  to  ufe,  and  with 
fitting  provifion;  paying  only  the  cufloms  there- 
fore due,  and  there  to  fettle  themfelves,  dwell  and 
inhabit  and  plant,  for  the  public,  and  their  own 
private  advantage. 

Seftion  IX. 

"  And  furthermore,  that  our  fubje&s  may  be 

the  rather  encouraged  to  undertake  this  expedition, 

And  their  with  ready  and  chearful  minds,  Know  ye.  That 

f^!£er"  We5  of  our  fpecial  grace,  certain  knowledge,  and 

&c.  1       mere   motion,  do  give  and  grant,  by  virtue  of 

thefe  prefents,  as  well  unto  the  faid  William  Penn, 

and 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  179 

and  his  heirs,  as  to  all  others,  who  {hall,  from  1681. 
time  to  time,  repair  unto  the  faid  country,  full  ^-^v^' 
licence  to  lade  and  freight,  in  any  ports  whatfoever 
of  us,  our  heirs  and  rucceflbrs,  according  to  the 
laws  made,  or  to  be  made,  within  our  kingdom 
of  England,  and  unto  the  faid  country,  by  them, 
their  fervants  or  affigns,  to  tranfport  all  and  fm- 
gular  their  goods,  wares  and  merchandizes,  as 
likewife  all  forts  of  grain  whatfoever,  and  all 
other  things  whatfoever,  necefiary  for  food,  or 
cloathing,  not  prohibited,  by  the  laws  and  ftatutes 
of  our  kingdom  and  dominions,  to  be  carried  out 
of  the  faid  kingdom,  without  any  let,  or  molefta- 
tion  of  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  or  of  any  of  the 
,  officers  of  us,  our  heirs  or  fucceifors;  faving  al-  Pa  .^  ^ 
ways  to  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceifors,  the  legal  im- 
portions,  cufloms,  or  other  duties  and  payments 
for  the  faid  wares  and  merchandizes,  by  any  law 
or  (latute,  due,  or  to  be  due,  to  us,  our  heirs  and 
fucceifors. 

Se&ion   X. 

"  And  we  do  further,  for  us,  our  heirs  and 
fucceffors,  give  and  grant  unto  the  faid  William 
Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns,  free  and  abfolute 
power,  to  divide  the  faid  country  and  iilands  into 
towns,  hundreds  and  counties,  and  'to  erect  and  country  in- 
incorporate  towns  into  burroughs,  and  burroughs 
into  cities,  and  to  make  and  conftitute  fairs  and 
markets  therein,  with  all  other  convenient  privi- 
leges and  immunities,  according  to  the  merits  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  the  fitnefs  of  the  places,  and 
to  do  all,  and  every  other  thing  and  things,  touch- 
ing  the  premifes,  which  to  him,  or  them,  mall 
feem  meet  and  requifite;  albeit  they  be  fuch,  as  of 
their  own  nature  might  otherwife  require  a  more 
fpecial  commandment  and  warrant,  than,  in  thefe 
prefents,  is  expreffed. 

Seftion  XL 

"  We  will  alfo,  and,  by  thefe  prefents,  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  fucceffors,  we  do  give  and  grant  U- 


i8o  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68 1.  cence,  by  this  our  charter,  unto  the  faid  William 
V>*wJ  Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns,  and  to  all  the  inhabi- 
To  import  tants  and  dwellers  in  the  province  aforefaid,  both 
and  export  prefent  and  to  come,  to  import,  or  unlade,  by 

produce  in-  r,         r  ,  .     .       '  i    r    '  2?       * 

to  and  tnemielves,  or  their  fervants,  factors,  or  amgns, 
a^  mercnancn'zes  and  goods  whatfoever,  that  mall 
arife  of  the  fruits  and  commodities  of  the  laid  pro- 
vince, either  by  land  or  fea,  into  any  of  the  ports 
of  us,  our  heirs,  or  fucceffors,  in  our  kingdom 
of  England,  and  not  into  any  other  country  what- 
foever:  and  we  give  him  full  power  to  difpofe  of 
the  faid  goods,  in  the  faid  ports;  and,  if  need  be, 
within  one  year  after  the  unlading  of  the  fame,  to 
lade  the  faid  merchandize  and  goods  again,  into 
the  fame,  or  other  mips,  and  to  tranfport  the 
fame  into  any  other  countries,  either  of  our  do- 
minions, or  foreign,  according  to  law;  provided 
always,  that  they  pay  fuch  cuftoms  and  impofiticns^ 
fubfidies  and  duties  for  the  fame,  to  us,  our  heirs 
and  fucceflbrs,  as  the  reft  of  our  fubjecls  of  our 
kingdom  of  England,  for  the  time  being,  (hall  be 
bound  to  pay,  and  do  obferve  the  a&s  of  naviga- 
tion, and  other  laws,  in  that  behalf  made* 

Section  XII. 

"  And  furthermore,  of  our  ample  and  fpecia^ 
cfn°™tcurtetQ  grace,  certain  knowledge  and  mere  motion,  we 
ports,  &c.  do,  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  grant  unto 
the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  afligns,  full 
and  abfolute  power  and  authority,  to  make,  erecl 
and  conflitute,  within  the  faid  province,  and  the 
ifles  and  inlets  aforefaid,  fuch  and  fo  many  fea 
ports,  harbours,  creeks,  havens,  keys,  and  other 
places,  for  difcharging  and  unlading  of  goods 
and  merchandize,  out  of  the  fhips,  boats,  and 
other  veflels,  and  landing  them  unto  fuch,  and  fo 
many  places,  and  with  fuch  rights,  jurifdi&ions, 
libei  ties  and  privileges,  unto  the  faid  ports  belong- 
ing, as  to  him  and  them  fhall  feem  moft  expedient; 
and  that  all,  and  fingular  the  mips,  boats  and 

other 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

other  velTels,  which  (hall  come  for  merchandize 
and   trade,  into  the  faid  province,  or  out  of  the 
fame,  (hall  be  laden,  or   unladen,  only   at  fuch 
ports,  as   fhall  be  created  and  conftituted  by  the 
laid  William  Penn,  his  heirs,  or  afligns,  (any  ufe, 
cuftom  or  thing  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.) 
Provided,  that  the  faid  William  Penn  and  his  heirs, 
and    the    Lieutenants    and    Governors,    for   the  for 
time  being,  (hall  admit  and  receive  in  and  about  fhJe 
all  fuch  havens,  ports,  creeks  and  keys,  all  officers  officers, 
and  their  deputies,  who  fhall,  from  time  to  time,  &c< 
be  appointed  for  that  purpofe  by  the  farmers^  or 
oonimiflioners  of  our  cuftoms  for  the  time  being. 

,.   SeaionXIII. 

"  And  we  do  further  appoint  and  ordain,  and  Power  to 
by  thefe  prefents,  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccefTors,  *flefs  cuf- 
we  do  grant  unto  the  faid  William  Pcnn,  his  heirs 
and  afligns,  that  he,  the  faid  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  afligns,  may,  from  time  to  time,  for 
ever,  have  and  enjoy  the  cuftoms  and  fubfidies, 
in  the  ports,  harbours  and  other  creeks,  and 
places  aforefaid,  within  the  province  aforefaid, 
payable,  or  due  for  merchandize  and  wares  there 
to  be  laded  and  unladed,  the  faid  cuftoms  and 
fubfidies  to  be  reafonably  aiTeiTed,  upon  any  oc- 
cafion,  by  themfelves  and  the  people  there,  as 
aforefaid  to  be  affembled,  to  whom  we  give  power 
by  thefe  prefents,  for  us,  our  heirs  and "fucceflbrs, 
upon  juft  caufe,  and  due  proportion,  to  alTefs  and 
impofe  the  fame;  faving  unto  us,  our  heirs  and 
fucceffors,  fuch  impositions  and  cuftoms,  as,  by 
aft  of  Parliament,  -  are,  and  fhall  be,  appointed. 

Seclion  XIV. 

"  And  it  is  our  farther  will  and  pleafure,  that  The 
the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  afnVns,  mall,  Frietor    to 

c  .  «.  .    °  "  appoint  an 

trom  time  to  time,  commute  ana  appoint  an  Attor-  Attorney, 
ncy,  or  agent,  to  refide  in,  or  near  our  city  of  Lon- to  rtfltie  in 
don;  who  (hall  make  known  the  place  where  he  £^ 

fhall 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

fhall  dwell,  or  may  be  found,  unto  the  clerks  of 
our  privy  council,  for  the  time  being,  or  one  of 
them,  and  fhall  be  ready  to  appear  in  any  of  our 
courts,  at  Wcftmhifter,  to  anfwer  for  any  mifde- 
meanor,  that  ihall  be  committed,  or  "by  any  wilful 
default,  or  neglect,  permitted  by  the  faid  William 
Penn^  his  heirs  or  afligns,  againft  the  laws  of  trade 
and  navigation ;  and  after  it  fhall  be  afcertained,  in 
any  of  our  courts,  what  damages  we,  or  our  heirSj 
or  fuccefibrs,  mall  have  fuftained  by  fuch  default,  or 
neglect,  the  faid  William  Penn^  his  heirs,  or  affigns, 
Ihall  pay  the  fame  within  one  year,  after  fuch  tax- 
ation, and  demand  thereof  from  fuch  attorney;  or 
in  cafe  there  mall  be  no  fuch  attorney  by  the  fpace 
of  one  year,  or  fuch  attorney  fhall  not  make  pay- 
ment of  fuch  damages,  within  the  fpace  of  a  year, 
and  anfwer  fuch  other  forfeitures  and  penalties, 
within  the  faid  time,  as  by  acts  of  parliament,  in 
England,  are  and  Ihall  be  provided  according  to 
the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  thefe  prefents ;  then 
it  mall  be  lawful  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceffors,  to 
feize  and  refume  the  government  of  the  faid  pro- 
vince or  country,  and  the  fame  to  retain,  until 
payment  fhall  be  made  thereof :  but  notwithftand- 
ing  any  fuch  feizure,  or  refumption  of  the  govern- 
ment, nothing  concerning  the  propriety,  or  owner- 
fhip,  of  any  lands,  tenements,  or  other  heredita- 
ments, goods  or  chattels  of  any  of  the  adventu- 
rers, planters  or  owners,  other  than  the  refpective 
offenders  there,  fhall  any  ways  be  affected  or  mo- 
lefled  thereby. 

Sedion  XV. 

peace  and      "  Provided  always,  and  our  will  and  pleafure  is, 

War  to  be  that  neither  the  faid  William  Penn^  nor  his  heirs, 

^ferVGreat  nor  anY  other,  the  inhabitants  of  the  faid  province, 

Britain,      fhall,  at  any  time  hereafter,  have  or  maintain,  any 

correfpondence  with   any  other  king,  prince  or 

ftate,  or  with  any  of  their  fubjects,  who  fhall  then 

be  in  war'  againft  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceffors ;  nor 

.  fhall 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  183 

Shall  the  faid  William  Penn>  or  his  heirs  or  any  other 
inhabitants  of  the  faid  province,  make  war,  or  do 
any  aft  of  hoftility  againft  any  other  king,  prince, 
or  (late,  or  any  of  their  fubje&s,  who  fhall  then 
be  in  league  or  amity  with  us,  our  heirs  and  fuc- 
ceflbrs. 

Sedion  XVI. 

*c  And  becaufe,  in  fo  remote  a  country,  and  fltu- 
ate  near  many  barbarous  nations,  the  incurfions  as 
well  of  the  favages  themfelves,  as  of  other  enemies, 
pirates  and  robbers,  may  probably  be  feared; 
Therefore,  we  have  given,  and,  for  us,  our  heirs 
and  fucceiTors,  do  give  power,  by  thefe  prefents, 
to  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  afligns,  by  Powerof 
themfelves,  or  their  captains,  or  other  their  officers,  a  captain- 
to  levy,  mufter  and  train  all  forts  of  men,  of  what  general 
condition  foever,  or  wherefoever  born,  in  the  faid  &c.nte  * 
province  of  Pennfyhania,  for  the  time  being,  and 
to  make  war,  and  to  purfue  the  enemies  and  rob- 
bers aforefaid,  as  well  by  fea  as  by  land,  even, 
without  the  limits  of  the  faid  province,  and,  by 
God's  afliilance,  to  vanquifh  and  take  them;  and 
being  taken,  to  put  them  to  death,  by  the  law  of 
war,  or  to  fave  them;  at  their  pleafure,  and  to  do 
all  and  every  other  thing,  which  unto  the  charge 
and  office  of  a  captain  general  of  an  army  belong- 
eth,  or  hath  accuftomed  to  belong,  as  fully  and 
freely  as  any  captain  general  of  an  army  hath  ever 
had  the  fame. 

Seftion  XVII. 

€C  And  furthermore,  of  our  fpecial  grace,  and 
of  our  certain  knowledge  and  mere  motion,   we 
have  given  and  granted,  and,  by  thefe  prefents, 
for  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceifors,  do  give  and  grant 
unto  the  faid  William  Penn^  his  heirs  and  afligns,    powerto 
full  and  abfolute  power,  licence  and  authority,  that  alien     the 
he,  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns,  from  Premifes- 
time  to  time  hereafter  for  ever,  at  his  or  their  own 

will 


814  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

will  and  pleafure,  may  aflign,  alien,  grant,  de- 
niife,  or  enfeoff  of  the  premifes  fo  many,  and  fuch 
parts  and  parcels  to  him,  or  them,  that  (hall  be 
willing  to  purchafe  the  fame,  as  they  fhall  think 
fit;  to  have  and  to  hold  to  them,  the  faid  perfon, 
or  perfons  willing  to  take  and  purchafe,  their  heirs 
and  aftigns,  in  fee  fimple,  or  fee  tail,  or  for  the 
term  of  life,  lives,  or  years,  to  be  held  of  the  faid 
William  Penn,  his  heirs,  or  afligns,  as  of  tire  faid 
feigniory  of  Wmdfor,  by  fuch  fervices,  cuftoms, 
or  rents,  as  fhall  feem  meet  to  the  foid  William 
Pcnn,  his  heirs,  or  afligns,  and  not  immediately 
of  us,  our  heirs  or  fucceffors. 

Section  XVIII. 
"  And  to  the  fame  perfon,  or  perfons,  and  to 

Power  to     .,  r     ,  i         •  i  i 

thepurdia-  all  and  every  or  them,  we  do  give  and  grant,  by 
fers  to  hold  thefe  prints,  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceffors,  li- 

by  the  Pro-  '.  ,          r      ,  r 

prietor's  cence,  authority  and  power,  that  iuch  perfon  or 
grant.  perfons,  may  take  the  premifes,  or  any  parcel 
thereof,  of  the  aforefaid  William  Penn,  his  heirs, 
or  afligns,  and  the  fame  to  hold  to  themfelves, 
their  heirs  and  afligns,  in  what  eftate  of  inheri- 
tance foever,  in  fee  fimple,  or  in  fee  tail,  or  other- 
wife,  as  to  him  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  or 
afligns,  fhall  feem  expedient:  The  ftatute  made, 
in  the  parliament  of  Edward ,  the  fon  of  King  Henry 
late  King  of  England,  our  predeceflbr  (commonly 
called  the  ftatute,  "  £>uia  Emptores  Terrarum" 
lately  publifhed  in  our  kingdom  of  England}  in 
in  any  wife  notwithstanding. 

Seftion  XIX. 

"  And  by  thefe  prefents,  we  give  and  grant,  li- 
Lcave  to  cence  unto  the  faid  William  Penn  and  his  heirs,  and 
orsf&T.an"  likewife  to  all,  and  every  fuch  perfon,  or  perfons, 
to  whom  the  laid  William  Penn,  or  his  heirs,  fhall  ? 
at  any  time  hereafter,  grant  any  eftate,  or  inheri- 
tance, as  aforefaid,  to  erect  any  parcels  of  land, 
within  the  province  aforefaid,  into  manors,  by  and 
with  the  licence,  to  be  fir  ft  had  and  obtained,  for 

that 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  185 

that  purpofe,  under  the  hand  and  feal  of  the  faid  1681. 
William  Penny  or  his  heirs;  and,  in  every  of  the  faid  \~s~v^s 
manors,  to  have  and  hold  a  Court-Baron,  with  all 
things  whatfoever,  which  to  a  Court-Baron  do  be- 
long, and  to  have  and  to  hold  View  of  Frank 
Pledge,  for  the  confervation  of  the  peace,  and  the 
better  government  of  thofe  parts,  by  themfelves, 
or  their  Rewards,  or  by  the  lords  for  the  time  be- 
ing, of  the  manors  to  be  deputed,  when  they  fhall 
be  erected,  and,  in  the  fame,  to  ufe  all  things  be- 
longing to  the  View  of  Frank  Pledge.  And  we  do 
further  grant  licence  and  authority,  That  every 
fuch  per  Ion,  or  perfons,  who  fhall  erect  any  fuch 
manor,  or  manors,  as  aforefaid,  fhall,  or  may, 
grant  all,  or  any  part  of  his  faid  land  to  any  per- 
fon,  or  perfons,  in  fee  fimple,  or  any  other  eftate 
of  inheritance  to  be  held  of  the  faid  manors  refpec- 
tively,  fo  as  no  further  tenure  fhall  be  created,  but 
that  upon  all  further,  or  other  alienations  thereafter 
to  be  made,  the  faid  lands  fo  aliened  fhall  be  held 
of  the  fame  lord  and  his  heirs,  of  whom  the  aliener 
did  then  before  hold,  and  by  the  like  rents  and 
fervices,  which  v/ere  before  due  and  accuflomed. 

Section  XX. 

"  And  furthermore,  our  pleafure  is,   and  by 
thefe  prefents,  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fucceflbrs, 
we  do  covenant  and  grant  to  and  with  the  faid 
William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  afligns,  that  we,  our 
heirs  and  fucceifors,  fhall,  at  no  time  hereafter,  NO  tax,  &c. 
fet,  or  make,  or  caufe  to  be  fet,  or  made,  any  im-  without  the 
petition,  cuftom,  or  other  taxation,  rate,  or  con-  Si^prie! 
tribution  whatfoever,   in  and  upon  the  dwellers  tor  or  Peo- 
and  inhabitants  of  the  aforefaid  province,  for  their  »]      *J* 
lands,  tenements,  goods,  or  chattels,  within  the  H 
faid  province,  or  in  and  upon  any  goods  and  mer- 
chandizes within  the  province,  of  fo  be  laden,  or 
unladen  within  the  ports,  or  harbtfurs  of  the  faid 
province,  unlefs  the  fame  be  with  the  confent  of 

the 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

I-68'i.    the  Proprietary,  or  Chief  Governor,  or  Aflfembiy,- 
or  by  ad:  of  parliament  in  England. 

Seaion 


This  dc-      cc  ^d  our  pleafure  is,  and,  for  us,  our  heini 

eiaration  to  and  fucceilors,  we  charge  and  command,  that  this 

an  tcq^itl  our  declaration  fhall  be  from  henceforth,  from 

tance.        time  to  time,  be  received  and  allowed,  in  all  our 

courts,  and  before  all  the  judges  of  us,  our  heirs 

and  fucceflbrs,  for  a  fufficient  lawful  difcharge, 

payment  and  acquittance;    commanding  all   the 

officers  and  miniflers  of  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccef- 

NO  offi-  fors,  and  enjoining  them  upon  pain  of  our  highefc 

coon^ra<a°  difpleafure,  that  they  do  not  prefume,  at  any  time5- 

this  char-    to  attempt  any  thing  to  the  contrary  of  the  pre- 

ter,  &c.      mifeS5  or  tnat  do,  jn  any  fort5  withfland  the  fame; 

but,  that  they  be,  at  all  times,  aiding  and  afiifting, 

as  is  fitting,  to  the  faid  William  Penn,  and  his  heirs, 

and  unto  the  inhabitants  and  merchants  of  the  pro- 

vince aforefaid,  their  fervants,   minifters,  faclora 

and  affigns,  in  the  full  ufe  and  fruition  of  the  be- 

nefit of  this  our  charter. 

Seaion  XXII. 

provifi-  "  ^n^  our  farther  pleafure  is,  and  we  do  here-' 
on  for  a  by,  for  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccefibrs,  charge  and 
&T^TaP-  require,  That,  if  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
plication  to  faid  province,  to  the  number  of  twenty,  mall, 

5eLon?o°uP  at  any  time  nereafter5  be  defirous,  and  mall, 
&c.  '  by  any  writing,  or  by  any  perfon  deputed  by 
them,  fignify  fuch  their  defire  to  the  bifhop 
of  London^  for  the  time  being,  that  any  preacher, 
cr  preachers,  to  be  approved  of  by  the  faid  bimop5 
may  be  fent  unto  them,  for  their  inftruaion;  that 
then  fuch  preacher,  or  preachers,  mail  and  may 
refide  within  the  faid  province,  without  any  denial, 
ar  moleftation  whatibever. 

Seaion  XXIII. 

"  And,  if  perchance  hereafter  any  doubt  or 
queftion  mould  arife  concerning  the  true  fenfe  and 

meaning 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  187 

meaning  of  any  word,  claufe,  or  fqntence,  con-    1681. 
tained  in  this  our  prefent  charter,  we  will,  ordain  \~s^s^J 
and  command,  that,  at  all  times,  and  in  all  things,     Double 
fuch  interpretation  be  made  thereof,  and  allowed,  meaning  of 
in  any  of  our  courts  whatfoever,  as  mall  be  ad-  be^rTfavor 
judged  moft  advantageous  and  favorable  unto  the  of  William 
faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns:  Provided  <nn> 
always )  no  interpretation  be  admitted  thereof,  by 
which  the  allegiance  due  unto  us,  our  heirs  and 
fucceflbrs,  may  fuffer  any  prejudice  or  diminution; 
although  exprefs  mention  be  not  made,  in  thefe 
prefents,  of  the  true  yearly  value,  or  certainty  of 
the  premifes,  or  any  part  thereof,  or  of  other  gifts 
and  grants,  made  by  us,  and  our  progenitors,  or 
predecerTcrs,  unto  the  faid  William  Penn:  Any  fta- 
tute,  acl,  ordinance,  provifion,  proclamation,  or 
reftraint,    heretofore  had,    made,   publilhed,   or- 
dained, or  provided,  or  any  other  thing,  caufe,  or 
matter  whatfoever,  to  the  contrary  thereof  in  any 
wife  notwithftanding.    In  Witnefs  whereof  we  have 
caufed  thefe  our  letters  to  he  made  patent:  Witnefs 
Ourfelf,  at  Weftminjier,  the  fourth  day  of  March, 
in  the  three  and  thirtieth  year  of  our  reign,  Anno- 
*]iie  Domini  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  .eighty- 
one. 

u  By  writ  of  Privy  Sea/, 

PIGOTT." 

By  the  firft  feclion  of  this  charter  the  extent  and  of  the 
boundary  of  the  province  are  expreffed  in  fuch  boundary 
plain  terms,  that  it  might  reafonably  be  fuopofed  ^tvve,cnj 

n         i  »r        in         i      Maryland 

they  could  not  well,  or  ealily,  be  rmiunderitood :  and  Penn- 
three  degrees  of  latitude,  included  and  bounded,  f/Ivaili»' 
between  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth,  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  forty-third  degree  of  north  latitude, 
equal  to  about  two  hundred  and  eight  Engltfh  fta- 
tute  miles,  north  and  fouth,  with  five  degrees  of 
longitude,  weftward  from  Delaware  river,  which, 
in  the  parrallel  of  forty-one  degrees,  are  equal  to 

nearly 


*88  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68 1.  nearly  two  hundred  and  fixty-five  miles,  eaft  and- 
v-^w^  weft,  are  as  clearly  and  manifellly  expreffed  to  be 
granted  to  the  proprietary  of  Pennfylyawa9  as  words 
can  do  it;  and  we  are  otherwife  fufficiently  certi- 
fied that  the  fame  fpace,  or  quantity  of  land,  was 
intended  by  the  King  to  be  included  in  the  faid 
grant;  yet  the  difpute  between  the  proprietaries  of 
Maryland  and  Pe$njytoania9  on  this  point?  was 
afterwards  remarkable,  and  of  many  years  conti- 
nuance;, occafioned  by  each  of  the  refpeclive  pro- 
prietaries claiming  to  himfelf  the  whole  fpace,  or 
extent,  of  the  land,  contained  in  the  fortieth  de- 
gree of  latitude;  which  was  the  north  boundary 
of  Maryland,  by  patent  of  that  province;  and 
which,  though  prior  to  that  of  Pennfylvania,  fpe- 
cifies,  or  aiTigns,  no  particular^part  of  the  faid  de- 
gree, for  the  boundary,  as  the  Pennfyfoania  grant 
<}oth:  which  fpace,  or  degree,  containing  near  fe- 
venty  Englijh  miles  in  breadth,  north  and  fouth, 
and  in  length  weflward,  fo  far  as  Maryland  ex- 
tends, was  no  fmall  matter  to  occafion  a  difpute. 
But  notwithfhfiding  the  clearnefs  of  the  terms, 
by  which  the  boundary  between  the  faid  pro- 
vinces is  expreffed  in  their  refpeclive  charters,  as 
above  mentioned,  yet  this  difpute  was,  at  length, 
in  the  year  1732,  finally  fettled  chiefly  in  favor  of 
Maryland;  by  fixing  the  .laid  boundary  between 
the  two  provinces,  only  fifteen  miles  due  fouth  of 
the  moft  foutherjy  part  of  Philadelphia^  or  in  the 
parallel  of  39  degrees,  44  minutes  nearly,  inflead 
of  39  degrees,  or  at  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth 
degree,  as  mentioned  and  intended  by  charter; 
Real  ex-  which  renders  the  real  extent  of  Pennjyhania, 
tent  and  north  and  fouth,  only  about  15  <j  miles,  inflead 
Pennf  'iva-  °f  2°?>  anc^  ma^es  W  fquare  miles,  in  the  pro- 
niaatpre-  vince  about  4i,ooo,  and  the  number  of  acres, 
26,288,000  or  near  twenty-fix  millions. 

In  cpnfequence  of  this  charter,  on  the  fecond  day 
of  April,  next  enfuing,  the  King  ifTued  a  declara- 
tion 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  189 

tion  to  the  inhabitants  and  planters  of  Pennfyfoania^   1681. 
expreffive  of  the  grant,  defcribing  the  bounds  of 
the  province,  and  enjoining  them  to  yield  all  ^ 
obedience  to  the  proprietary,  &c.  according  to  the  duration. 
powers  granted  by  the  faid  charter."* 

Willam  Penn,  having  obtained  thefe  proper  requi-    w- 
iites,  immediately  publifhed  fuch  account  of  the 
province,  as  could  then  be  given ;  with  the  royal  the  pro- 
charter,  and  other  papers  relative  thereto,  offering  vince> 
eafy  terms  of  fale  for  lands,  viz.  forty  (hillings 
frerling  for  one  hundred  acres,  and  one  falling  per 

annum 

*  This  declaration  was  as  follows,  •viz, 
"  Charles  R. 

Whereas  his  majefty,  in  con fi delation  of  the  great  merit  and  faithful 
fervices  of  Sir  William  Penn,  deceaf ed,  and  for  divers  other  good  caufes, 
him  thereunto  moving,  hath  been  gracioufiy  pleafed,  by  letters-patent, 
bearing  date  the  fourth  day  of  March,  lait  pafr,  to  give  and  grant  unto 
William  Penn,  Efquire,  jfon  and  heir  of  the  faid  Sir  William  Penn,  all 
that  trad;  of  land  in  America,  called  by  the  name  of  Pennfyl-vanii,  as  the 
lame  is  bounded,  on  the  eaft,  by  Delaware  river,  from  twelve  miles  dif- 
tance  northward  of  Neiv-caJHc  town,  unto  the  three  and  fortieth  degree 
of  northern  latitude,  if  the  laid  river  doth  extend  ip  far  northward;  and, 
if  the  faid  river  fhall  not  extend  fo  far  northward,  then,  by  the  faid  ri- 
ver, fo  far  as  it  doth  extend,  and  from  the  head  of  the  faid  river,  the 
ealtern  bounds  to  be  determined  by  a  meridian  line,  to  be  drawn  from 
the  head  of  the  faid  river,  unto  the  faid  three  and  fprtieth  degree;  and  the 
faid  province  to  extend  weftward  five  degrees  in  longitude,  to  be  com- 
puted from  the  faid  eaftern  bounds;  and  to  be  bounded  on  the  north  by 
the  beginning  of  the  three  and  fortieth  degree  of  northern  latitude,  and 
on  the  Ibuth,  by  a  circle  diawn.  at  twelve  miles  djftance,  from  N?tv- 
caftle,  northward  and  weltward  unto  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth  de- 
gree of  north  latitude,  and  then  by  a  Itraight  line  weftward  to  the  limit 
of  longitude,  above  mentioned;  together  with  all  powers,  prehemineixe^ 
and  jurifdi&ions,  Decenary  for  the  government  of  the  faid  province,  as 
by  the  laid  letters  patent,  reference  being  thereunto  had,  doth  more  at 
large  appear. 

"  His  majefty  doth,  therefore,  hereby  publifh  and  declare  his  royal  will 
and  pleafure,  that  all  perfons  fettled,  or  inhabiting  within  the  limits  of 
the  faid  province,  do  yield  all  due  obedience  to  the  laid  Willam  Pf«A-,his 
heirs  and  affigns,  as  abfclute  proprietaries  and  governors  thereof,  as  alfo 
to  the  deputy,  or  deputies,  agents  or  lieutenants,  lawfully  commiffioned 
by  him,  or  them,  according  to  the  powers  and  authorities,  granted  by  the 
faid  letters  patent,  wherewith  his  Majefty  expt&s  and  requires  a  ready 
compliance  from  all  perfons  whom  it  may  concern,  as  they  tender  hia 
Majefty 's  difpleafure. 

«'  Given  at  the  Court,  at  White-hall,  the  fecond  day  of  April 
f  68  J,  in  the  three  and  thirtieth  year  of  our  reign." 

£y  Us  Majffly  's  fpeclal  command^ 

CON  WAY." 


190  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1681.  annum  forever;*  and  good  conditions  of  fettle* 
ment,  to  luch  as  chofe  to  be  adventurers  in  the 
new  country. 

This 

*  This  .e«e  fritting  for  ever,  is  the  original  infHtution  of  the  Qut-retifr 
in  the  province;  which  is  a  compact  as  old,  and  to  he  held  eqnaliy  hind- 
ing  and  inviolahle,  as  that  for  the  firft  purchafe  money:  —  Refpr6lincr 
\\hich,  in  the  firft,  or  early  publications,  concerning  the  province,  1  finl 
the 'following  obfervations  then  made,  viz. 

"  The  province  is  cafl:  at  a  penny  an  acre;  hut  he  fcts  apart  feveraj 
parcels,  which  he  calls  fhares;  thele  he  fells  faving  a  ^-t-rent,  neceffary 
to  fecure  the  title  and  tenure;  that  is,  whereas  five  thoufand  acres  (which 
make  a  {hare)  come,  at  a  penny  an  acre,  to  20  pounds,  16  (hillings  and  8 
pence,  yearly.  For  one  hundred  pounds  paid  down,  he  fells  that  yearly  rent 
Tor  18  pounds,  6  {hillings  and  8  pence;  a^  d  reierves  but  fifty  fhiilirgs; 
which  may  he  reduced,  as  the  purchafer  pkafeth;  hut  fomething  mult 
Jje  referred,  for  fecurity  cf  the  title,"  &c.  /igain — 

"  The  fhare?  I  fell  be  certain,  as  to  the  number  of  acres;  ifcat  is  to  far, 
every  one  fhall  contain  five  thoufand  acres;  the  price,  one  hundred  pounds; 
and  for  the  ^it-rent,  one  Engl'tJI>  fh tiling  or  the  value  of  it,  yearly,  for 
a  hundred  acres;  which,  fuch  as  will,  may  now,  or  hereafter,  buy  off, 
to  an  inconfiderable  matter;  hut,  as  I  hold  by  a  fmall  rent,  of  the  King, 
fc  all  mjufl  hold  of  me,  by  a  fciailrent,  for  their  own  {ecurity,"  &c. 

•In  the  difputes,  which  afterwards  happened  between  fome  of  the  Lieu- 
,tenant  Governors,  and  the  AiTemblies,  thefe  quit-rents  notwithstanding 
appear  to  have  been  regarded,  by  the  latter,  as  a  grievance;  and  the  ap- 
plication of  them  has  been  infinuatcd,  as  intended,  at  firft,  by  the  pro- 
prietor himfelf,  for  the  fupport  cf  the  government,  more  especially  that 
pf  the  Leiutenant  Governors:  But  as  I  find  nothing  authentic,  on  recerd, 
to  countenance  this  infmuation,  I  {hall  heie  infcrt  part  of  a  reply  of  one 
qf  thefe  governors  to  the  AiTembly,  in  1708,  on  ihe  fubjecl,  in  the  fol 
towing  words;  which  I  have  never  feen  confuted,  viz. 

•—- "  It  is  very  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  proprietary,  having 

fold  lands,  to  a  great  value,  received  confiderable  fums  for  them;  and 
we  find  he  referred  a  quit-nut  on  them  all;  but,  then,  upon  enquiry,  I 
perceive,  that,  in  confideration  of  the  money,  and  thpfe  quit -rants,  the 
proprietary,  by  firm,  but  common  deeds  of  fale,  granted  th-^  purchaferg 
a  free  eftateof  large  tracls  of  land,  which  they,  or  fome  in  their  behalf, 
now  enjoy;  and,  am  told,  that  there  is  not,  in  any  of  thefe  deeds,  one 
•warranty,  to  defend  the  poffeffor  againft  hoft'le,  or  invafive,  force,  or 
one  covenant,  that  mentions  government,  or  the  fupport  of  it,  in  any 
of  them  all;  but  that  forty  JblUings  down,  and  one  Jhlllln^  yearly,  was 
the  confederation  paid,  on  the  one  hand,  fqr  an  hundred  acres  of  land 
granted  on  the  other. 

*'  I  am  fenfible,  gentlemen,  I  have  been  told  of  thefe  qntt-rsntf  once 
before,  to  the  great  iurprize  of  thofe,  that  heard  it,  and  knew  much  more  of 
the  matter,  than  I  could,  at  that  time;  but,  upon  a  full  fcrutiny  into  the 
whole,  by  fome  whom  it  concerned,  I  perceived  there  could  not  be  one 
trace  found  of  any  fuch  compact,  but  in  the  pretended  memory  of  two 
or  three  perfons,  who  were  noted  to  have  ftronger  prejudices,  than  rea- 
fon;  and  who,  in  thefe  points,  were  not  too  much  to  be  relied  on;  and 
was  informed,  that,  for  the  many  years  before  this  government  wanted 
fjupplies,  this  notion  had  never  once  been  heard  of,  but  was  juft  then 

flatted 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  191 

This  offer  and  invitation,  to  the  people,  he  mix-    1681. 
ed,  or  qualified,  with  fuch  Chriftian  caution  and  ww^ 
advice,  as  indicated  a  real  concern  both  for  their 
temporal  and  eternal  felicity,  which  he  clofed  in 
thefe  words: — 

— "  To  conclude,    I  defire  all   my  dear     part  rf- 

country-folks,  who  may  be  inclined  to  go  into  thofe 
parts,  to  confider  ferioufly  the  premifes,  as  well 
the  inconveniency  as  future  eafe  and  plenty;  that  fo  adventu- 
none  may  move  rafnly,  of  from  a  fickle,  but  from rer  s*  &< 
a  folid,  mind;  having,  above  ail  things5  an  eye  to 
the  providence  of  God,  in  the  difpofing  of  them- 
ielves;  arid  I  would  further  advife  all' fuch,  at  lead, 
to  have  the  perrmffion,  if  not  the  good  liking,  cf 
their  near  relations;  for  that  is  both  natural,  and 
a  duty  incumbent  upon  all.  And  by  this  will  na- 
tural affections  be  preferved,  and  a  friendly  and 
profitable  correfpondence  between  them;  in  all 
which  I  befeech  Almighty  God  to  direct  us;  that 
his  bleffing  may  attend  our  honed  endeavours; 
and  then  the  confequence  of  all  our  undertakings 
will  turn  to  the  glory  of  his  great  name,  and  all 
true  happinefs  to  us,  and  our  pofterity.  Amen/' 

On  publifhing  thefe  propofals,  a  great  number     ^ 
of  pur  chafers  foon  appeared,  in  London,  Liverpool,  ibdety  «f 
and  efpecially  about   Briftol;    among- thefe  were 
"James  Claypole,  Nicholas  Moore,  Philip  Forde,  and 
others,  wrho  formed  a  company,  called,  The  free 
fociety  of  Traders  in  Pennfylvania.    Thefe  laft  men- 
tioned   perfons,    with    William    Sharloe,    Edward 
Pierce,  John  Simcock,  Thomas  Bracy  and  Edward 
Brooks,  having  purchafed   20,000  acres  of  land, 
in  trull  for  the  faid  company,  publifhed  articles  of 

trade, 

f:..rted,  and  perceived  it  to  be  greedily  Lid  htj'ld  of  by  force,  \vliofc  nar- 
rownefsmade  every  pretence,  to  fuve  money,  very  acceptable;.  ?.nd  partly 
by  others,  to  whom  any  kind  of  handle,  to  obftrud;  biiiiuefa,  was  no  lefs 
agreeable:  but  was  entirely  exploded  by  fuch  as  were;  much  bc'ter  judges, 
from  clearer  reafons,  and  better  opportunities  of  knowing;  fo  that,  up- 
on the  whole,  gentlemen,  I  fmd  the  proprietary,  and  thofe  concerned  . 
for  him,  account,  that  thofe  quit-n-nts,  and  the  go%renirr»tm  here,  are  no 
related,  than  hh  eftute,  ir.  £i.-roft  is  to  that  of  Crca:  Britain" —  , 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1 68 1.  trade,  and  entered  into  divers  branches  thereof 
themfelves;  v/hich  were  foon  improved  upon  by- 
others. 


CHAPTER     II. 

Conditions,  or  concejjlons  ptfbttjhed. — Sailing  of  the 
firft  Jhip  for  Pennfyhania. — Jofcph  Kirkbridey 
&c. — The  Proprietor's  manner  of  treating  the  In- 
dians.— His  letter  to  them. — Firft  frame  of  govern- 
ment and  laws  publiftied. — Part  of  the  preface  to 
the  fame. — Purport  of  the  frame,  and  one  of  the 
laws. — Duke  of  Tbrb's  deed  of  re-leafe  to  William 
Penn. — The  territories  obtained,  &c. — Boundary 
between  the  territories  and  Maryland. — 


T 


HE  proprietary,  having  already  made  confi- 
Thepro-  derable  fales  of  land,  agreed  with  the  adventurers 
pubWhes     and  purchafers  on  the  firft  deed  of fettlement,  which 
renditions,  jn  part    may  be  regarded  as  an  effay  towards  a 

or  concef-  £ .        .  >  , .         J         , 

&c,  conjtitutim  or  government,  according  to  the  pow- 
ers granted  him  by  charter.  It  confifts  chiefly  of 
certain  rules  of  fettlement,  of  treating  the  Indians 
with  juftice  and  friendmip;  and  of  keeping  the 
peace,  agreeable  to  the  cuftoms,  ufages  and  laws  of 
England,  to  be  obferved  on  their  arrival  in  the  coun- 
try, and  there  to  be  altered,  on  occafion.  This 
compact  is  publifhed,  under  the  title  of,  "  Certain 
conditions ,  or  concejfions,  agreed  upon  by  William 
Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor  of  the  province  of 
Pennfyhania;  and  tbofe,  who  are  the  adventurers 
and  purchafers ,  in  the  fame  province ',  the  \\th.of 
July,  1 68 1."*  Which  may  be  feen  at  length,  in 
the  appendix,  No.  I. 

*  One  of  the  ftipnlattons  in  this  inftrument  fl^ews  the  provident  care 
and  knowledge  of  the  proprietary,  in  a  matter,  whofe  continued  neglect 
•will  doubtlefs,  in  future,  be  found  more  important  to  the  country  than 
has  been  imagined,  viz. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  193 

Three  fliips  failed  for  PennfyfoariU  this  year;     1681. 
two  from  London,  and  one  from  BriftoL    The  John  ^^r^J 
and  Sarah,  from  London,  commanded  by  Henry 
Smith,  is  faid  to  have  been  the  firft  that  arrived     Thc 
there;   the  Amity,  Richard  Dimon,  matter,  from 
the  fame  place,  with  paffengers,  was  blown  off, 
to  the  Weft-Indies  ;  and  did  not  arrive  at  the  pro-  nia> 
vince,  till  the  fpring  of  the  next  year;  the  Briftol 
Faftor,  Roger  Drew,  commander,  arrived  at  the 
place,  where  Chefter  now  ftands,  on  the  nth.  of 
December;    where   the   pailengers,   feeing   fome 
houfes,  went  on  fhore,  at  Robert  Wade's  landing, 
near  the  lower  fide  of  C/6g/&r-creek;  and,  the  ri- 
ver having  froze  up  that  night,  the  pauengers  re- 
mained there  all  the  winter.* 

"  That,  in  clearing  the  ground,  care  be  taken  to  leave  one  acre  of 
trees  for  every  five  acres  cleared,  efpecially  to  prefcrve  oak  and  mulberries^ 
forftlk  an 


*  Among  the  pafiengers,  in  thcfe  fliips,  were  John  Otter,  Nathaniel 
Allen  and  Edmund  Lot/ett^  with  their  families;  and  feveral  fervants  of 
Governor  Penn.  —  Jofeph  Kirkbride,  then  a  boy,  being  one  of  them,  Avho 
afterwards  became  a  peribn  of  importance,  in  the  province.  He  is  an  in- 
ftance,  among  many  others  that  might  be  given,  in  the  early  time  of  this 
country,  of  advancement  from  low  beginning  to  rank  of  eminence  and 
cfteem,  through  induftry,with  a  virtuous  and  prudent  couducl.  —  The  diffi- 
culties, hardfhips  and  trials  of  many  of  the  well  difpofed  early  fettlers,  how- 
ever low  in  the  world,  rather  vifibly  tended  to  their  promotion,  and, 
in  fome  refpe&s  rendered  them  more  ufeful  an.d  worthy  members  of  fo- 
ciety,  in  this  new  country;  while  others,  even  poffefTed  of  handlbme  pa- 
trimonies, at  firft,  but  more  improvident,  and  lefs  accuftomed  to  encounter 
with  fuch  difficulties,  &c.  more  commonly  went  to  ruin,  or  were  reduced 
to  indigence;  befides,  a  dependance  on  fuch  inheritances,  even  with 
otherwile  prudent  oeconomy,  in  the  early  time  of  this  country,  where, 
and  when  fervants  could  fcarcely  be  had,  or  kept,  by  any  means,  feve- 
ral worthy  perfons,  who  had  not  been  ufed  to  labor,  found,  by  forrow- 
ful  experience,  did  not  anfwer  here,  as  in  Europe;  fo  that  for  a  feries  of 
years,  thofe  who  came  hither  more  wealthy,  and  had  before  been  ufed 
to  a  different  manner  of  life,  fometimes  loft  much  of  what  they  had 
pofTefTed,  and  were  reduced  to  greater  ftraits  and  trials,  than  the  more 
poor  and  laborious  part  of  the  fettlers,  who  were  generally  more  numer- 
ous, and  got  eftates  ;  —  Hence  it  became  noted  for  being  a  good  poor  man's 
«ountry,  &c. 

This  Jofeph  Kirllride,  above  mentioned,  was  afterwards  a  preacher, 
among  the  Quakers;  and,  for  many  years  in  the  magiftracy,  and  fre- 
quently in  the  Afiembly.  He  is  faid  to  have  been  an  exemplary  and 
zealous  promoter  of  the  religion  of  his  profeflion;  and  a  very  ferviceable 
perfon  in  divers  refpedts  and  capacities.  He  lived  in  BueVr  county;  where 
he  died  in  the  Firft  month,  1737- 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1 68 1.        In  one  of  thefe  fhips  failed  William  Markham* 
o^v-s^  a  relation  of  the  proprietary;  whom  he  had  ap- 
Commif-  pointed  his  Deputy  Governor,  and  joined  with 
fioners  fcnt,  him  certain  commiffioners,  to  confer  with  the  /»- 
<&z*u,   or  Aboriglnies\  of"  the  country,  refpecting 
their  lands;  and  to  confirm  with  them  a  league  of 
peace.     Thefe  Commiflioners  he  enjoined  to  treat 
them  with  all  poflible  candour,  juftice  and  hu- 
manity. 

Import-  To  cultivate  a  right  underftanding  with  thefe  na- 
treating  ^ves'  by  a  kind,  gentle  and  juft  treatment  and 
the  Indians  ufage,  was  an  affair  of  great  importance  to  the  fu- 
ture happinefs  and  profperity  of  the  province; 
which  good  policy  alone,  even,  from  views  of 
temporal  intereft,  in  fuch  a  cafe,  would  point  out ; 
yet  notwkhftanding  this,  the  unhappy  effects  of  a 
contrary  conduct,  or  a  neglect  in  this  particular  y 
had  been  frequently  and  long  experienced,  in  fome 
other  provinces,  to  their  great  detriment,  and  ruin- 
ous confequences. 

But  Wfllfam  Penn  appears  to  have  acted  from 
penn's  co™  higher,,  and  more  difmterefted  motives,  in  refer- 
du<st  refpec-  rence  to  thefe  people,  than  from  thofe  of  mere 
temporal  advantage  only;  which,  it  is  manifeft,  he 
never  received  from  the  province,  m  any  refpect 
whatever,  during  a  life  of  near  thirty-feven  years 
continuance  after  this  time;  but  loft  much  by  it. 
His  ideas  were  more  exalted,  than  to  be  confined 
within  the  narrow  view  of  a  temporary  intereft 
alone,  and  his  conduct  refpecting  thefe  poor,  igno- 
rant and  favage  people,  declared  his  regard  for 
univerfal  juftice,  and  the  natural' rights  of  mankind; 
tending  to  imprefs  on  their  minds,  as  was  his  con- 
cern for  all  others,  a  proper  fenfe  of  eternal  juftice, 
and  the  happy  effects  of  friendmip,  love  and  peace; 
than  which  nothing  can  have  a  ftronger  influence 
on  the  rational  and  confiderate  mind,  to  keep  it 
within  the  due  bounds  of  juftice  and  truth.  The 
£rft  fpecimen,.  that  I  find,  of  his  manner  of  treat- 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  195 

ing  thefe  people,  appears  in  the  following  letter,  .1681 
which  he  lent  them,  on  this  occafion,  by  his  de- 
puty  and  commiflioners  ;  wherein,  without  per- 
plexing and  confuting  their  untutored  ideas>  with 
fine-fpun  and  unintelligible  notions,  and  forms  of 
belief,  fo  common  to  iome.  ecclefiaftics,  he  adapts 
his  fubjed  to  their  underftandings,  in  the  following 
plain  and  fimple  manner.  . 


"  London,  the  iStb.  of  the  Eighth  month  1681. 
"  My  Friends, 

"  There  is  a  great  God  and  power,  that  hath 
made  the  world,  and  all  things  therein;  to  whom 
you  and  I,  and  all  people  owe  their  being,  and 
well-being;  and  to  whom  you  and  I  mufl  one  day 
give  an  account,  for  all,  that  we  do  in  the  world.  — 

"  This  great  God  hath  written  his  law  in  our 
hearts,  by  which  we  are  taught  and  commanded 
to  love  and  help,  and  do  good  to  one  another. 
Now  this  great  God  hath  been  pleafed  to  make 
me  concerned  in  your  part  of  the  world  ;  and  the 
King  of  the  country,  where  I  live,  hath  given  me 
a  great  province  therein;  but  I  defire  to  enjoy  it 
•with  your  love  andconfcnt;  that  we  may  always  live 
together,  as  neighbours  and  friends;  elfe  what 
would  the  great  God  do  to  us,  who  hath  made 
us,  not  to  devour  and  deftroy  one  another,  but 
to  live  foberly  and  kindly  together,  in  the  world? 
now  I  would  have  you  well  obferve,  that  I  am 
very  fenfible  of  the  unkindnefs  and  injuflice,  that 
have  been  too  much  exercifed  towards  you,  by 
the  people  of  thefe  parts  of  the  world;  who  have 
fought  themfelves,  and  to  make  great  advantages 
by  you,  rather  than  to  be  examples  of  goodnefs 
and  patience  unto  you;  which  I  hear  hath  been  a 
matter  of  trouble  to  you,  and  caufed  great  grudg- 
ing and  animofities,  fometimes  to  the  fhedding  of 
blood  ;  which  hath  made  the  great  God  angry. 
But  I  am  not  fuch  a  man;  as  is  well  known  in 

my 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1  68  1.    my  own  country.     I  have  great  love  and  regard 

v^vo  towards  you  ;  and  defire  to  win  and  gain  your  love 

and  friendfhip,  by  a  kind,  juft  and  peaceable  life; 

peSkT  anc*  t^le  Pe°P*e  *  fend,  are  °f  tne  fame  mind,  and 

ter  to  the    mall,  in  all  things,  behave  themfelves  accordingly  ; 

Indians.      ancj5  jf  m   any   thing,  any   fhall  offend  you,  or 

your  people,  you  fhall  have  a  full  and  fpeedy  fatif- 

fadiou  for  the  fame,  by  an  equal  number  of  juft 

men,  on  both  fides;  that,  by  no  means  you  may 

have  jufl  occafion  of  being  offended  againft  them. 

"  I  fhall  fhortly  come  to  you  myfelf;  at  which 
time,  we  may  more  largely  and  freely  confer  and 
difcourfe  of  thefe  matters  ;  in  the  mean  time  I  have 
lent  my  commiflioners  to  treat  with  you  about  land, 
and  a  firm  league  of  peace;  let  me  defire  you  to 
be  kind  to  them,  and  the  people,  and  receive  thefe 
prefents  and  tokens,  which  I  have  fent  you,  as  a 
teftimony  of  my  good  will  to  you,  and  my  refo- 
lution  to  live  juflly,  peaceably  and  friendly  witft 
you." 

"  I  am  your  loving  friend, 

"  William 


1682.        ^n  tne  beginning  of  the  year  1682,  William  Penn 
publifhed  his  frame  of  government,  and  certain 
laws,  agreed  on,  in  England,  by  himfelf  and  the 
purchafers    under    him,  entitled,  "  The  frame  of 
frame  of     the  government  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvania,  in 
nusntTud    Amer'lca'>   together  with  certain  laws,  agreed  upon, 
law*.         in  England,  by  the  Governor,  and  divers  freemen  of 
the  aforef  aid  province.     To  be  further  explained  and 
confirmed  there,  by  the  firft  Provincial  Council,  that 
V        Jhall  be  held,  if  they  fee  meet."    Which  frame,  &c, 
may  be  feen  in  the  appendix,  No.  II. 

In  the  preface  to  this  frame  is  exhibited  a  fketch 
of  the  author's  fentiments  on  the  nature  of  go- 
vernment, in  general,  his  reflections  on  the  diffe- 
rent modes  of  it,  and  his  inducement  for  forming 
his.  It  may  ferve  to  give  fome  idea  of  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Quakers,  in  general,  on  this  fubjecl, 

refpe&ing 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  197 

refpe&ing  which  they  have  frequently  been  mifre-    1682. 
prefented;  I  mall,  therefore,  here  give  the  follow-  ^>^r^J 
mg  extracl  from  it.— -The  author,  after  having 
quoted  feveral  parts  of  the  facred  fcriptures,  rela- 
tive  to  government,  proceeds,  ia   the  following 
words: 

— "  This  fettles  the  divine  right  of  government  Part  of  tlic 
beyond   exception,  and  that  for  two  ends;  firft,  Jis frame S 
to  terrify  evil  doers;  fecondly,  to  cherifh  thofe,  Govern- 
that  do  well ;  which  gives  government  a  life  be-  ra 
yond   corruption;    and   makes  it  as   durable,   in 
the  world,  as  good  men  ihall  be.     So  that  go- 
vernment feems  to  me  a  part  of  religion  itfelf ;  a 
thing  facred,  in  its  inftitution  and  end.     For,  if 
it  does  not   directly  remove  the  caufe,  it  cruises 
the  effects  of  evil;  and  is,  as  fuch,  a  lower,   yet 
an   emanation  of  the  fame  divine  power,    that  i$ 
both  author  and  object  of  pure  religion;  the  dif- 
ference lying  here;  that  the  gne  is  more  free  and 
mentaU  the  other  more  corporal  and  compulfive,  in 
its  operation:  but  that  is  only  to  evil-doers;  govern- 
ment itfelf  being  other  wife  as  capable  of  kindnefs, 
goodnefs  and  charity,  as  a  more  private  fociety. 

"  They  weakly  err,  that  think  there  is  no  other 
ufe  of  government,  than  correction-,  which  is  the 
coarfefl  part  of  it:  daily  experience  tells  us,  that  the 
care  and^  regulation  of  many  other  affairs,  more 
foft,  arid  daily  neceffary,  make  up  much  the 
greater  part  of  government ;  and  which  muft  have 
followed  the  peopling  of  the  world,  had  Adam 
never  fallen;  and  will  continue  among  men,  on 
earth,  under  the  higheft  attainments,  they  may 
arrive  at,  by  the  coming  of  the  bleifed  fecond 
Adam,  the  Lord  from  Heaven." — 

As  to  the  modes,  he  further  obferves, — "  I  do 
not  find  a  model  in  the  world,  that  time,  place,  °/  tnod<* 

•          i  rr      °f  Govern* 

and  fome  imgular  emergencies,  have  not  neceiia-  ment  in  go- 
rily altered ;  nor  is  it  eafy  to  frame  a  civil  govern-  neral4 
ment,  that  ihall  ferve  all  places  alike;5' — "  Any 

government, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  government  is  free  to  the  people  under  it  (what- 
ever  be  the  frame)  where  the  laws  rule,  and  the 
people  are  a  party  to  thofe  laws;  and  more  thau 
this  is  tyranny,  olygarchy,  or  confufion." — 

"  There  is  hardly  one  frame  of  government, 
in  the  world,  fo  ill  defigned  by  its  firft  founders, 
that,  in  good  hands,  would  not  do  well  enough; 
and  hiftory  tells  us,  the  beft,  in  ill  ones,  can  do 
nothing,  that  is  great  and  good;  Witnefs,  the 
Jewijh  and  Reman  dates.  Governments,  like 
clocks,  go  from  the  motion,  men  give  them;  and 
as  governments  are  made  and  moved  by  men,  fo 
by  them  are  they  ruined  too.  Wherefore,  go- 
vernments rather  depend  upon  men,  than  men 
upon  governments.  Let  men  be  good,  and  the 
government  cannot  be  bad;  if  it  be  ill,  they  will 
cure  it.  But,  if  men  be  bad,  let  government  be 
never  fo  good,  they  will  endeavour  to  warp  and 
e  \o  Q>°^  ^  to  tneir  turn." — "  That,  therefore,  which 
William  makes  a  good  government,  muft  keep  it,  viz. 
fran"e8  of  ^en  of  wifdom  and  virtue;  qualities,  that,  be- 
Govern-  caufe  they  defcend  not  with  woridy  inheritances*, 
muft  be  carefully  propagated  by  a  virtuous  educa- 
tion of  youth ;  for  which  after  ages  will  owe  more 
to  the  care  and  prudence  of  founders  ^  and. the  fuc- 
ceffive  Magiftracy^  than  to  their  parents,  for  their 
private  patrimonies." 

"  Thefe  confiderations,"  (feveral  of  which,  for 
brevity,  are  here  omitted )  of  the  weight  of  go- 
vernment, and  the  nice  and  various  opinions  about 
it,  made  it  uneafy  to  me  to  think  of  publifhing 
the  enfuingyh?772£,  and  conditional  laivs^  forefeeing 
both  the  cenfures,  they  will  meet  witK,  from  men 
of  differing  humours  and  engagements,  and  the 
occafion  they  may  give  of  difcourfe  beyond  my 
defign." 

"  But,  next  to  the  power  of  neceffity  (which 
is  a  follicitor,  that  will  take  no  denial)  this  induced 
me  to  a  compliance,  that  we  have,  (with  reve- 


HISTORY  OF  IPENNSYLVANIA.  199 

rence  to  God,  and  good  confcience  to  men}  to  the    1682. 
bed   of  our   (kill,  contrived   and   compofed   the  v^rw-r 
frame  and  laws  of  this  government,  to  the  great  *e*f™  for 

i       r  •        rr-    /•  •  pubhfhmg 

end  or  government,  -y/js.  To  fupport  power  in  re*ve-  hi3  &an* 
>•£#££  io//£  the  people  i  and  to  fe  cure  the  people  from  and  law&- 
fifo  tf£z//t}  <?/*  power;  that  they  may  be  free  by  their 
juft  obedience,  and  the  Magiftrates  honourable, 
for  their  juft  adminiftration ;  for  liberty  without 
obedience  is  confufion;  and  obedience  without  li- 
berty is  flavery.  To  carry  this  evennefs,  is  partly 
owing  to  the  conftitution,  and  partly  to  the  Ma- 
giftracy:  where  either  of  thefe  fail,  government 
will  be  fubjecl  to  convulfions;  but  where  both 
are  wanting,  it  mufl  be  totally  fubverted:  then, 
where  both  meet,  the  government  is  like  to  endure ; 
which  I  humbly  pray,  and  hope,  God  will  pleafe 
to  make  the  lot  of  this  of  Pennfyfoania.  Amen.** 

The  frame  itfelf  confided  of  twenty-four  artr  ^1uerpof"  ^ 
cles ;  and  the  laws  were  forty.  By  the  former  Of 
the  government  was  placed  in  the  Governor  and  ment- 
Freemen  of  the  province,  in  the  form  of  a  pro- 
vincial council,  and  General  AiTembly.  By  them 
conjunctively  all  laws  were  to  be  made,  all  officers 
appointed,  and  all  public  affairs  tranfa&ed.  Se- 
venty-two was  the  number  of  the  Council,  to  be 
chofen  by  the  freemen;  and  though  the  Governor, 
or  his  deputy,  was  to  be  perpetual  Prefident,  he 
had  but  a  treble  vote.  One-third  part  of  them, 
was,  at  firft,  to  be  chofen  for  three  years,  one- 
third  for  two  years,  and  one-third  for  one  year; 
in  fuch  manner,  that  there  might  be  an  annual  fuc- 
cefiion  of  twenty-four  new  members,  each  to  conti- 
nue three  years,  and  no  longer. — The  General  Af- 
fembly  was,  the  fir  ft  year,  to  confift  of  all  the  free- 
men, afterwards  of  two  hundred,  and  never  to  ex- 
ceed five  hundred.  And  this  charter,  or  form  of 
government,  was  not  to  be  altered,  changed,  or 
diminifhed,  in  any  part,  or  claufe  of  it,  without' 
the  confent  of  the  Governor,  his  heirs,  or  ailigns, 

and 


200  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682*  and  fix  parts  of  feven  of  the  freemen,  in  Provm- 
^•Y"^  cial  Council  and  ArTembly.  And  to  the  fame 
power  only  was  the  alteration  of  the  laws  made 
fubjecl:  thefe  laws  were  of  the  natvre  of  an  ori- 
ginal compacl  between  the  proprietary  and  the 
freemen;  and,  as  fuch,  were  reciprocally  received 
and  executed:  one  of  them  was, 

cc  That  all  perfons  living  in  this  province,  who 
confefs  and  acknowledge  the  one  Almighty  and 
the°nVft  Eternal  God  to  be  the  Creator,  Upholder  and  Ru~ 
ler  of  the'  world,  and  that  hold  themfelves  obliged, 
in  confcience,  to  live  peaceably  and  juftly  in  civil 
fociety,  (hall,  in  no  ways,  be  moleiied,  or  preju- 
diced, for  their  religious  perfwafion,  or  pra&ice, 
in  matters  of  faith  and  worfhip ;  nor  fliall  they  be 
compelled,  at  any  time,  to  frequent,  or  maintain, 
any  religious  worfhip,  place,  or  miriiftry  what- 
ever." 

Morover,  the  proprietary,  to  prevent  all  future 
claim,  or,  even,  pretence  of  claim,  that  might  be 
made,  of  the  province  by  the  Duke  of  Tork,  or 
the  m*s  heirs>  obtained  of  the  faid  Duke  his  deed  of 
Duke     of  releafe  for  the  fame,  dated  the  21  ft.  of  Auguft, 

York's   re-      /-n      * 
feafe.  1052. 

Befides 

*  The  releafe  of  the  Duke  of  Tork  to  William  Penn  was  exprefied,  as 
follows — 

"  This  indenture,  made  the  one  and  twentieth  day  of  Auguft,  in  the 
four  and  thirtieth  year  of  the  reign  of  our  fovereign  lord,  Charles  the 
fecond,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland 
King,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  annoque  Domini  1682,  between 
the  mod  iiluftious  Prince,  his  Royal  Highefs,  James,  Duke  of  Tork  and 
Alban\\  "Ezr\  of  Uljter,  &c.  of  the  one  part,  and  William  Penn,  Efquire, 
fon  and  l\eir  of  Sir  William  Penn,  Knight,  deceafed,  of  the  other  part. 
Whereas,  his  faid  Royal  Highnefs,  being  willing  and  defirous  that  the- 
tra6t  of  land,  called  Pennfylvania,  herein  after  mentioned,  fhould  be 
granted  and  affured  unto  the  faid  William  Penn,  and  his  heirs,  and  for 
that  purpofe,  having  fignified  and  declared  his  affent  thereunto,  to  the 
right  honourable,  the  lords  of  the  committee  of  plantations,  his  faid 
Majefty,  by  his  letters  patent,  under  the  great  feal  of  England,  bearing 
date  the  4th.  day  of  March,  in  the  three  and  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign.,, 
for  the  confideration  therein  mentioned,  did  grant  unto  the  faid  William 
Penn,  and  his  heirs,  all  that  tradt,  or  part  of  land  in  America,  with  the 
iflands  therein  contained,  and  thereunto  belonging,  as  the  fame  is  bounded 
and  defcribed  in  and  by  the  faiu  letters  patent,  and  therein  called  Petijil- 
<oania,  together  with  feveral  royalties,  franchifes,  jurifdiclions  and  pri- 
vileges, therein  contained.  And,  whereas,  in  confideration  of  five  fhil- 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  201 

Befides,  as  an  additional  territory  to  the  pro-    1682. 
vince,  he  alfo,  this  year,   1682,  procured  of  the 
duke  of  Tbrk9  his  right,  title  and  intereft,  in  that 
tract  of  land,  fmce  called  the  The  three  lower  court- 
ties  on  Delaware,  extending  from  the  fouth  boun-  cures  of  the 
dary  of  the  province,  and  fituated  on  the  weftern  y^    the 
fide  of  the  faid  river  and  bay  of  Delaware,  to  cape  territories, 
Hinlopen,  beyond,  or  fouth  of  Lewiftown;  which,  &c> 
by  the  Duke  were  made  over  to  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  affigns,  by  two  deeds  of  Feoffment,  da- 
ted, Auguft  24th.  1682.     The  firft  deed  was  for 
the   town    of  New-C a/lie,  alias    Delaware   town, 
and  a  diftrict  of  twelve  miles  round  it,  as  far  as 
the  river  Delaware;  in  the  fecond,  of  the  fame 
date,  was  comprehended  that  tract  of  land,  from 

twelve 

lings,  and  for  the  confederations  herein  after  mentioned,  his  faid  Royal 
Highnefs  is  willing  and  pleafed  to  confirm  and  make  any  further  aflurance 
of  the  faid  trad  of  land  and  premifes  unto  the  faid  William  Pennt  and 
his  heirs." 

"  Now,  therefore,  this  indenture  witneffeth,  that  his  faid  Royal  High- 
nefs,  out  of  a  fpecial  regard  to  the  memory,  and  many  faithful  and 
eminent  fervices  heretofore  performed,  by  the  faid  Sir  William  Penn,  to 
his  faid  Majefty  and  Royal  Highnefs,  and  for  the  better  encouraging 
him,  the  faid  William  Pen/i,  to  proceed  in  the  cultivating  and  improv- 
ing the  faid  tract  of  ground,  and  iflands  therein,  and  thereunto  belong- 
ing, and  reducing  the  favage  and  barbarous  natives  thereof  to  civility, 
and  for  the  good  will,  which  his  faid  Royal  Highnefs  hath  and  heareth 
to  the  faid  William  Penn,  and  for  other  good  caufes  and  confederations, 
hath  remifed,  releafed,  and  for  ever  quit  claim,  and  by  thefe  prefents, 
doth,  for  him  and  his  heirs,  remife,  releafe,  and  for  ever  quit  claim, 
unto  the  faid  William  Penn,  (in  his  peaceable  pofieffion  now  being)  his 
heirs  and  affigns,  all  the  effcate,  right,  title,  intereft,  rents,  fervicee, 
duties,  payments,  property,  claim  and  demand  whatfoever,  of  his  faid 
Royal  Highnefs,  of,  in,  or  to,  or  out  of  the  faid  tract  of  land,  and  all  fin- 
gular  other,  the  lands,  iflands,  tenements,  hereditaments,  and  other 
things  comprifed  in  the  laid  recited  letters  patent,  and  within  the  bounds 
and  limits  therein  mentioned,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  faid  tract  of  land, 
rents,  fervices,  hereditaments  and  premifes,  unto  the  faid  William  Penns 
and  his  heirs,  to  the  only  ufe  and  benefit  of  the  faid  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  affigns  for  ever.  IN  WITNESS  whereof  his  Royal  Highnefs 
hath  to  thefe  prefents  fet  his  hand  and  feal,  the  day  and  year  firft  above 
written." 

«  J  A  M  E  S."  (L.  s.) 

Sealed  and  delivered"! 
in  the  pre fence  of    J 

JOHN  WERDEN. 
GEORGE  MAN, 


202  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.    twelve  miles  fouth  of  New-Cqftle  to  the  Hoarkills, 

<~sy^j  otherwife  called  Cape-Hinlcpen,  divided  into   two 

counties,  Kent  and  Suffex;  which,  with  New-Cqftle 

Of    the  diftricl:,  were    commonly  called,  the  territories  of 

three  lower    D         /*  7         •  77;  •  r^   , 

Bounties,     *  ennfy  mania;  or  we  three  lower  counties  upon  Dela- 
&c.  ware.* 

of  the  The  determining  and  fixing  the  precife  boun- 
fcoundary  dary  between  this  territory  and  Maryland,  as  well 
thHerrito-  as  ^at  between  the  refpective  provinces,  becom- 
ries  and  ing  afterwards  a  fubjeft  of  difpute  between  William 
Maryland,  penn  and  tfa  Lord  ^aifmor^  w\\(  hereafter  more 

fully  appear,  in  the  courfe  of  this  hiftory.     For, 

though 

*  See  the  votes  of  the  Koufe  of  Reprefentatives  of  Pennfylvania,  Vol.  I. 
William  Penn,  in  a  letter  to  fome  of  his  friends,  in  fetatfylvatua,  da- 
ted, "  England,  loth.  Fourth  month  1691,"  (a  time  when  there  was  fome 
difagreement  in  thefe  counties,  refpecling  his  title)  fays, — "  /  would 
ttlfa  you  Jhould  inoiv,  7  have  a  patent  of  the  lower  counties,  fome  years  ftnee; 
that  ivhcn  there  is  occajionfor  ity  you  may  alledgefo,  but  not  other-wife" 

Thefe  territories  were  a  part  of  the  country,  called  New  Netherland, 
\vhen  in  pofieffion  of  the  Dutch,  and  included  in  the  Duke  of  York's 
iecond  patent  for  that  country,  after  its  furrender  by  treaty  cf  peace  to 
the  Englifh,  in  1674,  which  extended  weftward  of  Delaware  river. 
See  Introduction,  page  121  to  136;  likewife  William  Penn's  anfwer  to 
Lord  Baltimore's  demand,  further  on  in  this  hiftory,  &c. 

In  the  preamble  to  the  aft  of  union  of  the  three  lower  counties  with  the 
province,  pafled  at  Chefler,  in  Pennfylvania,  on  the  6th.  of  the  Tenth 
month  1682,  it  is  thus  exprefled,  viz* 

— "  And  it  having  alfo  favourably  pleafed  *James,  Duke  of  Tori,  Earl 
of  Ulfler,  &c.  to  releafe  his  right  and  claim  to  all  and  every  part  thereof 
(of  the  province)  unto  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  affigns; 
whereby  the  faid  William  Penn  is  become  the  undoubted  and  rightful 
Proprietary  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania;  and  is  hereby  freely  and 
fully  fo  recognifed  and  acknowledged.  And  as  a  beneficial  and  requi- 
lite  addition  to  the  territory  of  the  faid  Proprietary  and  Governor,  it 
hath  alfo  pleafed  the  faid  James,  Duke  of  York  and  AlSaay,  Earl  of 
Ulflert  &c.  for  divers  good  confiderations,  to  grant  unto  the  faid  William 
Penn,  and  his  heirs  and  afligns,  all  that  tract  of  land,  from  twelve  miles 
northward  of  NeivCaft'e,  on  the  river  Delaware,  down  to  the  fouth 
cape,  commonly  called  Cafe  Hinlopen,  and  by  the  Proprietary  and  Go- 
vernor, now  called  Cape  James,  lying  on  the  weft  fide  of  faid  river  and 
bay,  and  formerly  pofleffed  by  the  Dutch,  and  bought  by  them  of  the 
natives,  and  firft  furrendered  upon  articles  of  peace  to  the  King's  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  Colonel  Nicolls,  a«d  a  fecond  time,  to  Sir  Edmund 
Andrews,  Lieutenant  Governor  to  the  faid  Duke;  and  hath  been  by  him 
quietly  poflefled  and  enjoyed;  as  alfo  the  faid  river  of  Dela-ware  and  foil 
thereof,  and  all  iflands  therein,  lately  caft  into  three  counties,  called, 
New-CaJHe,  Jones's  and  Whorekills,  alias,  Deal,  together  with  all  roy- 
alties, powers  and  jurifdictions  thereunto  belonging;  as  by  the  two 
deeds  of  Feoffment,  bearing  date  the  24th,  of  the  Cixth  month,  called 
Auguft,  l68z,  doth  more  at  large  appear." 

Pwinfylvania  votes  of  Affembly,  &c.  Vol.  r . 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA^  203 

though  prior  to  making  out  the  grant  of  both  the  1682. 
province  and  territory,  the  Lord  Baltimore  was  du- 
ly  informed,  fully  heard,  and  all  his  objections 
anfwered,  on  the  fubjeft,  before  the  lords  of 
trade  and  plantations;  where  the  precife  fouthern 
boundary  of  Pennfyfoania,  as  exprefled  in  the 
charter,  muft  neceflarily  have  been  mentioned  to 
him,  as  appears  by  the  minutes  of  the  committee 
of  the  faid  board;  yet  he  afterwards  claimed  not 
only  the  whole  territory  of  the  lower  counties,  but 
alfo  one  degree  of  north  latitude  included  in  the 
grant  of  Pejmfyfoania,  as  coming  within  his  pa- 
tent. 

The  boundary  and  extent  of  the  former  was 
determined  by  an  order  of  council,  the  King 
being  prefent,  in  November,  1685;  but  it  was 
long  before  it  was  put  in  execution,  faid  to  be 
occafioned  principally  by  the  delays  and  obftru&i- 
ons  of  the  Lord  Baltimore.  But  the  line,  or 
boundary  between  the  two  provinces  doth  not 
appear  to  have  been  precifely  and  finally  fixed 
during  the  life  of  William  Penn;  or,  till  the  year 
1732;  which  will  be  mentioned  inks  proper  place. 


CHAPTER 


304  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

CHAPTER    III. 

William  Penn  fails  for  Pennfyhania. — Write*  a 
valediftory  epiftle  to  his  friends  in  England. — Ar- 
rives in  the  Delaware. — His  reception  in  the  coun- 
try.— Holds  an  Affembly  at  Upland,  (Chejler.) — 
Paffes  an  acJ  of  union  between  the  province  and 
territory. — Naturalizes  the  foreigners. — Paffes  the 
laws  agreed  en  in  England,  in  form. — Preamble 
to  faid  laws,  with  their  titles. — He  *uifits  New 
Tork  and  Maryland;  and  treats  with  the  Lord 
Baltimore,  refpefting  the  boundaries. — Extracts 
from  two  of  his  letters,  re/pefling  his  employment 
in  the  country,  and  in  vindication  of  himfelf  from 
fome  undue  reflections. — The  Proprietor  pur  chafes 
lands  of  the  Indians,  and  treats  them  with  great 
jujlice  and  kindnefs. — The  happy  confequences, 
with  inftances  of  their  affectionate  remembrance  of 
William  Penn. 


1682.  lLLIAM  PENN   had,  for   a   confiderable 

^^r^J  tjme  paft5  |3een  making  preparation  for  his  voyage 
to  America;  which  being,  at  laft,  accomplifhed,  in 
tap  taka  tne  Sixth  month  (Auguft)  this  year,  1682,  accom- 
fhipping     panied  by  a  number  of  his  friends,  he  went  on  board 
rica.  Ame" tne  ^ip?  Welcome,  of  300  tons  burden,  Robert  Green- 
away,  commander;  and  on  the  3oth.  of  the  fame 
month,  he  writ,  from  the  Downs,  a  valedictory 
epiftle  to  England,  containing  "  Afalutation  to  all 
faithful  friends."* 

The 

*  This  epiftle  is  extant  in  print,  though  it  doth  not  appear  in  the  col- 
lection of  William  Penns  works,  publifhed  in  two  folio  volumes.     The 
titla  of  it,  at  length,  is,  "  An  epiftle,  containing  a  falutation  to 

all 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  205 

The   number  of  pafTengers,  in  this  fhip,  was    1682. 
about  one  hundred,  moftly  Quakers;  the  major  \-s~v^J 
part  of  them  from  Sfi^&f,  the  Proprietary's  place 
of  refidence.     In   their   paflage,    many  of  them  the 
were  taken  fick  of  thefma/l  pox;  and  about  thirty  g£rsdipe  °{ 

-...  i ••;•»'       T        i  •  •         r  •  i       the      fmaH 

of  their  number  died.  In  this  trying  iituation,  the  poXj  &Cv 
acceptable  company  of  William  Penn  is  faid  to 
have  been  of  fmgular  advantage  to  them,  and  his 
kind  advice  and  affiftance  of  great  fervice,  during 
their  paflage;  fo  that,  in  the  main,  they  had  a 
profperous  voyage;  and,  in  little  more  than  fix 
weeks,  came  in  fight  of  the  American  coaft,  fup- 
pofed  to  be  about  Egg-Harbour,  in  New-Jerfey. 

In  palfing  up  the  Delaware,  the  inhabitants,  William 
confiding  of  Englljh,  Dutch  and  Swedes,  indif-  *™  atar 
criminately  met  the  Proprietary,  with  demonftra-  New-caftie 
tions  of  joy.  He  landed  at  New-Caft/e,  on  the  o<obe* 

r    r^r\     i  i  i  i        i       i  i 

24th.  or  October;  and  next  day  had  the  people 
fummoned  to  the  Court-houfe;  where,  after  pof- 
feflion  of  the  country  was  legally  given  him,  he 
made  a  fpeech  to  the  old  Magistrates,  and  the  peo- 
ple, fignifying  to  them  the  defign  of  his  coming, 
the  nature  and  end  of  government,  and  of  that  more 
particularly,  which  he  came  to  eflablim;  afTuring 
them  of  their  fpiritual  and  temporal  rights;  liberty 
of  confcience,  and  civil  freedoms;  and,  recom- 
mending them  to  live  in  fobriety  and  peace,  he 
renewed  the  magiftrates  commhTions.* 

After 

•zMfaMful  friends  ;  a  reproof  to  the  unfaithful}  and  a  vifitation  to  the  en- 
quiring, in  a  folemn  farewell  to  them  all,  in  the  land  of  my  nativity." — 
It  confifts  principally  of  religious  advice  and  admonition  to  his  friends, 
the  Quakers,  according  to  the  different  parts  of  the  title. 

Betides  this  epiftle,  and  prior  to  his  going  on  board,  he  alfo  writ  an 
affectionate  letter  of  advice  to  his  wife  and  children,  dated,  Worminghurfl 
4th.  Sixth  month,  1682. — It  contains  moft  excellent  and  pathetic  di- 
rections to  them,  in  their  diftindl  capacities,  for  their  civil,  moral  and 
religious  conduct  and  government  through  life,  in  cafe  he  fliould  never 
fee  them  again. — It  is  published  in  the  edition  of  his  feledl  works,  in  one 
folio  volume. 

*  To  form  fome  idea  of  the  proportion  of  the  different  forts  of  people, 
on  the  weft  fide  of  Delaware,  about  this  time,  or  prior  to  William  Per.ns 
arrival,  on  the  lands,  granted  him,  it  may  be  noted,  that  tjie  />«;<£  then 

had 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.        After  this  he  proceeded  to  Upland,  now  called 
V^-Y^>  Chefter;  where,  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  Tenth 
month,  (about  three  months  after  his  failing  from 
He  calls  England)  he  called  an  Aflembly.     It  confifted  of 
thf  firftCtS  eclual  numbers  of  members  for  the  province,  and 
,  the  three  lower  counties,  called  the  Territories-, 

^^    ^    £Qr    ^Qfa    Q£  fa^    fo    many   of  tne  free. 

men  as  thought  proper  to  appear,  according  to 
the  1 6th.  article  of  the  frame  of  government. 

This  Aflembly  chofe  Nicholas  Moore,  who  was 
prefident  of  the  Free  fociety  of  traders,  for  their 
chair-man,  or  fpeaker;  and  received  as  ample  fa- 
tisfaftion  from  the  Proprietary,  as  the  inhabitants 
of  New-cqftle  had  done;  for  which  they  returned 
him  their  grateful  acknowledgments :  The  Swedes 
for  themfelves,  deputed  Lacy  Cock  to  acquaint  him, 
"  That  they  would  love,  ferve  and  obey  him  with 
all  they  had;"  declaring,  "  that  it  was  the  beft  day 
they  ever  f aw." 

Proceed-      At  this  Aflembly  an  aft  of  union  was  pafled, 

&if AfTethe  annex*n£  tne  three  lower  counties  to  the  province, 

biy.       °"  in  legiilation,  on  the  yth.  day  of  December,  1682; 

likewife  an  aft  of  fettlement,  in  reference  to  the 

frame  of  government  which,  with  fome  alterations, 

was  thereby  declared  to  be  accepted  and  confirmed. 

The  Dutch,  Swedes,  and  other  foreigners  were 
then  naturalized:  all  the  laws,  agreed  on  in  En- 
gland, with  fome  fmall  alterations,  were  pafled  in 
form,* 

The 

a  meeting  place,  for  religious  worflnp,  at  New-eajlle ;  the  Swedes,  three# 
one  at  CAri/ieen,  one  at  Tenecum,  and  one  at  Wicocoa,  (now  in  the  fub- 
urbs  of  Philadelphia.}  The  Quakers,  as  before  obferved,  in  the  introduction, 
had  three,  viz.  one  at  Upland,  or  Che/ier,  one  at  ShackamaKon,  or  about 
•where  Kenftngion  now  ftands,  in  the  vicinity  of  Philadelphia,  and  one 
near  the  lower  falls  of  Delaware. 

*  The  preamble  to  thefe  laws,  with  the  titles,  or  heads,  of  them,  here 
follow: 

"  The  great  law:  or,  the  body  of  laws  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvania 
and  territories  thereunto  belonging,  pafled  at  an  Aflembly,  held 
at  Chtfter,  alias,  Upland,  the  feventh  day  of  the  Tenth  month, 
called  December,  1683. 

«  Whereas, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


207 


The  meeting  continued  only  three  days;    and    1682. 
notwithflanding  the  great  variety  of  difpofitions, 
rawnefs  and  inexperience  of  this  Aflembly,  in  af- 
fairs of  this  kind,  yet  a  very  remarkable  candour 
and  harmony  prevailed  among  them. 

The 

**  Whereas,  the  glory  of  God  Almighty,  and  the  good  of  mankind. 
is  the  reafon  and  end  of  government;  and,  therefore  government  itfelf 
is  a  venerable  ordinance  of  God;  and  for  as  much  as  it  is  principally  de- 
fired  and  intended  hy  the  Proprietary  and  Governor,  and  freemen,  of 
the  province  of  PennJyJvania,  and  territories  thereunto  belonging,  to 
make  and  ettablifh  fuch  laws,  as  fhall  beft  preferve  true  chriftian  and 
civil  liberty,  in  oppofition  to  all  unchriftian,  licentious  and  unjuft  prac- 
tices, whereby  God  may  have  his  due,  Cafor,  his  due,  and  the  people, 
their  due,  from  tyranny  and  oppreflion,  on  the  one  fide,  and  infolence 
and  liceHtioufnefs,  on  the  other;  fo  that  the  beft  and  firmeft  foundation 
.may  be  laid,  for  the  prefeni  and  future  happinefs  of  both  the  Governor, 
and  the  people  of  this  province  and  territories  aforefaid,  and  their 
poflerity:  Be  it  entitled  by  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor,  -by 
and  with  the  advice  and  confent  of  the  deputies  of  the  freemen  of  this 
province,  and  the  counties  aforefaid,  in  General  Affembly  met,  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  fame,  that  thefe  following  chapters  and  paragraphs 
be  the  laws  of  Pennfyl-uama  and  territories  thereof  :— 

1  Concerning  liberty  of  conscience. 

2  Concerning  qualifications  of  officers,  &c, 

3  Againft  fwearing  by  God,  Chrift,  or  Jefus. 

4  Againft  fwearing  by  any  other  thing  or  name. 

5  Againft  fpeaking  profanely  of  God,  Chrift,  Spirit  or  Scripture* 

6  Againft  curfing. 

7  Againft  defiling  the  marriage  ted. 

8  Againft  inceft. 

9  Againft  fodomy  and  beftiality. 

10  Againft  rape,  or  ravilhment. 

11  Againft  bigamy. 

12  Againft  drunkennefs. 

J3  Againft  fuflfering  drunkennefs. 

1 4  Againft  healths  drinking. 

15  Againft  felling,  or  exchanging,  of  rum,  brandy,  or  other  firong  li- 

quors to  the  Indians. 

1 6  Againft  wilful  firing  of  houfes. 

17  Againft  breaking  into,  or  taking  any  thing  out  of  houfes, 

1 8  Lands  and  goods  of  thieves  and  felons,  &c.  liable,  &c. 

19  Againft  forceable  entry. 

20  Againft  unlawful  aflemblies  and  riots. 

'21  Againft  afiaulting  or  menacing  of  parents, 

22  Againft  afTaulting  or  menacing,  of  magiftrates.- 

23  Againft  afiaulting  or  menacing,  of  mailers. 
3,4  Againft  affault  and  battery. 

25  Againft  duels. 

?,6  Againft  riotous  fports  and  pra<£lices,  as  plays,  £c. 
7,7  Againft  playing  at  cards,  dice,  lotteries,  &c. 
3 8  Againft  (edition. 

29  Againft  fpeaking  flightiy,  or  abufing  of  maglflrates  or  officers. 

30  Againft  reporters,  dWamersj  and  fprcader-s  of  faffe  news, 

3-1  Againfi 


208  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68 1 .  The  proprietary,  prior  to  his  meeting  this  Affem* 
v-x^v-x^  bly,  appears  to  have  paid  a  vifit  to  New-Tcrk; 
William  and  immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  it,  he 
Penn  vifits  went  to  Maryland;  where  he  was  kindly  received 

New  York,  u         i«       T        j     ra    i  •  JT  •       •      i 

Maryland,  by  me  Lord  tiammore,  and  the  principal  perfons 

&c-          of  that  colony.     There  the  two  proprietaries  held 

a  conference  refpeding  the  fixing:  and  fettling  the 

William       i  j      •         i  • 

Penn  treats  boundaries  between  the  two  provinces:  but  the 
with  Lord  feverity  of  the  feafon  comin£  on,  and  there  being; 

Baltimore  r    r         TI  •    • 

about  the    no  appearance  of  fpeedily  determining  the  affair, 

boundary,  after  two  days  fpent  on  the  occafion,  they  appoin- 

&c*          ted  to  meet  again  in  the  fpring,  and  William  Penn 

took  his  leave  and  departed,  the  Lord  Baltimore 

accompanying  him  feveral  miles,  to  the  houfe  of 

one 

31  Againft  clamorous  perfons,  fc alders  and  railers. 
31  Provifion  for  the  poor. 

33  Prices  of  beer  and  ale. 

34  Meafures  and  weights. 

35  Names  of  days  and  months. 

36  Witnefles  lying. 

3  7  Pleadings,  proceffes  and  records,  to  be  in  Englifi. 

38  Trials  in  civil  and  criminal  cafes. 

39  Fees  and  falaries,  bribery  and  extortion. 

40  Fines  to  be  moderate,  &c. 

41  Numerous  fuits  avoidable. 

4^  Arreft  of  a  perfon  departing  the  province,  how. 

43  Promifes,  bargains  arid  agreements. 

44  Charters,  gifts,  grants,  conveyances,  bills,  bonds  and  fpeciakies,  deeds, 

&c.  how  foon  to  be  recorded. 

45  What  wills  {hall  convey  lands,  as  well  as  chattels,     See  appendix  to 

the  Pennfylvania  laws. 

46  Wills  of  non  compos  mentis  void. 

47  Regiftry  for  wills,  &c. 

48  Regiftry  for  fervants,  &c. 

49  Factors,  and  their  employ. 

50  Againft  defacers,  corrupters  and  embezzlers,  of  charters,    convey- 

ances and  records,  &c. 

51  How  hnds  and  goods  mall  pay  debts.     See  appendix  to  the  Pennfyl- 

vania laws. 
S^  What  prifoners  bailable. 

53  Jails  and  Jailers. 

54  Prifons  to  be  work-houfes. 

55  Wrongful  imprifonment. 

56  Where  the  penalty  is  either  a  fum  of  money  or  imprifonment,  the 

magiftrate  fhall  infli<5t  which  he  will. 

57  Freemen,  who. 

58  Elections 

59  No  money  or  goods,  by  way  of  tax,  cuftom  or  contribution,  to  be 

raifed  or  paid,  but  by  law. 

60  Laws  fhall  be  printed  and  taught  in  fchools. 

<5l  All  other  things,  not  provided  for  herein,  are  referred  to  the  Go* 
vernor  and  freemen  from  time  to  time. 


various 
enemies. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  209 

one   William   Richard/on;  from  whence  he  pro-    1682. 
ceeded  two  miles  further,  to  a  religious  meeting  ^^y^J 
of  his  friends,  the  Quakers^  at  the  houfe  of  Tho- 
mas Hooker;  and  from  thence  to  Cboftanky  on  the 
eaftern  fide  of  Chef  apeak-bay;  where  was  an  appoint- 
ed meeting  of  perfons  of  divers  ranks  and  qualities. 

Thus  proceeded  William  Penn,  with  much  fa-     Heha,3 
tigue,  difficulty  and  expenfe,  to  fettle  the  province,  ene 
eftablifh  the  government,  and  cultivate  a  good  &c. 
underftanding  with  his  neighbours;  though  not 
without  enemies  and  oppofitions  of  different  kinds, 
as   will   hereafter  more  fully  appear;  and  that, 
even,  from  fome,  who  had  been  his  friends;  as 
may  be  feen  by  the  following  extract  from  the     ExtraA 
printed  account  of  his  life,  about  this  time,  viz. — 
"  Nor  was  the  advancement  of  himfelf,  or  family,  with  his 
in  worldly  wealth  and  grandeur,  his  aim,  in  the 

adminiftration 

Note,  By  a  letter  of  William  Ptxn,  dated,  Clejler  on  Delaware,  29th.  of 
the  loth  month,  1682,  his  activity,  about  this  time,  further  appears  : — 
From  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

*'  I  blefs  the  Lord,  I  am  very  well,  and  much  fatisfied  with  my  place 
and  portion ;  yet  bufy  enough;  having  much  to  do,  to  pleafe  all;  and  yet  to 
have  an  eye  to  thofe,  that  are  no:  here  to  pleafe  themfelves. 

"  I  have  been  alfo  at  Neia  Tori,  Long  JJland,  Eajl  Jerfey  and  Mary- 
land; in  which  I  have  had  good  and  eminent  fcrvice  for  the  Lord,  &c. 

"  I  am  now  cafting  the  country  into  townfhips,  for  large  lots  of  land. 
I  have  held  an  aflembly;  in  which  many  good  laws  are  pafled;  we  could 
not  fafely  ftay  till  the  fpring  for  a  government.  I  have  annexed  the 
Lower  Counties  (lately  obtained)  to  the  province;  and  pafled  a  general 
naturalization  for  ftrangers;  which  hath  much  pleafed  the  people. — As 
to  outward  things,  we  are  fatisfied ;  the  land  good,  the  air  clear  and 
fweet,  the  fprings  plentiful,  and  provifion  good,  and  eafy  to  come  at;  an 
innumerable  quantity  of  wild  fowl  and  fifh ;  in  fine,  here  is  what  an 
Abraham,  Ifaac  and  Jacob  would  be  well  contented  with;  and  fervice 
enough  ibr  God;  for  the  fields  are  here  white  for  harveih  O,  how 
fweet  is  the  quiet  of  thefe  parts,  freed  from  the  anxious  and  troublefome 
follicitations,  hurries  and  perplexities  of  -woeful  Europe ;  and  God  will 
thin  her;  the  day  haftens  upon  her."  &c. 

"  Blefled  be  the  Lord,  that  of  twenty-three  fhips  none  mifcarried ; 
onlyt\vo  or  three  had  the  fmall-fox;  elfe  healthy  and  fwift  paffages, 
generally  fuch  as  have  not  been  known;  fome  but  twenty-eight  days, 
and  few  longer  than  fix  weeks:  BlefTed  be  God  for  it;  who  is  good  to 
us,  and  follows  us  with  his  abundant  kindnefs  :  my  foul  fervently 
breathes,  that  in  his  heavenly  guiding  wifdorn,  we  may  be  kept;  that 
we  may  ferve  him  in  our  day,  and  lay  down  our  heads  in  peace,"  &c. 

"  P.  S.  Many  women,  in  divers  of  the  fhips.  brought  to  bed;  they 
and  their  children  do  well," 

[27] 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  admlniftration  of  government;  but,  in  the  greateft 
v^v>^  honor  of  his  public  flation,  he  (till  retained  the 
meeknefs  and  humility  of  a  private  Chriflian ;  the 
fincerity  of  his  intentions,  and  with  what  zeal  and 
ardour  he  purfued  a  general  good,  are  beft  ex- 
prefTed  by  his  own  words,  in  a  letter  written  in 
Pennfylvania,  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  (1682^ 
to  a  perfon,  who  had  unduly  refie&ed  on  him,"  viz. 

part  of  a  — "  I  could  fpeak  largely  of  God's  dealings 
waiiam  ^k  mt*  *n  gettmg  tm's  thing;  what  an  inward 
penn  from  exercife  of  faith  and  patience  it  cofl  me,  in  paff- 
chefterin  jnp.  ^fe  travail  was  mine,  as  well  as  the  debt 

Pcnnfyl-  o  _  .        .  _ 

and  colt; — through  the  envy  or  many,  both 
profeflbrs,  falfe  friends,  and  profane:  my  God 
hath  given  it  me,  in  the  face  of  the  world;  and 
and  it  is  to  hold  it  in  true  judgment,  as  a  reward 
of  my  fufferingsr  and  that  is  leen  here,  whatever 
fome  defpifers  may  fay  or  think.  The  place  God 
hath  given  me;  and  I  never  felt  judgment  for  the 
power  I  kept,  but  trouble  for  what  I  parted  with. 
It  is  more  than  a  worldly  title,  or  patent,  that 
hath  cloathed  me  in  this  place. — 

"  Keep  thy  place;  I  am  in  mine;  I  have  ferved 
the  God  of  the  whole  earth,  fmce  I  have  been  in 
it ;  nor  am  I  fitting  down  in  a  greatnefs,  that  I 
have  denied. — I  am  day  and  night  fpending  my 
life,  my  time,  my  money,  and  am  not  fix  pence 
enriched  by  this  greatnefs:  cofts  in  getting,  fet- 
tling, tranfportation  and  maintenance,  now  in  a 
public  manner,  at  my  own  charge,  duly  confide- 
red,  to  fay  nothing  of  my  hazzard,  and  the  dif- 
tance  I  am  from  a  confiderable  eftate,  and,  which 
is  more,  my  dear  wife  and  poor  children" 

"  Well, — the  Lord  is  God  of  righteous  judg- 
ment: had  I  fought  greatnefs,  I  had  flayed  at 
home;  where  the  difference  between  what  I  am 
here,  and  was  offered,  and  could  have  been  there, 
In  power  and  wealth,  is  as  wide  as  the  places 
are: — No,  I  came  for  the  Lord's  fake,  and  there- 

fore 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  21* 

fore  have  I  flood  to  this  day,  well  and  diligent,  and  1682. 
fuccefsful,  bleffed  be  his  power.  —  "  Nor  fhall  I  trou- 
ble  myfelf  to  tell  thee  what  I  am  to  the  people  of 
this  place,  in  travails,  watchings,  fpendings,  and 
my  fervants  every  way  freely,  not  like  a  lelfifh 
man;  I  have  many  witnefles.  —  "  To  conclude,  it 
is  now  in  friends  hands  ;  through  my  travail,  faith 
and  patience  it  came."  —  "  If  friends  here  keep  to 
God,  in  the  juftice,  mercy,  equity,  and  fear  of  the 
Lord,  their  enemies  will  be  their  foot-Jtool:  if  not 
their  heirs  and  my  heirs  too,  will  lofe  all}  and  defola- 
tion  will  follow:  —  but  blefied  be  the  Lord,  we  are 
well,  and  live  in  the  dear  love  of  God,  and  the 
fellowfhip  of  his  tender  heavenly  fpirit;  and  our 
faith  is  for  ourfelves  and  one  another,  that  the 
Lord  will  be  with  us,  a  King  and  Counfellor  for 


ever." 

"  Thy  ancient,  though  grieved,  friend, 

WILLIAM  PENN." 
"  Chejler,$th.  of  the  Twelfth  month,  1682.'* 

The  Proprietary,  being  now  returned  from  Ma-  The    Pro- 
ryland  to  Coaquannock,  the  place  fo  called  by  the  Prietary  re- 

i  i  r»  /  •  /     7  ;    /  •  n         T        i  turns        tot 

Indians,  where  Philadelphia  no  \vitands,  began  topennfyiva- 
purchafe  lands  of  the  Natives;  whom  he  treated  n!a»andb(> 
with  great  juftice  and  fmcere  kindnefs,  in  all  his  Stands 
dealings  and  communications  with  them;  ever  giv-  of  the  Indi" 
ing  them  full  fatisfa&ion  for  all  their  lands  &c.  and*"3'  &?' 
the  bed  advice  for  their  real  happinefs;  of  which 
their  future  conduct  mewed  they  were  very  fenli- 
ble;  and  the  country  afterwards  reaped  the  benefit 
of  it.* 

It 

*  Hence  one  of  the  early  fettlers,  Thomas  Makin,  of  Philadelphia, 
after  having  lived  in  the  country  more  than  forty  years,  in  a  copy  of 
Latin  verfes,  entitled,  Defcriftio  Pennsylvania,  dated  in  1729,  and  in? 
fcribed  to  Jamet  Logan,  has  the  following  lines. 

"  JJon  regio  hsec  Indos  armis  fubigendo  tenetur, 

Sed  certa  emptori  conditione  data  eft. 
Vivitur  hie  igitur  tuto  fine  militis  ufu; 

Et  fibi  fecuriMt  propria  quisque  tenet. 
Hie  IQCUS  eft  mukis  fel.'x,  ubi  fedibus  aptis, 


212  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682*  It  was  at  this  time,  (1682)  when  he  firft  entcr- 
\^v^  ed  perfonally  into  that  lading  friendfhip  \vith  the 
firft^eSbn"  ^n^ans^  wm'ch  ever  after  wards  continued  between 
ally  inters  them ;  and  for  the  fpace  of  more  than  feventy  years 
into  friend-  was  never  interrupted;  or.  fo  loner  as  the  Quakers* 

ihip  with  i  F  r         i  •       i        i          i    r>" , 

the  Indians, to  wflom,  even,  long  after  his  death,  they  always 
&c.  continued  to  (hew  the  greatefl  regard,  retained 
power,  in  the  government,  fufficient  to  influence 
a  friendly  and  juft  conduct  towards  them,  and  to 
prevent,  or  redrefs,  fuch  mifunderilandings  and 
grievances,  as  occafionally  happened  between  them, 
and  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  &c. 
A  firm  peace  was,  therefore,  now  reciprocally  con- 
cluded between  William  Penn  and  the  Indians ;  and 
both  parties  mutually  promifed  to  live  together  as 
brethren,  without  doing  the  lead  injury  to  each 
other.  This  was  folemnly  ratified  by  the  ufual 
token  of  a  chain  of  friend/hip  and  covenant  indeli- 
ble, never  to  be  broken,  fo  long  as  the  fun  and 
moon  endure. 

Their  reat      Of  this  kind  of  conferrcnce  he  afterwards  had 

regard  for  many  others,  and  fome  on  a  religious  account,  dur- 

w.  Penn,  jng  j^^  tjmes  of  fog  refidence  in  the  country. 

His  conduct,  in  general,  to  thefe  people,  was  fo 

engaging,  his  juftice,  in  particular,  fo  confpicu- 

ous,  and  the  counfel  and  advice,  which  he  gave 

them,  were  fo  evidently  for  their  advantage,  that 

he  became  thereby  very  much  endeared  to  them; 

and  the  fenfe  thereof  made  fuch  deep  impreffions 

on  their  understandings,  that  his  name  and  memory 

will 

Sors  optata  dedit  non  fine  pace  frui. 
Dira  fed  infclix,  lieu!  bella  Nov*  Anglla  fenfit; 
Indis  quai  femper  gens  male — fida  fuit." 

On  juft  and  faireft  terms  the  land  is  gain'd; 

No  force  of  arms  has  any  right  obtain 'd. 
'Tis  here,  without  the  ufe  of  arms,  alone, 

The  bleft  inhabitant  enjoys  his  own  : 
Here  many,  to  their  wifh,  in  peace  enjoy 

Their  happy  lots;  and  nothing  doth  annoy. 
But  fad  Nfw  England' 's  different  conduct  fhow'd 

Whaj  dire  effects  from  injur'd  Indians,  fiow'du 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  213 

will  fcarcely  ever  be  effaced,  while  they  continue 
a  people.* 

*  At  a  treaty,  held  with  the  Six  Nations,  at  Philadelphia,  in  July, 
1742,  in  Governor  Thomases  adminiflration,  Canajatego,  chief  of  the 
Qnondagots,  faid, 

"  We  are  all  very  fenfible  of  the  kind  regard,  which  that  goad 

man,   William  Penn,  had  for  all  the  Indians"   &c. 

At  this  treaty,  thefe  Indians  thus  expreffed  themfelves,refpe6ting  James 
Logan,  which  further  {hews  the  fenfe  and  gratitude  of  that  people  when 
they  are  well  treated,  &c. 

"  Canaffatego  then  fpoke  to  the  Governor  and  council:" 
"   Brethren^ 

««  We  called  at  our  old  friend  James  Logans,  in  our  way  to  this  city, 
and,  to  our  grief,  we  found  him  bid  in  the  buftes,  and  retired  through  in- 
firmities, from  puhiic  bufmefs.  We  preffed  him  to  leave  his  retirement, 
and  prevailed  with  him  to  affift  once  more,  on  our  account,  at  your 
councils.  We  hope,  notwkhftanding  his  age,  and  the  effects  of  a  fit 
of  fickncfs,  which  we  underftand  has  hurt  his  confatution,  that  he 
may  yet  continue  a  long  time,  to  affift  this  province  with  his  counfels. 
He  is  a  wife  man,  and  a  faft  friend  to  the  Indians.  And  we  defire,  when 
his  foul  goes  to  God,  you  may  chufe  in  his  room,  juft  fuch  another  per- 
fon,  of  the  fame  prudence  and  ability,  in  counfelling;  and  of  the  fame 
tender  difpofition  and  affection  for  the  Indians" — "  In  teftimony  of  our 
gratitude  for  all  his  fervices,  and  becaufe  he  was  fo  good,  as  to  leave  his 
country  houfc,  and  follow  us  to  town,  and  be  at  the  trouble,  in  this  his 
advanced  ag€,  to  attend  the  council,  We  prefent  him  ivith  this  bundle  of 
Skatf. 

After  the  Governor  had  concluded,  James  Logan  replied  to  that  part 
of  CanaJJ'atego's  fpeech  which  related  to  him,  and  faid — 

"  That,  not  only  upon  the  account  of  his  lamenefs,  (of  which  the 
Indians  themfelves  were  witneffes)  but  on  account  of  another  indifpofition, 
which,  about  three  years  fince,  had  laid  him  under  an  incapacity  of  ex- 
preffing  himfelf  with  his  former  ufual  freedom,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
live  retired,  in  the  country.'* 

"  But  that  our  firft  proprietor,  the  honorable  William  Penn,  who  had 
ever  been  a  father,  and  true  friend  to  all  the  Indians,  having  above  forty 
years  fmce  recommended  them  to  his  particular  care,  he  had  always, 
Irom  his  own  inclination,  as  well  as  from  that  fi.ri&.  charge,  endeavoured 
to  convince  all  the  Indians,  that  he  was  their  true  friend;  and  was  now 
well  pleafcd,  that  after  a  tradl  of  fo  many  years,  they  were  not  infenfi- 
Ul e  of  it.  He  thanked  them  kindly  for  their  prefent  and  heartily  joined 
with  them  in  their  defires,  that  the  government  may  always  be  furs  ifhed 
with  perfons  of  equally  good  inclinations,  and  not  only  with  iuch,  but 
alfo  with  better  abilities,  to  ferve  them. 

At  a  council,  held  %vich  the  Seneca  and  other  Indians,  in '  Pailad-J^ia, 
in  July  1749,  in  the  adminiftatian  of  James  Hamilton,  £;c. 

Ogaujctajp,  in  part  of  his  fpeech,  thus  exprefies  himfelf: 

<{  We  recommend  it  to  the  Governor,  to  tread  in  the  ftep?  of  thcf; 
wife  people,  who  have  helJ  the  reins  of  government  before  him,  in  be- 
ing good  and  kind  to  the  Indians.  Do,  brother,  make  it  your  ftudy  to 
confult  the  intereft  of  our  nations;  as  you  h?.ve  fo  hrge  an  authority, 
you  can  do  us  ir.uch'  good,  cr  harm;  we  vcvH..  twerefcre,  engage  your 

influence 


214  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  That  they  retain  thefe  things,  and  hand  them; 
v>*v^s-/  by  tradition,  from  father  to  fon,  many  inflances 

inftances  have  fince  more  particularly  (hewn;  of  which  one 
of  theindi-  was  in  1721,  fever al  years  after  the  death  of  Wil- 
taTningSre" liani  Penn;  in  a  conferrence  between  Governor 
great  re-  Keith  and  the  Five  Nations,  held  at  Conejlogo,  in 
fw-fp7nn.  Pennfylvania.  Their  Chief  Speaker,  with  a  coun- 
tenance, which  mewed  great  relped,  faid — 

They  Jhould  never  forget  the  council,  that  Wil- 
liam Penn  gave  them;  and  that  though  they  could  not 
twrite,  as  the  Engli/h  did,  yet  they  could  keep,  in  the 
memory,  what  was  faid  in  their  councils. 

At  the  treaty  renewed,  in  the  year  following,  at 
Albany,  they  mentioned  the  name  of  William  Penn 
with  great  affection,  calling  him,  a  good  man. — 
And,  as  their  higheft  compliment  to  Governor 
Keith,  they  ufed  this  expreffion,  "  we  ejieem  and 
love  you  as  if  you  were  William  Penn  himfelf:  telling 
him,  "  Brother  Onas,"  (which  in  their  language 
fignifies,  a  Pen,  and  by  which  name  they  call  the 
Governors  of  Pennfylvania  ever  fince  it  was  firft 
fettled  by  William  Penn}  "  we  are  glad  to  hear  the 

former 

influence  and  affections  for  us;  that  the  fame  harmony,  arid  mutual  af- 
fections may  fubfift  during  your  government,  which  fo  happily  fubfiiled 
in  former  times,  nay,  from  the  firft  fettlement  of  this  province,  by  our 
good  jYi  end y  the  great  William  Penn"  &C. 

At  a  treaty  held  at  Eajlon,  in  Pennfyfoania,  with  the  Indians,  in  1756, 
in  Governor  Morris's  adminiftration,  Teedyufcung,  the  Delaware  chief, 
fpoke  as  follows: 

"  Brother  Onas,  and  the  people  of  Pennjyl-van-a, 
"  We  rejoice  to  hear    from  you,  that  you  are  willing  to  renew  the 
old  good  undemanding^  and  that  you  call  to  mind  the  frft  treaties  of  friend- 
ftiip,    made  by   Onas,  our  great  friend,  deceafed,  with  our  forefathers, 
when  himfelf  and  his  people  firft  came  over  here. 

"  We  take  hold  of  thefe  treaties  with  both  our  hands;  and  defire  you 
•will  do  the  fame;  that  a  good  underftanding  and  true  friendfhip  may  be 
re-eftablifhed.  Let  us  both  take  hold  of  thefe  treatie^with  all  our  ftrength 
we  befeech  you;  We  on  our  fide,  will  certainly  do  it.*' 

.              -Again,  on  concluding  a  peace,  in  July,  the  fame  year,  Teedy- 
ufcung  faid, 

"  I  wifh  the  fame  good  fpirit,  that  poffeffed  the  good  old  man,  William 
Penn,  who  was  a  friend  to  the  Indians,  may  inffire  the  people  of  this 
province,  at  this  time,"  &c. 

JSxfratfs  from  the  Indian  treaties. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  115 

former  treaties,  which  we  have  made  with  William 
Penny  repeated  to  us  again.3' 

Upon  the  Governor's  replying,  "  That  he  de- 
fired  this  vifit,  and  the  covenant  chain,  which  is 
hereby  brightened,  may  be  recorded  in  everlafting 
remembrance,  to  be  fent  down  to  your  and  our 
children,  to  laft  as  long  as  the  mountains  and  ri- 
vers, and  while  the  fun  and  moon  endure:" — 
They  anfwered, — "  We  defire  that  peace  and  tran- 
quillity, which  is  now  eftablifhed  between  us,  may 
be  as  clear  as  the  fun,  fhining  in  its  luftre,  with- 
out any  cloud  or  darknefs;  and  that  the  fame  may 
continue  forever/' 

Thefe  inflances,  among  many  others,  that  may 
be  given,  together  with  the  confequent  correfpond- 
ing  behaviour  of  thefe  people,  may  fhew  what  a 
grateful  remembrance  they  retained  of  William 
Penrfs  fair  and  candid  conduct  towards  them ;  and 
what  an  happy  influence  a  juft  and  friendly  treat- 
ment has  on,  even,  favage  minds. 


CHAPTER 


216  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Arrivals    of  coknifts    in   the  firft  year^  and  early 

times,  with  their  general  charader. — Some  of  their 

fettlements,  and  rapid  improvement^  with  the  names 

and  memorials  of  divers  of  them ,  &c. — Difficulties 

and  hardjhips  cf  the  firft  and  early  fettlers ;  but 

they  proffer. — Part  of  the  planter's  fpecch  to  his 

neighbours  and  countrymen. — Richard  Toivnfend's 

teftimony,  refpecling  the  profperity  of  Pennfyhania 

from  the  firft  fettlement  of  It ^  for  above  forty  years. 

Number    W  ITHIN  the  fpace  of  the  firft  year,  after  the 
of  arrivals  proper  requifites  for  a  regular  fettlement  were  ob- 

in  the  firft         •        i      i  °TI-  r  M        r    n  • 

year,  &c.  tamed,  between  twenty  and  thirty  fail  or  Imps, 
with  paifengers,  arrived  in  the  province,  including 
thofe  which  came  before,  and  about  the  fame 
time  with  the  Proprietary.  The  fettlers  amounted 
to  fuch  a  large  number,  that  the  parts  near  De- 
laware were  peopled  in  a  very  rapid  manner,  even 
from  about  the  falls  of  Trenton^  down  to  Chejlery 
near  fifty  miles,  on  the  river;  befides  the  fettle- 
ments  in  the  lower  counties,  which,  at  the  fame 
time,  were  very  confiderable:  for  the  firft  fettle- 
ments,  for  the  mod  part,  were  made  nigh  the 
river,  according  to  the  different  (hares  of  land, 
which  were  refpeclively  allotted  for  each  fettler; 
as  may  be  feen  in  an  old  map  of  the  firft  fettled 
parts  of  the  province.* 

firft  (nde  As  the  firft  colonifts,  and  thofe  who  followed, 
early  colo-  for  a  number  of  years  afterwards,  were  more  ge- 
nerally  of  the  religious  people  called  Quakers; 

and 

*  This  is  faid  to  have  been  the  firft,  or  original  mnp  of  the  fettled 
part  of  the  province  and  of  the  plan  o/  the  city;  by  Thomas  Holme. — 
It  was  dedicated  to  William  Penn,  and  fold  by  Robert  Green  and  John 
Thornton  in  London ; — who  fay,  in  the  faid  map,  that  it  was  begun  by  the 
Proprietary,  anno  1681; — It  is  yet  extant,  &c. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  217 

and  in  their  native  country  had  fuffered  much  on  1682. 
account  of  their  religion,  both  in  perfon  and  pro- 
perty,  through  the  perfecuting  bigotry  of  thofe 
times;  fo,  on  their  arrival,  their  great  and  pri- 
mary concern  is  faid  to  have  been  the  continuance 
and  fupport  of  their  religious  public  worfhip,  in 
every  part  of  the  country,  where  they  made  fettle- 
ments,  in  fuch  manner  as  their  fituation  and  cir- 
cumftances  then  permitted;  and  though  the  gene- 
rality of  them  were  not  ranked  among  the  rich 
and  great,  yet  many  had  valuable  eftates,  were  of 
good  families  and  education;  and  moftly  fober, 
induflrious  and  fubftantial  people,  of  low,  or 
moderate  fortunes,  but  of  univerfal  good  reputa- 
tion and  character.* 

They  appear,  in  general,  to  have  been  provi-  of  the  fi 
dent,  and  cautious,  in  their  removal;  fo  that  ram- 
nefs  and  inconfideration3  fo  common  in  new  at-  Pennfyiva 

tempts  nia> 

*  In  the  records  of  this  people,  in  early  times,  among  other  things, 
1  find  the  following1  anecdotes,  refpeifiing  the  original  and  regular  efta- 
bhfhment  of  fome  of  their  firtl  religious  meetings  in  thefe  parts,  with  the 
names  of  fome  of  the  principal  fettlers  among  them,  of  that  fociety,  viz* 

The  firft  moft  confiderable  Engl:Jb  fettlement,  in  Pennfyl-vania  proper, 
is  faid  to  have  been  near  the  \n\\er  fal/s  of  the  river  Delaware,  in  Bucks 
county;  where  the  Quakers  had  a  regular  and  eftablifhed  meeting,  for 
religious  worfhip,  before  the  country  bore  the  name  of  Pennfylvania: 
fome  of  the  inhabitants  there  having  fettled  by  virtue  of  patents,  from 
Sir  Edmund  Andres,  Governor  of 


Among  the  names  of  the  inhabitants  here,  either  at  this  time,  or 
foon  after,  appear  to  be,  William  Tardly,  James  Harrifon,  Phineas  Ptm- 
L'rton,  William  Biles,  William  Dark,  Lyonell  Britain,  William  Beaks,  &c. 
And  foon  afterwards  there,  and  near  Nejbaminy  creek,  Richard  Hough, 
Henry  Baker,  Nicholas  Walne,  John  Otter,  'Robert  Hall;  —  And,  in 
Wright's  town,  John  Chapman,  and  James  Ratdijf,  a  noted  preacher  in 
the  fociety,  &c. 

In  the  year  1683,  fettled  near  the  f:iid/a//y,  Thomas  Janny  who,  with 
his  family,  and  others,  at  that  time,  arrived  from  Chejbire,  in  England. 
He  is  faid  to  have  been  a  very  ferviceable  perfon  in  the  country,  and 
among  his  neighbours,  in  divers  refpeds. 

After  twelve  years  refidence  here,  he  revifited  his  native  country,  on 
a  religious  account,  being  a  preacher  among  the  Quakers,  where  he  died, 
aged  63,  and  a  preacher,  in  that  fociety,  41  years;  being  a  man  of  good 
reputation,  character  and  example. 

Near  Byberry,  PociqueJJing^  Itfc,  fettled  Richard  Wain,  John  Hart, 
Richard  Worrall;  &c. 

[28] 


2i8  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  tempts  of  this  kind,  was  not  for  the  mod  part, 
much  obfervable  among  them,  in  this  important 
undertaking.  Many  of  them  brought  fervants, 

and 

Note,  The  Qitalers  had  meetings  for  religious  worfhip,  and  for  the 
ccconomy  of  their  faciety  fo  early  as  the  fore  part  ot  the  year  1681,  at 
the  houfe  of  Thomas  Fairlamb,  at  Sbalamaxon,  near,  or  about  the  place 
where  Kenftxgton  now  Hands,  nigh  Philadelphia;  and  in  the  next  follow- 
ing year,  1682,  at  the  place  itfelf,  where  the  city  is  fince  built,  in  a 
boarded  meeting-houfe  creeled  there  for  that  purpcfe. 

Their  brick  meeting-houfe,  in  the  city,  at  or  near  the  center,  was  bulk 

in -  1684. 

That,  on  the  bank,  in  Front-ftreet,  in  i68<r. 

Their  great  meeting-houfe,  in  High-ftreet,  in  -         -  1695. 

That,  on  the  hill,  in  Pine-ftreet,  in  -         -         -         -         17^3. 

And  the  prefent  meeting-houfe,  in  High-flreet,  in  1755- 

The  number  of  marriages  of  the  people  called  Qualcrs,  in  Philadelphia 
alone,  during  the  firft  thirty- two  years  of  the  province,  or  between  the 
years  1682  and  1714,  inclufive,  was  about  314.  M.  S. 

In  the  year  1682,  they  had  a  religious  meeting  regularly  fixed  at  Darby. 
Among  the  firft  and  early  fet  tiers  of  the  Ibciety,  at  or  near  this  place, 
are  inentioned,  John  Blunfton,  Michael  Blunfton,  George  Wood,  Jof- 
hua  Fearn,  Henry  Gibbons,  Samuel  Sellers,  Richard  BonfaH,  Edmund 
Cartlidge,  Thomas  Hood,  John  Bartram,  Robert  Naylor  and  Adam 
Rhoads;— who  all  came  from  Darhyjhlre,  in  England. 

Thomas  Worth,  Samuel  Bradfliaw,  John  Hallowell,  William  Wood, 
Thomas  Bradfhaw,  Robert  Scothorn  and  Richard  Parker,  all  from  Not- 
tingham/hire. 


John  Hood,  William  Garret,  Robert  Cliffe,  William  Smith,  John 
Smith  and  Thomas  Smith,  from  Leicejlerjhire. 

At  Che/ler,  the  Quakers  had  meetings  for  divine  worfhip  regularly, 
from  the  year  1675 ;  in  which  year  Robert  WaJe,  and  divers  others  came 
over;  and  at  whofe  houfe  the  firft  meeting  of  record,  in  this  place,  was 
held,  on  the  tenth  of  the  eleventh  month,  1681. 

Among  the  eminent  perfons  of  this  fociety,  who  fettled  in  and  near 
this  place,  in  thefe  early  times,  were,  Thomas  Vernon,  John  Bowater, 
Thomas  Minfhall,  Bartholomew  Coppock,  John  Edge,  £c. — David 
Jones,  at  Gofhen. — John  Gibbons,  Thomas  Stanfield,  John  Cadwallader, 
James  Thomas; — William  Woodmanfon,  at  Harold. — John  Simcocke,  at 
Ridley;  Nicholas  Newlin,  &c. 

In  the  year  1682,  among  the  tjh/alers,  who  fettled  on  the  eaft  fide  of 
Krandyivine  creek,  in  Neiv-cajlle  county,  were  Valentine  Hollingfworth, 
William  Stockdale,  Thomas  Conoway,  Adam  Sharpley,  Morgan  Dre- 
witt,  Valentine  Morgan,  Cornelius  Empfon. — And  about  Center  town- 
fhip,  George  Harlam,  Thomas  Hollingfworth,  Alphoafus  Kirk,  William 
Gregg,  &c. 

Of  thofe  who  firft  fettled  in,  and  about  Neiu-cajlle,  were  John  Huffey, 
John  Richardfon,  Edward  Blake,  George  Hogg,  Benjamin  Swett,  &.c. 

Alfo  William  Brown,  from  Northamtonlhire  in  England^  who  fettled 
in  early  time,  about  Nottingham,  is  noted  among  the  Quakers,  for  his 
kind  benevolence  and  hofpitality;  and  as  exhibiting  a  pattern  of  a  truly 
Chriftian  life  and  practice ; — He  lived  upwards  of  ninety  years,  had  many 
defcendants,  and  died  in  1 746. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  219 

and  had  provided  themfelves  with  food  and  rai-  1682. 
ment,  for  fuch  a  fpace  of  time,  after  their  arrival, 
as,  it  might  be  reafonably  fuppofed  their  care  and 
mduftry  would  afterwards  procure  neceflary  fub- 
fiftence  in  the  province:  befides,  fufficient  quantities 
of  houfehold  furniture,  utenfils,  implements  and 
tools,  for  divers  of  the  firfl  mod  ufeful,  and  ne- 
ceflary trades  and  occupations  were  previoufly 
provided  and  brought  by  not  a  few  of  them. 

The  nature  of  both  their  religious  and  civil 
fyftem  and  conduct,  in  general,  was  fo  reafonable, 
generous  and  inviting  that  as  they  became  known, 
and  the  fame  thereof  fpread  abroad,  great  numbers 
of  people  were  induced  to  flock  to  the  province, 
from  different  parts  of  Europe;  and,  in  fuch  a 
rapid  manner,  to  colonize  and  improve  it,  as  had 
fcarcely  ever  been  parallelled  in  any  other  country, 
at  fo  great  a  diflance  from  the  parent  flates,  or 
civilized  part  of  the  world. 

In  this,  and  the  two  next  fucceeding  years,  ar-  Number  of 
lived  fhips,  with  paflengers  or  fettlers,  from  Lon*  arnvalsAc' 
don,  Brijlol,  Ireland,  Wales,  Chejhire,  Lancajhire, 
Holland^  Germany^  &c.  to  the  number  of  about 
fifty  fail.* 

Among  thofe  from  Germany,  were  fome  Friends, 
or  Quakers ,  from  Krijheim  or  Crejheim,  a  town  not     Firft  fet- 
far  from  Worms,  in  the  Palatinate.    They  had  been  tlemen^  of 
early  convinced  of  the  religious  principles  of  the  towlT^by 
Quakers,  by  the  preaching  of  William  Ames,  an  fome  ^a" 
EnglifhiMn:  for  which  they  had  bore  a  public  tef-  Germany, 
timony  there,  till  the  prefent  time;  when  they  all  &c- 

removed 

*  Hence  Thomas  Makin  before  mentioned,  fays— • 

"  Hujus  fama  loci  multos  aliunde  vocavit 

"  Libertas  quibus  eft  dulcis  amorque  lucri 
"  Hue  alieuigenae  veniunt,  venientque  quotannis 

"  Omnibus  ufque  adeo  libera  term  placet."— 3cc. 
Its  fame  to  diftant  countries  far  has  fpread 
And  fome  for  peace,  and  fome  for  profit,  led, 
Born  in  remoteft  climss,  to  fettle  here, 
They  leave  their  native  foil,  and  all  that's  dear; 
And  flill  will  flock  from  far,  here  to  be  free ; 
tjuch  powerful  charms  has  lovely  Liberty.— -&c. 


22O  HISTORY  or  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  removed  to  Pennfyhania,  and  fettled  about  fix  or 
feven  miles  diftant  from  Philadelphia,  at  a  place 
which  they  called  German-town. 

"  This  removal/'  (fays  Sewell,  in  his  hiftory  of 
the  Quakers)  "  did  not  feem  to  be  without  a  fin- 
gular  direction  of  Pro-vide  nee:  for  not  long  after  a 
war  enfued  in  Germany,  where  the  Palatinate  was 
altogether  laid  wafte  by  the  French;  and  thoufands 
of  families  were  bereft  of  their  poffefiions,  and  re- 
duced  to  poverty."* 

Firft  ar-      Among  thofe  adventurers  and  fettlers,  who  ar- 
&cC  r*ved  about  this  time,  were  alfo  many  from  Wales , 
of  thofe  who  are  called  Ancient  Britons,  and  moftly 
Quakers;  divers  of  whom  were  of  the  original  or 
early  flock  of  that  fociety  there. f  They  had  early 

purchafed 

*  Among  the  firft  Germantoivn  fettlers  from  Krijbeim,  was  Dean's 
Conrad.  The  firft  religious  meeting  of  the  Quakers,  in  that  place,  was 
held  at  his  houfe,  in  1683.  He  was  an  hofpitable  well  difpofed  man,  of 
an  inofFenfive  life,  and  good  charader.  He  died  in  the  year  1729. 

f  Divers  of  thefe  early  Weljb  fettlers  were  petfons  of  excellent  and 
worthy  character;  and  feveral  of  good  education,  family  and  eftate, 
chiefly  Quakers;  and  many  of  them  either  eminent  preachers  in  that  fo- 
ciety, or  otherwife  well  qualified  and  difpofed  to  do  good,  in  various  ca» 
pacities,  both  in  religious  and  civil,  in  public  and  private  life. 

Of  fome  of  them  there  are  particular  and  extraordinary  accounts  in 
manufcript,  both  refpecling  their  eminent  religious  fervices  among  the 
Quakers,  &c.  and  alfo  of  their  great  ufefulnefs  among  their  neighbours, 
in  fettling  the  province,  and  in  regulating  and  managing  the  civil  affairs  of 
the  government;  as  perfons  highly  and  juflly  eftecmed  and  diftinguifhed 
both  in  private  and  public  ftation.  Of  thefe,  befides  others,  Ifmdparti4 
cularly  mentioned, 

John  Thomas,  Robert  Given  and  Jane,  his  wife,  from  Merioneth/hires 
pious  and  honourable  perfons,  of  good  family,  education  and  abilities;  and 
had  fuffered  much  perfccutiQn  for  their  religion,  being  Quakers;  but  they 
died  foon  after  their  arrival. 

There  was  alfo  another  Robert  Given,  who  removed  from  Wales  into 
Pennfylvania,  in  1690.  He  was,  by  account,  an  eminent  preacher,  and 
a  very  ferviceable  and  worthy  perfon,  among  the  Quakers;—  being  a  man 
endowed  with  many  excellent  qualities;  a  fkilful  peace-maker,  and  of 
much  fervicc  and  utility,  in  various  refpecls  while  he  lived  in  the  country. 
He  died  in  the  year  1697. 

Rowland  Ettii  was  a  man  of  note  among  the  Weljb  fettlers;  from  a  place 
called  Brin-Maur,  near  Dolgelly  in  the  county  of  Mereonetb.  In  1682, 
he  fent  ov>.r  Thomas  Uiven  and  his  family  to  make  a  fettlement.  This  was 
the  cuitom  of  divers  others  of  the  Weljk,  at  firft,  to  fend  perfons  over  to 
take  up  land  for  them,  and  to  prepare  it,  againft  their  coining  afterwards. 

But 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  22 

purchafed  of  the  Proprietary,  in  England,    forty    1682 
thoufand  acres  of  land. 

Thofe  who  came,  at  prefent,  took  up  fo  much 
of  it.  on  the  weft  fide  of  Sculkil  river,  as  made  the 
three  townfhips,  of  Merio?i9  liaverford  and  R$d- 
•nor;  and  in  a  few  years  afterwards,  their  number 
was  fo  much  augmented,  as  to  fettle  the  three 
other  townfhips  of  New-town,  Gojhcn  and  Uwchland, 
After  this  they  continued  Itill  increaiing,  and  be- 
came a  numerous  and  florifhing  people. 

Notwithflanding 

But  Rowland  El/Is,  chufing  to  fee  the  country,  before  he  removed  his 
family,  failed  in  a  Bridal  fhip  from  Milfa-d  Haven ,  for  Pennfylvania,  on 
the  fixceenth  of  the  eighth  month,  1686;  taking  along  with  him  his  eldeft 
fon,  Rowland,  then  a  boy,  and  they  had  a  very  long  and  tedious  paffage, 
in  which  they  touched  at  Barbadoes,  not  arriving  at  the  province,  till  about 
twenty-four  weeks  after  their  firfl  failing.  The  Welfli  pafiengers  were 
about  one  hundred,  all  from  the  fame  place  with  him.  Many  of  them 
died  through  want  of  necrffary  provilions;  and  others  afterwards,  from 
the  remaining  effects  of  their  fufferings;  and  fome  that  fiirvivcd,  never 
recovered  their  former  ftrength;  though  at  Barbadacs,  where  they  flayed 
about  fix  weeks,  and  were  kindly  and  friendly  treated,  many  were  much 
recruited  from  their  languifning  condition,  and  the  death  of  divers  others 
prevented,  &c. 

After  having  been  about  nine  months  in  the  province,  and  making  the 
necefiary  preparations  for  the  reception  of  his  family,  which  he  intended 
to  bring  over,  he  returned  in  the  next  fpring,  to  his  native  land,  leaving 
his  young  fon  with  his  uncle  John  Humphrey.  But  he  did  not  return  to 
Pennfylvania,  till  the  year  1697 ;  when  he  failed  in  a  Liverpool  veflel,  with 
many  other  families,  confiding  of  about  one  hundred  paflengers,  all  from 
North  Wales;  and  in  about  fix  weeks  they  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  in  the 
fourth  month. 

.  Rowland  Ellis  was  then  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  He  left  his 
eldeft  daughter  and  heirefs,  by  a  former  wife,  in  poiTeffion  of  his  pa- 
ternal inheritance,  at  which  he  had  lived  mod  of  his  time. 

After  this  his  lad  arrival  in  Pennfylvania,  he  is  faid  to  have  lived  long 
to  do  good,  His  fervices,  both  in  church  and  (late,  being  confiderable. 
He  was  a  preacher  among  the  Quakers;  but  his  greated  fervice  did  not 
appear  to  be  that  way.  He  was  an  acceptable  man  in  every  dation. 
He  died  in  the  eightieth  year  of  his  age,  at  his  fon-in-la\v,  John  Evans's 
houfe,  in  North  Wales,  Pennfylvania; — of  whom  and  his  pious  exit, 
their  is  a  more  particular  account,  in  manufcript. 

Hugh  Roberts  was  an  eminent  preacher,  among  the  Quakers;  a  man 
of  note,  and  goad  character,  in  Pennfyli-ania;  to  which  he  removed  from 
Wales,  about  the  year  1683;  where  he  lived  near  eighteen  years,  to 
an  advanced  age. 

He  had  fuffered  much  for  his  religion,  in  his  native  country,  prior  to 
his  removal  to  America.  He  is  faid  to  have  been  of  a  tender  and  affec- 
tionate difpofition  of  mind,  and  a  very  valuable  and  worthy  perfon.  He 
was,  for  fome  years  a  member  of  the  provincial  council,  &c. 

On 


222  HISTORY  OF  P£NNSYLVANIA, 

1682.  Notwithftaniiing  the  precaution,  which  many 
of  thefe  adventurers  had  ufed,  in  bringing  provi- 
fions  and  other  neceiTaries  with  them,  for  a  cer- 

th  ta'n  tl*mC:>  }ret  **  canilct  ke  reafonably  fuppofed 
fet-  that  the  arrival  cf  fuch  a  large  number  of  peo- 
p{e?  jn  a  wilderrieis,  within  the  fpace  cf  two  or 
three  years  would  not  neceffarily  be  attended  with 
inconveniencies  and  difficulties.  Though  the  Eu- 
ropctiTi  inhabitants,  in  the  country,  prior  to  their 
arrival,  were  kind  and  alMing,  yet  they  were 
velT  few>  m°ftty  new  or  late  fettlers,  and  confe- 
with  the  quently  but  meanly  provided,  either  with  provi- 
^ons>  or  ot^er  accommodations;  infomuch  that 
fometimes,  for  divers  years  afterwards,  the  fear- 
city,  which  was  experienced  among  them,  of  the 
former,  caufedvery  alarming  apprehenfions.* 

Befidcs 

———On  his  return  from  a  religious  vifit  to  his  native  country,  in 
the  fervice  of  preaching  the  gofpel,  in  the  year  1698,  a  number  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  North  Wales  removed  to  Pennfilvania,  in  company  with 
him;  where  he  arrived  on  the  7th.  of  the  Hifth  month,  many  of  the 
paifengers  having  died  at  fea  cf  the  Bloody  Flux,  during  the  paflage. 

In  the  latter  end  of  this  year,  (1698)  William  Jones,  Thomas  Evans, 
Rohert  Evans,  Owen  Evans,  Cadwailader  Evans,  Hugh  Griffith,  John 
Hugh,  Edward  Foulke,  John  Humphrey,  Robert  Jones,  and  others, 
having  purchaltd  of  Robert  Turner,  ten  thoufand  acres  of  land,  began 
in  the  following  year,  to  improve  and  fettle  the  fame,  and  called  UK: 
townfhip  Guinsdd,  in  Englifh  North  Wales.  Some  of  the  laft  mentioned 
paffengers  fettled  here;  who,  in  general,  did  not,  at  firft,  profefs  with 
the  GhtaLtrs;  but  afterwards  they,  with  many  others,  as  the  neighbour- 
hood increafed,  joined  in  religious  fociety  with  them,  and  were  an  ii> 
duilrious  and  worthy  people.———— 

Ellh  Pugh,  one  of  the  early  IVeljb  fettlcrs,  who  arrived  in  the  pro- 
vince in  the  year  1687,  lived  much  of  his  time,  and  died,  here,  1718. 
He  was  convinced  of  the  ^linkers'  principles,  in  Wales,  about  the  year 
1674.  He  became  a  miiiiiler  among  them,  in  1680.  In  which  capa- 
city he  continued  till  his  death,  being  a  very  ferviceable  perfon,  in  di- 
vers refpeils,  and  of  an  excellent  character. 

*  Among  other  particular  accounts,  of  this  kind,  T find  the  following; 
which  may  give  a  further  idea  of  thole  early  times  in  the  province,  &c. 

John  Scarborough,  of  London,  coach-fmith,  arrived  in  the  country,  in 
1682,  with  his  fun  John,  then  a  youth,  and  fettled  in  MiMetmL'n,  in 
Sucks  county,  among  the  firft,  in  thofe  parts;  where  he  remained  about 
two  years;  and  then  embarked  for  his  native  country,  with  intention  to 
bring  over  his  wife  and  family; — having  fuffered  much,  by  perfecution, 
for  his  religion,  in  England,  being  a  ^iiakcr. 

During   his  refidence   ia   Pennfylvania,  provifiona   being   fometimes 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  223 

Befides,  thefe  adventurers  were  not  ail  young    1682. 
perfons,    and  able  to  endure  the  difficulties  and  ^^r^<^ 
hard/hips  which  are  moftly  unavoidable  in  fubdu- 
ing  a  wildernefs,  or  as  equally  regaipdlefs  of  con-     Som« G- 
venient   accommodations    as  young  healthy  and  t^i'in 
ftrong  men,  accoftomed  to  labor  and  difappoint-  years,  &c. 
ment:  but  there  were  among  them  perfons  advanc- 
ed in  years,  with  women  and  children;  and  fuch 
as,  in  their  native  country,  had  lived  well,  and  en- 
joyed eafe  and  plenty. 

fcarcc,  in  that  part,  where  he  refided,  efpecially  in  the  firft  year,  he  is 
laid  to  have  had  occafipn  to  remark  the  providence  of  God  to  him,  and 
thofe  near  him,  when  thsy  were  under  greater  difficulty,  on  this  ac- 
count, than  at  other  times. 

The  ivilJ pidgeons  came  in  fach  great  numbers,  that  the  air  was  fome- 
times  darkened  by  their  flight;  and,  flying  low,  they  were  frequently 
knocked  down,  as  they  flew;  in  great  quantities,  by  thofe  who  had  no 
other  means  to  take  them:  whereby  they  fupplied  themfelves;  and 
having  falted  thofe,  which  they  could  not  immediately  ufe,  they  preferred 
them,  both  for  bread  and  meat. 

Thus  they  were  fupplied  feveral  times,  during  the  firft  two  or  three 
years,  till  they  had  raifed,  by  their  induftry,  food  fufEcient  out  of  the 
ground: — for  the  tilling  of  which,  at  that  time,  they  ufed  Hoes,  having 
neither  horfes  nor  plows. — The  In&am  were  remarkably  kind,  and  very 
afliftant  to  them,  in  divers  refpe&s,  frequently  fupplying  them  with  fuch 
provifions,  as  they  could  fpare,  &c. 

Join  Scarborough,  having  placed  his  fon  under  the  care  of  a  friend, 
failed  for  England;  but  he  never  returned. — 'His  wife,  who  was  not  a 
Staler,  being  unwilling  to  leave  her  native  country,  and  perfecution 
'{beginning  to  ceafe,  ha  afterwards  gave  his  pofieflions,  v&Pett*fyfoaiti*to 
his  fon,  whom  he  had  left  in  the  province;  with  a  ilri<St  charge,  when  it 
ftiould  be  in  his  power,  to  be  kind  to  the  poor  Indians,  for  the  favours 
lie  had  received  from  them:  which  his  fon  faithfully  obferved,  and  com- 
plied with;  and  is  faid  to  have  been  a  worthy  man,  and  of  good  cha- 
racter. M.  S. 

Jofjn  Chapman  came  from  England  in  1684.  The  fhip,  in  which  he 
rame,  by  reafon  of  bad  weather,  put  into  Maryland;  where  he  met  with. 
Ph'neas  Pemlcrton^  whofe  father-in-law,  'James  Harrifon^  had  purchased, 
in  Bucks  county,  Pcnnfylvania,  five  thoufand  acres  of  land;  part  of  it  in 
Wright's  town; — hence  Chapman  getting  intelligence  of  that  part  of  the 
country,  afterwards  fettled  there.  He  went  from  Maryland,  wkh  his  faa»t* 
!y,  fur:  to  Palneas  Pcmlertons  plantation,  near  the  falls  of  Delaware;  who 
had  now  made  a  convenient  fettlement,  and  entertained  the  neio-comcrs 
with  much  kindnefs. — From  hence  Chapman  went  to  his  purchafe,  ia 
Wriguis-tnivn;  where,  within  about  twelve  months  afterwards,  his  wife 
had  two  Cons  at  one  time;  whence  he  called  the  place  Twins-borough. 

At  this  time  Ctapmans  place  was  the  furtheil  back,  in  the  VA^ods,  of 
a-ay  Englifo  fettlement;  and  the  Indians }  being  then  numerous,  much  fre- 
aucnted  his  houfe,  i.n  great  compaaiies,  and  were  very  kind  to  him  and 
his  family,  as  well  r.s  to  thofe  who-cr.me  after  him;  often  fupplying  them 

with. 


224  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.       Their  firft  bufmefs,  after  their  arrival,  was  to 
land  their  property,  and  put  it  under  fuch  fhelter 
as  could  be  found;  then,  while  fome  of  them  got 
warrants  °^  fun'rey,  for  taking  up  fo  much  land, 
of  the  fet-  as  was  fufEcicnt  for  immediate  fettling,  others  wen: 
ttS  aTri-  ^iverfel7  further  into  the  woods,  to  the  different 
*ai,  &c.     places,  where  their  lands  were  laid  out;  often  with- 
out any  path  or  road,  to  direcl  them;  for  fcarce 
any  were  to  be  found  above  two  miles  from  the 
water  fide;  not  fo  much  as  any  mark,  or  fign  of 
any  European  having  been  there.     As  to  the  Indi» 
anS)  they  feldom  travelled  fo  regularly  as  to  be 
traced  or  followed  by  foot-fleps  ;  except  perhaps, 
from  one  of  their  towns  to  another.     Their  hunt- 
ings were  rather  like  fhips  at  fea,  without  any  track, 
or  path.     So  that  all  the  country,  further  than 
about  two  miles  diftant,  from  the  river,  (except,- 
The  coun-  ing  the  Indians  moveable  fettlements)  was  an  entire 
try  -was  a  wildernefs.  producing  nothing  for  the  fupport  of 

wildernefs.  ,  W       i  i       &  -i  i  r     •  f1     r    -. 

human  lire,  but  the  wild  fruits  and  animals  of  the 
woods. 


with  corn,  and  other  pro  vifions;  which  in  thofe  early  times,  more  efpe- 
cially  in  that  part  of  country,  were  very  fcarce,  and  hard  to  be  pro- 
cured. — 

In  one  of  thefe  fcarce  times  J.  Chapman  's  eldeft  daughter,  Mara,  fup- 
plied  his  family  by  an  incident  unexpected;  —  being  near  Nejhaminy  creek, 
which  runs  into  the  Delaware,  fhe  heard  an  unufual  noife,  like  that  of 
fomething  in  diflrefs;  upon  fcarch,  fhc  found  a  large  Buck,  which  had 
difengaged  himfelf  from  a  wolf,  that  a  little  before  had  feized  on  him, 
and  had  fled  to  the  creek,  for  fafety,  under  a  high  bank;  —  the  Buck  Hood 
iHU,  till  fhe  took  the  halter  from  the  horfe,  on  which  (he  rode  ,  and  with 
a  Hick,  put  it  over  his  horns-,  whereby  fhe  fecured  him,  till  afliftance 
came;  on  which  the  wolf  retired:  —  fuch  incidents  as  this,  in  thofe  times, 
were  Idoked  upon  as  providential  favours  :  — 

Abraham  and  Jofiph  Chapman,  the  twins  before  mentioned,  when  boys, 
about  nine  or  ten  years  old,  going  out  one  evening,  to  feek  their  cattle, 
met  an  Indian,  in  the  woods;  who  told  them  to  go  back;  elfe  they  would 
he  loft.  Soon  after  this  they  took  his  advice,  and  went  back;  but  it  was 
•within  night  before  they  got  home;  where  they  found  the  Indian;  who, 
being  careful  left  they  fhould  lofe  themfelves,  had  repaired  thither,  in 
the  night,  to  fee,  &c.  And  their  parents,  about  that  time,  going  to  the 
yearly  meeting  at  Philadelphia,  and  leaving  a  young  family  at  home, 
(they  being  ZPuaters^)  the  Indians  came  every  day,  to  fee  whether  any 
thing  was  amifs  among  them.  —  Such,  in  many  infiances  was  the  kind 
treatment  and  behaviour  of  the  natives,  or  aborigines,  of  this  country, 
to  the  E,ngi-fi>  in  thtir  firft  and  early  fettlemsnt  of  it. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  22 

The  lodgings  of  fome  of  thefe  fcttlers  were,  at    1682. 
firft,  in  the  woods;  a  chofen  tree  was  frequently  ^^r^ 
all  the  flicker  they  had,  againfl  the  inclemency  of 
the  weather:  This  fometimes  happened  late  in  the  ^ 
fall,  and,  even,  in  the  winter  feafon.     The  next  &c. 
coverings  of  many  of  them  were,  either  caves, 
in  the  earth,  or  fuch  huts,  erected  upon  it,  as 
could  be  moil  expeditioufly  procured,  till  better 
houfes  were  built;  for  which  they  had  no  wint  of 
timber. 

It  is  impoffible  that  thefe  firft  adventurers  and 
fettlers,  who  had  never  feen,  nor  been  accuflomed 
to,  fuch  a  fcene,  could,  at  firft,  have  that  proper 
idea,  or  method  of  improving  this  wildernefs, 
which  experience  afterwards  taught.  It  is  likewife 
certain,  that  the  great  difference,  between  the 
finely  improved,  cultivated  and  open  countries, 
with  the  near  connections,  which  many  of  them  &c. 
had  left  behind,  and  the  appearance  of  a  wild  and 
woody  defart,  with  which  they  had  now  to  encoun- 
ter, among  favages,  muft  have  created,  in  them, 
very  fenfible  ideas,  and  made  ftrong  impreflions, 
at  firft,  on  their  minds: — That  likewife  the  confi- 
deration  of  the  long  and  painful  labour,  and  ine- 
vitable difappointments  and  hardships,  which,  more 
or  lefs,  are  naturally  infeparable  from  fuch  under- 
takings, and  for  a  feries  of  years  muft  neceffarily  of  the 
be  endured,  before  a  comfortable  fubfiftance  could  difcoura§- 

i       .         ,  i         r    rr    • 

be  procured,  in  the  country,  and  a  lurncient  por- 
tion  of  land  brought  into  proper  order,  for  that 
purpofe,  muft  undoubtedly  have  been  very  affect-  and  early 
ing  to  a  thoughtful  people,  in  this  new,  remote  and  fettlers,  &c 
folitary  fituation! — But  the  foil  was  fertile;  the 
air  moftly  clear  and  healthy;  the  ftrearns  of  water 
were  good  and  plentiful;  wood,  for  fire  and  build- 
ing, in  abundance; — And,  as  they  were  a  pious 
and  religious  people,  knowing  their  views,  in  this 
tjieir  undertaking,  to  be  good,  they  chearfully 

underwent 

OP] 


226  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.   underwent  all  difficulties  of  this  nature,  and  divine 
Providence  bleffed  their  induftry.* 

For 

*  In  a  fhort  treatife,  printed  and  publifhed  in  London,  by  Andrew 
Sowle,  in  Sboreditcb,  1684,  (but  without  the  author's  name)  the  views 
and  motives  of  fome  of  thcfe  early  colonifts  feem,  in  a  more  particular 
manner,  to  be  exhibited. — The  title  and  introductory  part  of  it  here 
follow,  as  a  fpecimen,  viz. 

"  The  Planter's  fpcech  to  his  neighbours  and  countrymen  of  Pennjjlvanta, 
Eajl  and  Wefi-Jerfey,  and  to  all  fuch  as  have  tranfported  themfelves 
into  new  colonies,  for  the  fake  of  a  quiet  and  retired  life. 

"   My  dear  friends  and  countrymen , 

"  Though  it  may  feem  very  impertinent  and  unneceffary  to  gp  ;ibout 
to  repeat  to  you  the  occafions  and  motives,  that  inclined  you  to  aban- 
don the  land  of  your  nativity,  and  thofe  comfortable  outward  employ- 
ments and  accommodations,  which  moft  of  you  had  there,  and  to  adven- 
ture yourfelves  to  the  hazzards  of  a  long  voyage  at  fea,  to  come  to  thi» 
remote  part  of  the  world;  yet,  left  you  fhould  forget  thofe  inducements, 
as  often  it  happens,  that  men,  by  a  flothful  negligence,  or  ignorance, 
after  fome  tra<ft  of  time,  fall  from  their  firft  love,  and  blindly  hurry 
themfelves  into  the  very  fame  mifchiefs,  which  they  intended  to  avoid, 
and  build  up  again  what  they  juftly  endeavoured  to  deftroy,  not  fore- 
feeing  the  future  ill  confequences  of  their  prefent  (fuppofed  innocent) 
actings;  I  fhall  take  leave  briefly  to  mention  fome  few  of  thofe  weighty 
caufcs  which  I  am  confident,  originally  fwayed  your  fpirits  to  this  tranf- 
plantatinn,  and  thofe  good  ends,  for  the  obtaining  of  which,  you  chiefly 
removed  hither. 

"  The  motives  of  your  retreating  to  thefe  new  habitations,  I  appre- 
hend, (meafuring  your  fentiments  by  my  own)  to  have  been, 

I  ft.  "  The  defires  of  a  peaceable  life,  where  we  might  worfhip  God, 
and  obey  his  law,  with  freedom,  according  to  the  dictates  of  the  divine 
principle,  unincumbered  with  the  mouldy  errors  of  fierce  invafions  of 
tradition,  politic  craft,  covetous,  or  ambitious  cruelty,"  &c. 

ad.  "  That  we  might  here,  as  on  a  virgin  elyfian  Jhore,  commence, 
or  improve,  fuch  an  innocent  courfe  of  life,  as  might  unload  us  of  thofe 
outward  cares,  vexations  and  turmoils,  which  before  we  were  always  fub- 
jedt  unto,  from  the  hands  of  felf  defigning  and  unreafonable  men, 

3d.  "  That,  as  Lot,  by  flying  to  little  Zoar,  from  the  ungodly  com- 
pany of  a  more  populous,  magnificent  dwelling,  we  might  avoid  both 
being  grieved  with  the  fight  of  infectious,  as  well  as  odious  examples, 
of  horrid fivearings,  curftngs,  dninkennefs,  gluttony,  uncleannefs,  and  all  kinds 
of  debauchery,  continually  committed  with  greedinefs;  and  alfo  efcape 
the  judgments,  threatned  to  every  land,  polluted  with  fuch  abominations. 

4th.  "  That,  as  trees  are  tranfplanted  from  one  foil  to  another,  to 
render  them  more  thriving,  and  better  bearers,  fo  we  here,  in  peace  and 
fecure  retirement,  under  the  bountiful  protection  of  God,  and  in  the  lap 
Of  the  leaft  adulterated  nature,  might  every  one  the  better  improve  his 
talent,  and  bring  forth  more  plenteous  fruits,  to  the  glory  of  God,  and 
public  welfare  of  the  whole  creation. 

jth.  "  And  laftly,  That  in  order  hereunto,  by  our  holy  doflrine,  and 
the  practical  teachings  of  our  exemplary,  abftemious  lives,  tranfacted  in 
all  humility,  fobriety,  plainnefs,  felf-denial,  virtue  and  honefty,  we 
might  gain  upon  thofe  thoufands  of  poor  dark  fouls,  fcattered  round 
about  us,  (and  commonly,  in  way  of  contempt,  and  reproach,  called 
tcatbens)  and  bring  them,  not  only  to  a  ftate  of  civility,  but  real  piety; 

which 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  227 

For  thefe  firft  comers,  after  their  arrival,  foon    1682. 
cleared  land  enough,  to  make  way  for  a  crop  of  **s*r**J 
Indian  corn,  in  the  Succeeding  fpring;  and  in  a 
year  or  two,  they  began  upon  wheat,  and  other  They  foon 

J  ,  ,         J  •  .  M1  get  into  a 

grain;  thus  they  went  on  improving,  till  they  got  profperous 
into  a  comfortable  way  of  living;  fo  that  many  of  way  of 


Uving,  fa. 


which  effe&ed,  would  turn  to  a  more  fatisfa&ory  account,  than  if,  with 
the  proud  Spaniards,  we  had  gained  the  mines  of  Potofi,  and  might 
make  the  ambitious  heroes,  whom  the  world  admires,  blufh,  for  their 
petty  and  ftiameful  vi&ories,  which  only  tend  to  make  their  fellow  crea- 
tures Jlaves  to  thofe,  that  are  already  the  Devil's  •uajfals:  whereas  hereby 
we  might  releafe  millions  from  the  chains  of  Satan,  and  not  only  teach 
them  their  rights,  as  Men,  and  their  happinefs,  when  Cbrijlians,  but 
bring  them  from  the  power  of  darknefs  into  the  marvellous  light,  and 
the  glorious  liberty  of  the  fons  of  the  Moil  High. 

"  Thefe  thoughts,  thefe  defigns,  my  friends,  were  thofe,  that  brought 
you  hither;  and  fo  far  only,  as  you  purfue  and  accompiifli  them,  you 
obtain  the  end  of  your  journey.  If  thefe  be  neglecled,  though  your  ports 
and  rivers  were  full  of  trading  flips,  your  land  never  fo  populous,  and 
loaden  with  mofl  vendible  commodities,  yet  I  would  be  bold  to  fay,  that 
your  plantations  were  in  a  moft  unthri-uing  condition;  that  like  men  in  a 
fever,  tumbling  from  one  fide  of  the  bed  to  the  other,  you  have  fhifted 
your  dwelling,  but  not  recovered  your  health;  nor  are  one  inch  nearer 
your  propofed  happinefs,  in  America,  than  in  Europe;  and  have  travelled 
fome  thoufands  of  miles,  to  as  little  purpofe,  as  the  Jefuits,  into  Japan 
and  China,  or  foolifh  pilgrims,  in  their  tedious,  vain,  journeys  to  Com* 
pojlella,  Loretto,  or  Jervfalem. 

"  Our  bufinefs,  therefore,  here,  in  this  netv  land,  is  not  fo  much  to 
build  houfes,  and  ejlablijb  factories,  and  promote  trade  and  manufactories, 
that  may  enrich  ourfelves,  (though  all  thefe  things,  in  their  due  place,  are 
not  to  be  neglecled)  as  to  eredt  temples  of/jolinefi  and  righteoufnefs,  which 
Ged  may  delight  in;  to  lay  fuch  lafting  frames  and  foundations  of  tcm~ 
f  trance  and  virtue,  as  may  fupport  the  fuperftru&ures  of  our  future  hap- 
pinefs, both  in  this,  and  the  other  world. 

"  In  order  to  thefe  great  and  glorious  ends,  it  will  well  become,  nay, 
it  is  the  indifpenfible  duty  of  all,  that  zrcfuper'ters  amongft  us,  to  make 
laws,  and  imitate  cujioms^  that  may  tend  to  innocency,  and  an  barmlefs 
life;  fo  as  to  avoid  and  prevent  all  opprefllon  and  violence,  either  to  men 
or  beajls;  by  which  we  fhall  ftrengthen  the  principle  of  -well-doing,  and 
qualify  the  fierce,  bitter,  envious,  wrathful  fpirit;  which,  (as  'tis  faid  of 
fire  and  water,  in  the  extremes)  is  a  good  fervant  ,  but  a  bad  mafter,"  &c. 

N.  B.  In  the  remainder  of  this  performance,  divers  particulars  are 
propofed,  as  fundamentals,  for  future  laws  aud  cuftoms,  tending  princi- 
pally to  eftablifh  a  higher  degree  of  temperance,  and  original  fimpli- 
city  of  manners;  —  more  particularly  againft  theufe  of  fpirituous  liquors, 
than  had  been  ufual  before.  —  Every  thing  of  a  military  nature,  even,  the 
ufe  of  the  inftruments  thereof,  is  not  only  difapproved  and  the  diftruc- 
tion  of  the  human  fpecies  thereby,  condemned  in  this  fpeech,  but  like- 
wife  all  violence,  or  cruelty,  towards,  and  the  -wanton  killing  of,  the  infe- 
rior living  creatures,  with  the  eating  of  animal  food,  are  alfo  ftrongly  ad- 
vifed  againft,  in  thofe  propofed  regulations,  cuftoms,  or  laws,  with  the 
reafons  given,  &c.  to  the  end  that  a  higher  degree  of  love,  perfection 
and  happinefs  might  more  univerfally  be  introduced  and  preferved, 
among  mankind,  &c, 


228  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  them  xvere  blefled  both  with  the  neceflaries  and 
*^~y~*u  conveniencies  of  life  beyond  their  expectation;, 
and,  after  having  lived  to  old  age,  they  are  faid 
to  have  frequently  recolle&ed  and  fpoke  of  the 
favours  of  divine  Providence,  in  prefer ving  them 
through  the  difficulties,  with  which  they  encoun- 
tered, in  their  firft  and  early  fettling  the  country: 
Of  which  the  following  extract  from  the  teflimony 
of  one  of  them,  being  a  Quaker •,  a  perfon  of  an 
approved  character,  is  an  inftance,  and  exhibits  a 
fpecimen  of  this  nature,  viz. 

Richard  «  The  teflimony  of  Richard  Townfend,  (hewim 

Townfends  .  /  •  j      .  •    i  i         »    /•  /-»     /          /  •  »       /      * 

account  of  W  providential  hand  of  God,  to  him  and  others., 

his  removal  -from  the  frft  fettlement  of  Pennfylvania,  to  this 

<%•     (About  the yean^7.y 

"  Whereas  King  Charles  the  fecond,  in  the 
year  1681,  was  pleafed  to  grant  this  province  to 
William  Penn,  and  his  heirs,  for  ever;  which  ad 
feemed  to  be  an  act  of  Providence  to  many  reli- 
gious, good,  people;  and  the  Proprietor,  William 
Penny  being  one  of  the  people  called  Quakers 9 
and  in  good  efteem,  among  them  and  others, 
many  were  inclined  to  embark  along  with  himr 
for  the  fettlement  of  this  place. 

"  To  that  end,  in  the  year  1682  feveral  fhips 
being  provided,  I  found  a  concern  on  my  mind  to 
embark  with  them,  with  my  wife  and  child ;  and 
about  the  latter  end  of  the  Sixth-month,  having 
fettled  my  affairs  in  London,  where  I  dwelt,  I  went, 
on  board  the  (hip  Welcome,  Robert  Grecnaway, 
commander,  in  company  with  my  worthy  friend., 
William  Penn;  whofe  good  converfation  was  very 
advantageous  to  all  the  company.  His  "fingular 
care  was  manifefled,  in  contributing  to  the  necefli- 
ties  of  many,  -who  were  fick  of  the  Small-pox,  then 
on  board;  out  of  which  company  about  thirty 
died. — After  a  profperous  paflage  of  about  two 
months,  having  had,  in  that  time,  many  good 
meetings,  on  board,  we  arrived  here. 

"  At 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  229 

"  At  our  arrival,  we  found  it  a  wildernefs ;  the    1682. 
chief  inhabitants  were  Indians,  and  fome  Swedes.;  v^v^/ 
who  received  us  in  a  friendly  manner:  and  though  To^\Jcar^s 
there  was  a  great  number  of  us,  the  good  hand  of  account, 
Providence  was   feen  in  a  particular  manner ;  in  &c- 
that  provifions  were  found  for  us,  by  the  Swedes 
and  Indians,  at  very  reafonable  rates,  as  well  as 
brought  from  divers  other  parts,  that  were  inha- 
bited before. 

"  Our  firft  concern  'was  to  keep  up  and  main- 
tain our  religious  worjhip  ;  and,  in  order  thereunto, 
we  had  feveral  meetings,  in  the  houfes  of  the  inha- 
bitants; and  one  boarded  meeting-houfe  was  fet 
up,  where  the  city  was  to  be,  near  Delaware-^  and, 
as  we  had  nothing  but  love  and  good-will,  in  our 
hearts,  one  to  another,  we  had  very  comfortable 
meetings,  from  time  to  time;  and  after  our  meet- 
ing was  over,  we  aflifted  each  other,  in  building 
little  houfes,  for  our  fhelter. 

"  After  fome  time  I  fet  up  a  mill,  on  Chefter 
creek;  which  I  brought  ready  framed  from  London; 
which  ferved  for  grinding  of  corn,  and  fawing  of 
boards;  and  was  of  great  ufe  to  us,  Befides,  I, 
with  Jofhua  Titterj,  made  a  net,  and  caught  great' 
quantities  of  fifh;  which  fupplied  ourfelves  and 
many  others;  fo  that,  not  with  Handing  it  was 
thought  near  three  thoufand  perfons  came  in  the 
firft  year,  we  were  fo  providentially,  provided  for, 
that  we  could  buy  a  deer  for  about  two  (hillings, 
and  a  large  turkey,  for  about  one  milling,  and 
Indian  corn  for  about  two  {hillings  and  fix  pence 
per  bufhel. 

"  And,  as  our  worthy  Proprietor  treated  the 
Indians  with  extraordinary  humanity,  they  became 
very  civil  and  loving  to  us,  and  brought  in  abun- 
dance of  venifon.  As,  in  other  countries,  the  In- 
dians were  exafp crated  by  hard  treatment,  which 
hath  been  the  foundation  of  much  bloodfhed,  fo 
the  contrary  treatment  tiere  hath  produced  their 
love  and 


230  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.        "  About  a  year  after  our  arrival,  there  came  in 

v^w^  about  twenty  families  from  high  and  low  Germany, 

of  religious,  good  people;  who  fettled  about  fix 

Richard  miles  from  Philadelphia*  and  called  the  place  Ger* 

Townfends  ,T«  .          11        •  ** 

account,  marttown. —  I  he  country  continually  increalmg, 
*c-  people  began  to  fpread  themfelves  further  back. — 
"  Alfo  a  place  called  North  Wales,  was  fettled  by 
many  of  the  ancient  Britons,  an  honeft  inclined 
people,  although  they  had  not  then  made  a  pro- 
feflion  of  the  truth,  as  held  by  us,  yet,  in  a  little 
time,  a  large  convincement  was  among  them; 
and  divers  meeting-houfes  were  built. 

"  About  the  time,  in  which  Germantown  was 
laid  out,  I  fettled  upon  my  tract  of  land,  which  I 
had  purchafed  of  the  Proprietor,  in  England,  about 
a  mile  from  thence ;  where  I  fet  up  a  houfe  and  a 
corn  mill; — which  was  very  ufeful  to  the  country, 
for  feveral  miles  round: — But  there  not  being 
plenty  of  horfes,  people  generally  brought  their 
corn  on  their  backs  many  miles ; — I  remember  one 
man  had  a  bull  fo  gentle,  that  he  ufed  to  bring  his 
corn  on  him,  inftead  of  a  horfe. 

"  Being  now  fettled  about  fix  or  feven  miles 
^^Philadelphia,  where  leaving  the  principal  body 
of  friends,  together  with  the  chief  place  of  pro- 
vifions,  as  before  mentioned,  flefh  meat  was  very 
fcarce  with  me,  for  fome  time;  of  which  I  found 
the  want.  I  remember  I  was  once  fupplied  by  a 
particular  inftance  of  Providence,  in  the  following 
manner: — 

"  As  I  was  in  my  meadow,  mowing  grafs,  a- 
young  deer  came  and  looked  on  me;  I  continued 
mowing,  and  the  deer  in  the  fame  attention  to  me; 
upon  which  I  laid  down  my  fcythe,  and  went  to- 
wards him;  upon  which  he  ran  off  a  fmall  diftance; 
I  went  to  my  work  again,  and  the  Deer  continued 
looking  on  me ;  fo  that  feveral  times  I  left  my 
work,  to  go  towards  him;  but  he  ftill  kept  him- 
felf  at  a  diftance;  at/laft,  as  I  was  going  towards 

him, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  231 

him,  and  he,  looking  on  me,  did  not  mind  his    1682. 
fteps,  but  ran  forceably  againft  the  trunk  of  a  ^^^u 
tree,  and  (tunned  himfelf  fo  much,  that  he  fell; 

....  r  Richard 

upon  which  I  ran  forward,  and,  getting  upon  Townfi 
him,  held  him  by  the  legs: — After  a  great  drug-  account, 
gle,  in  which  I  had  almoft  tired  him  out,  and  ren- 
dered him  lifelefs,  I  threw  him  on  my  moulders, 
holding  him  faft  by  the  legs,  and,  with  fome 
difficulty,  from  his  frefh  ftruggling,  carried  him 
home,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  to  my  houfe; 
where,  by  the  afliftance  of  a  neighbour,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  there,  and  killed  him  for  me;  he 
proved  very  ferviceable  to  my  family.  I  could 
relate  feveral  other  afts  of  Providence,  of  this 
kind,  but  omit  them  for  brevity. 

"  As  people  began  to  fpread,  and  improve 
their  lands,  the  country  became  more  fruitful; 
fo  that  thofe,  who  came  after  us,  were  plentifully 
fupplied;  and  with  what  we  abounded  we  began 
a  fmall  trade  abroad.  And  as  Philadelphia  in- 
creafed,  veflels  were  built,  and  many  employed. 
Both  country  and  trade  have  been  wonderfully 
increafing  to  this  day;  fo  that,  from  a  ivlldernefs^ 
the  Lord,  by  his  good  hand  of  providence,  hath 
made  it  a  fruitful  field: — On  which  to  look  back, 
and  obferve  all  the  fteps,  would  exceed  my  pre- 
fent  purpofe;  yet,  being  now  in  the  eighty-fourth 
year  of  my  age,  and  having  been  in  this  country 
near  forty-fix  years,  and  my  memory  pretty  clear, 
concerning  the  rife  and  progrefs  of  the  province, 
I  can  do  no  lefs  than  return  praifes  to  the  Almighty , 
when  I  look  back  and  confider  his  bountiful  hand, 
not  only  in  temporals,  but  in  the  great  increafe 
of  our  meetings;  wherein  he  hath  many  times 
manifefted  his  great  loving  kindnefs,  in  reaching 
to,  and  convincing  many  perfons  of  the  principles 
of  truth;  and  thofe,  that  were  already  convinced 
and  continued  faithful,  were  not  only  blefled  with 
plenty  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  but  ajfo  with  the 

dew 


232  HISTORY 'OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.    dew  of  Heaven: — "  I  am  engaged,  in  my  fpirit, 

\*S*Y^J  to  fupplicate  the  continuance  thereof  to  the  pre- 

fent  rifing  generation;  that,  as  God  hath  blefled 

Richard  their  parents,  the  fame   blefling  may  remain  on 

Townfends    v    «         rr        •  i  i       r     •  i 

account,     tneir  offspring,  to  the  end  or  time;  that  it  may 
&*•          be  fo  is  the  hearty  defire  and  prayer  of  their  an- 
cknt  and  loving  friend, 

RICHARD  TOWNSEND." 


CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  233 

CHAPTER    V, 

beginning  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia. — John  Key, 
the  firft  born. — Province  and  territory  divided 
into  counties. — Firft  General  AJfembly  at  Philadel- 
phia in  1683. — Names  of  the  member 's,  and  memo- 
rials of  fane  of  them. — Proceedings  of  the  Affeni- 
bly. — Second  charter ',  or  frame  of  government. — 
A  fed  for  each  county  ;  the  Jirft  Sheriffs. — Firft 
grand  and  petit  jury ',  with  their  bujlnefs,  &V.— - 
Further  account  of  thefituation  and  plan  of  Phi- 
ladelphia.— William  Penn's  letter  to  the  free  fo- 
ciety  of  trader vr ,  giving  an  account  of  Pennfylvania 
at  that  time. 

AN  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  1682,  thePropri-    1682. 
etary,  having  finifhed  his  bufinefs  with  the  Indians,  ^^r^^j 
undertook,   with   the    affiftance   of  his  Surveyor 
General,  Thomas  Holme,  to  lay  out  a  place  for  the     A  place 
city.     The  ground,  which  was  chofen  for  that  ^°/e0nuta)nd 
purpofe,  was  claimed  by  fome  Swedes;  to  whom  for  the  city 
he  gave,  in  exchange  for  it,  a  larger  quantity  of ^f^f7" 
land,  at  a  fmall  diflance. 

The  fituation  of  this  place,  being  where  Phila- 
delphia now  (lands,  along  the  weilern  fide  of  the 
river  Delaware,  then  exhibited,  on  the  faid  river, 
an  agreeable  profpe6l;  it  had  a  high  and  dry  bank 
next  the  water,  with  a  high  fhore,  ornamented 
with  a  fine  view  of  Pine  trees,  growing  upon  it. 

In  this  bank  many  of  the  firfl:  and  early  adven-    Flrft 
turers  had  their  caves,  or  holes,  for  their  refidence,  houfe  in 
before  any  houfes  were  built,  or  better  accommo- 
dations  prepared  for  them.     The  firfl  houfe  ere  died 

on 

[30] 


234  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1682.  on  this  plot  of  ground,  was  built  by  George  Gueft, 
\~S~Y^J  and  not  rmimed  at  the  time  of  the  Proprietor's  ar- 
rival.* 

Soon  afterwards  many  fmall  houfes  were  erected. 
William  Penn  himfelf  had  a  large  manfion  houfe, 
built  on  his  Manor  of  Pennjbury,  near  the  fide  of 
Delaware  ',  a  few  miles  below  the  falls  of  Trenton, 
and  about  twenty-fix  above  the  city:  which  appears 
to  have  been  undertaken  before  his  arrival,  and 
intended  for  his  reception.  Here  afterwards  he 
fometimes  redded,  and  had  meetings  and  confe- 
rences with  the  Indians,  both  on  a  religious  and 
civil  account. 

province     About  this  time  alfo  the  Proprietor,  with  the 

andterri-   confent  of  the  purchafers  under  him,  divided  the 

tory  divi-   province  and  territories,  each  into  three  counties; 

counties,    thofe  of  the  province  were  called  the  counties  of 

&c-  Bucks,  Philadelphia,  and  Chefter;  thofe  of  the  ter- 

ritories, New-cajlle,  Kent,  and  Siiffex.     For  which 

having  appointed  Sheriffs,  and  other  proper  offi- 

cers, in  each   county,  he  iffued  writs,!  for   the 


*  "  This  houfe  was  then  building  in  Budd's  row,  near  that  called 
Powell's  dock.  —  He,  for  many  years  afterwards,  kept  a  tavern  there, 
called  the  Blue  anchor." 

John  Keyy  who  was  faid  to  he  the  firft  horn  child  of  Englijh  parents, 
in  Philadelphia^  and  that,  in  compliment  of  which  William  Penn  gave 
him  a  lot  of  ground,  died  at  Kennet,  in  Chefler  county,  on  the  fifth  o£ 
July,  1767,  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  his  age;  where  his  corps  was  in- 
terred, in  the  Quakers  burying  ground,  the  next  day,  attended  by  a  great 
concourfe  of  people.  —  He  was  born  in  a  cave,  long  afterwards  known 
by  the  name  of  Penny-pot,  near  SaJJafras-flreet.  —  I  have  feen  him  myielf 
more  than  once,  in  the  city;  to  which,  about  fix  years  before  his  death, 
he  walked  on  foot,  from  Kennet^  about  thirty  miles,  in  one  day.  In  the 
latter  part  of  his  life,  he  generally  in  the  city,  went  under  the  name  of 
Jlrjl  born. 

f  The  following  form  of  thefe  writs  is  taken  from  the  original,  viz. 

(L.  S.)  "  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor  of  the  province  of 
Pennfylvania,  and  the  territories  thereunto  belonging  : 

"  I  do  hereby,  in  the  King's  name,  empower  and  require  thee  tofum- 
mon  all  the  freeholders,  in  thy  bailiwick,  to  meet  on  the  2oth.  day  of 
the  next  month,  at  the  falls  upon  Delaware  river;  and  that  they  then 
and  there,  elect  and  chufe  out  of  themfelves,  twelve  perfons.of  moft  note 
for  wifdom  and  integrity,  to  ferve  as  their  delegates,  in  the  provincial 
council,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  ,  the  loth,  day  of  the  firft  month  next; 

and 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


235 


election  of  members   of  Council  and  Aflembly,    1683. 
conformable  to  the  conftitution,  at  that  time. 


He  met  the  Council  on  the  tenth  day  of  the 
Firft  month,  1683,  O.  S.  at  Philadelphia,  and 
the  Aflembly,  two  days  afterwards.  The  number  meets  the 
of  the  members  for  both  the  Council  and  Aflembly 
confided  of  twelve,  out  of  each  county:  three  Aflembly, 
for  the  Council,  and  nine  for  the  Aflembly,  mak-  ^e 
ing  in  all,  feventy-two.  Thofe  of  the  Council 
were:  — 

William  Markham,         Edward  Cantwell,  Names 

Chriftopher  Taylor,         William  Clayton,  Council. 

Thomas  Holme,  William  Biles, 

Lacy  Cock,  James  Harrifon, 

William  Haige,  William  Clark, 

John  Moll,  Francis  Whitewell, 

Ralf  Withers,  John  Richardfon, 

John  Simcock,  John  Hillyard. 

The  members  of  Aflembly  for  each  county  were: 
For  Bucks.  For  Philadelphia. 

William  Yardly,  John  Songhurft,  Namcs 

Samuel  Darke,  John  Hart,  of  the 

Robert  Lucas,  Walter  King,  Affembiy. 

Nicholas  Walne,  Andros  Binkfon, 

John  Wood,  John  Moon, 

John  Clowes,  Thomas  Wynne,  Speaker, 

Thomas  Fitzwater,  Griffith  Jones, 

Robert  Hall,  William  Warner, 

James  Boy  den.  Swan  Swanfon. 

For 

and  that  thofl  there  declare  to  the  faid  freemen,  that  they  may  all  per- 
fonally  appear  at  an  Aflembly,  at  the  place  aforefaid,  according  to  the 
contents  of  my  charter  of  liberties;  of  which  thou  art  to  make  me  a 
true  and  faithful  return. 

"  Given  at  Philadelphia,  the  day  of  the 

month,   t68a. 

WILLIAM  PENN." 

'*    To  Richard  Noble,   High  Sheriff  of  the  county 
of  Bucks;  and  the  other  Jive  Sheriffs 
for  tfieir  fwsral  cwntift" 


236 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 


For  Chefter. 
John  Hofkins, 
Robert  Wade, 
George  Wood, 
John  Blunfton, 
Dennis  Rochford, 
Thomas  Bracy, 
John  Bezer, 
John  Harding, 
Jofeph  Phipps. 

For  Kent. 

John  Biggs, 
Simon  Irons, 
Thomas  Haffold, 
John  Curtis, 
Robert  Bedwell, 
William  Windfmore, 
John  Brinkloe, 
Daniel  Brown, 
Benony  Bilhop. 


For  New-cqftle. 
John  Cann, 
John  Darby, 
Valentine  Hollingfworth, 
Gafparus  Herman, 
John  Dehoaef, 
James  Williams, 
William  Gueft, 
Peter  Alrick, 
Henrick  Williams. 

For  Sit/ex. 

Luke  Watfon, 
Alexander  Draper, 
William  Futcher, 
Henry  Bowman, 
Alexander  Molefton, 
John  Hill, 
Robert  Bracy, 
John  Kipfhaven, 
Cornelius  Verhoof.* 


*  I  find  very  little  on  record  refpe&ing  the  particular  characters  of 
thefe  members  of  this  fiffl  provincial  Council  and  AiTembly,  which 
met  at  Philadelphia: 

Captain  William  Markham  from  London,  was  a  relation  of  the  Pro- 
prietor. He  was  afterwards  fometimes  his  Secretary,  and  fometimes  his 
Deputy  Governor.  He  appears  to  have  been  an  ufeful  pcrfon,  of  good 
education,  character  and  ability.  He  had  the  Proprietor's  confidence  and 
efleem,  till  his  death,  in  the  year . 

Chrijlopbcr  Taylor  is  faid  to  have  been  a  perfon  of  excellent  character 
and  ability,  he  was  born  in  YorLJbire,  had  a  good  education,  wrote  well 
in  the  Latin  language. — He  was  un  eminent  preacher  among  the  ^takers; 
and  writ  feveral  pieces  hi  defence  of  their  religious  principles,  in  Eng- 
land, as  weli  as  his  brother,  Thomas  Taylor,  &c.  He  was  one  of  the 
firft  and  principal  fettlers  in  the  province,  under  William  Penn;  and  is 
faid  to  have  been  of  great  fervice  in  it,  in  different  refpedts.  He  died 
in  1696. 

Captain  Thomas  Holme  came  from  Waterford^  in  Ireland. — He  was  one 
of  the  people  called  Quakers  ^  and  Surveyor-General  of  the  province,  ap- 
pointed by  commiffion,  from  the  Proprietor,  bearing  date,  the  i8th.  of 
the  Second  month,  i68z. 

Lacy  Cock  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  Swede  fettlers,  prior  to 
IVilliam  Penn  3  arrival. 

John  Simcock  came  from  Ridley,  in  Chejbire,  in  England,  where  he  had 
fuffered  much  for  his  religion,  being  a  Quaker,  and  a  preacher  in  that 
fociety.  He  had  a  good  education,  was  one  of  the  Proprietor's  firft  com- 
miffioners  of  property,  and  one  of  his  moft  trufty  friends,  in  the  go- 
vernment. Sometimes  he  was  Speaker  of  the  Affemhly ;  and  is  faid  to 

havs 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  237 

Though  the  charter  of  privileges,  or  frame  of    1683. 
government,    required   a   greater   number,   than  v-x-y-^y 
were  now  returned,  to  fervevin  Council  and  Af- 
fembly,  yet  it  was  left  to  be  explained  and  con- 
firmed  by  the  Governor,  his  heirs  and  afligns,  and 
by  the  freemen  of  the  province  and  territories;  &c- 
therefore,  finding  it  too  inconvenient  to  return  the 
full  complement,  prefcribed  by  charter,  the  free- 
men depended  upon  the  Proprietor's  conflruction 
of  their  choice,  in  a  favourable  manner;  and  alledg- 
ed  their  reafons,  both  in  the  Sheriffs'  returns,  and 
alfo  by  divers  petitions  and  addreffes,  for  criufing     The  free- 

i  i          r  t  r    rr*    •  men  do  not 

only  twelve  for  each  county,  as  iumcient  to  com-  itri<aiy 
pofe  both  the  Council  and  Aflembly;  declaring  comply 
that  the  number  returned,  that  is,  three  for  the 
Council,  and  nine  for  the  AiTembly,  from  each 

county, 

have  been  a  very  worthy  and  ferviceable  perfon,  in  the  province,  till 
his  death,  both  in  a  religious  and  civil  capacity.  He  lived  in  Cbejler 
county;  and  died  on  the  ayth.  of  January,  lyoz. 

William  Biles  was  a  preacher  among  the  Qualers,  among  the  firil  f«?t- 
tlers  there;  where  he  appears  to  have  taken  up  land,  under  Governcrr 
Andros,  of  New-York)  prior  to  William  Penn's  grant  of  the  province. 
Me  is  faid  to  have  been  a  very  ufcful  perfon  both  in  the  civil  and  reli- 
gious line ;  being  often  in  the  Council  and  Affembly,  £c. 

James  Hartifon  came  from  Boulton,  in  Lancajbire,  one  of  the  Propri- 
etor's firft  commiflioners  of  property;  was  divers  years  in  great  efteem 
with  him,  and  his  agent,  at  Ptnajbury,  &c.  being  a  man  of  good  edu«a- 
,tion,  and  a  preacher  among  the  Quakers,  Sec. 

William  Haige,  had  been  a  merchant  in  London. 

Ralph  Withers  t  from  Biihop's  Canning  in  Wiltlhire. 

Gr'itfdb  Jones,  from  Surry. 

Francis  Whits-well  was  counfellor  for  Kent  county.  He  is  faid  to  have 
been  a  very  ferviceable  perfon,  in  the  government,  am,oag  the  firft  and 
early  fetdcrs;  a  preacher  among  the  QuaLers.;  and  every  way  a  very  ufe- 
ful  and  worthy  member  of  fociety.  He  died  in  the  year  1684;  and 
William  Darval  was  chofen  Counfcllor  in  his  {lead. 

Thomas  Wynne  was  Speaker  of  the  Afleoibly,  during  the  two  firft  years, 
and  was,  at  other  times,  a  member  of  it.  He  was  0:12  of  the  people 
called  Quakers,  a  preacher  among  them,  and  came  from  North  Wales; 
a  perfon  of  note  and  good  character: — He  died  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  169?,. — He  was  author  of  fonae  pieces  v/ritten  In  defence  of  the 
Qualersy  in  his  native  country,  &c. 

John  Moon  was  originally  of  Laicjjlj-e  in  England,  afterwards  of 
Brijlol: — He  writ  fome  pieces  in  defence  of  the  <3>uei&irst  in  his  native 
country,  &x. 

John  Sotfg-Awr/rcame  from  Evfix,  in  England,  was  a  writer  and  preacher 
among  the  ^^r,-.—  lit  d?-<i  in  fPefl.-'rerfsf.  and  xros  burkd  in 


238  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.   county,  had  in  them  the  power  of  the  whole  free- 
\>*v>^/  men  of  the  province  and  territories,  and  confe- 
quently,  of  lerving  in  thefe  capacities. 

It  was  accordingly  requefted  of  the  Governor^ 
that  this  alteration  might  not  deprive  the  people 
of  the  benefit  of  their  charter,  though  it  might 
feem  to  be  returned  to  him  again,  by  not  being 
accepted  fo  largely  as  granted*  Upon  which  the 
Governor  anfwered,  "  That  they  might  amend, 
alter,  or  add,  for  the  public  good;  and,  that  he 
was  ready  to  fettle  fuch  foundations,  as  might  be 
for  their  happinefs,  according  to  the  powers  veiled 
in  him." 

Thefe  preliminaries  being  fettled,  the  different 
branches  of  the  Legiilature  proceeded  on  bufmefs, 
according  to  the  method  prefcribed  in  their  char- 
ter of  privileges,  that  the  Governor  and  Provin- 
cial Council  mould  propofe  to  the  Aflembly,  and 
prepare  all  bills,  which  they,  at  any  time,  mould 
think  proper  to  be  palfed  into  laws,  confident  with 
the  powers  granted,  in  the  King's  letters  patent. 

Proceed-  In  fucn  popular  and  unexperienced  Councils, 
ings  of  the  where  every  man  may  propofe  any  thing,  which 
Affembly,  ^  fancjes  w{\\  tenc[  to  tke  public  good,  it  is  no 

wonder,  if  extraordinary  propofitions  mould  fome- 
times  be  made;  and  though  many  fmgularities  of 
this  nature  do  not  appear  to  have  occurred  in  this 
province,  yet,  probably,  the  two  following,  which 
are  faid  to  have  been  made,  at  this  time,  may  be 
TWO  (in-  ranked  under  this  defcription:  Firfl,  that  young 
portions,0"  men  mould  be  obliged  to  marry  at,  or  before  a  cer- 
&c-          tain  age:  Second,  that  two  forts  of  cloaths  only  mall 
be  worn ;   one  for  winter,  and  the  other  for  fum- 
mer. — Of  the  propofitions,  which  were  now  made, 
fome  were  agreed  to,  and  fome  rejected:  but  the 
principal  thing  done,  this  feflion,  was  the  altera- 
tion of  the  charter  of  liberties,  called  the  frame  of 
government,  which  had  before  been  in  agitation. 

At 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  $39 

At  a  Council,  held  the  aoth.  of  the  Firft  month,    1683. 
the  fpeaker,  and  two  members    of  AiTembly  at- 
tending  with  fome  bills,  which  had  been  fent  to 
them,  the  Governor  and  Council  defired  a  confe- 
rence  with  the  whole  houfe  and  freemen,  about  ™mlT- 
the  charter.     Upon  their  attending,  the  Governor  queft  a 
afked  them,  "  Whether  they  chofe  to  have  the  old  char-  ™w  %£*' 
ter,  or  a  new  one?"  They  unanimoufly  requefted  a 
new  one,  with  fuch  amendments,  as  had  already 
been  debated  and  agreed  on.  To  which  the  Gover- 
nor confented,  and  made  a  fpeeeh  to  them,  on  the 
occafion;  in  which  he  diflinguifhed  their  duty,  and 
his  own  willingnefs  to  oblige  them.     Next  day 
the  houfe  fent  Griffith  Jones  and  Thomas  Fitzwater, 
two  of  their  members,  with  a  written  meflage  to 
the  Governor,  containing  their  thankful  acknow- 
ledgments, for   his    kind   fpeeeh,  and   gratefully 
embracing  his  offers,  refpecting  what  they  defired 
to  be  inferted  in  their  charter. 

A  committee  of  each  houfe  was  thereupon  apr 
pointed  to  draw  up  the  charter ,  with  amendments: 
Thofe  of  the  Council  were,  John  Moll,  for  New* 
cqftle;  Francis  Whitewell,  for  Kent;  William  Clark  9 
for  Sujfex ;  James  Harrifon,  for  Bucks ;  William 
Clayton,  for  Chejler;  and  Thomas  Holme,  for  Phi- 
ladelphia. The  committee  of  Aflembly  were: 
James  Williams,  for  New-cajlle;  Benony  Bifhop, 
for  Kent;  Luke  Waif  on,  for  Suffex;  Thomas  Fitz- 
<water,  £or  Bucks;  Dennis  Rochford,  for  Chejler; 
and  Thomas  Wynne,  the  Speaker,  for  Philadelphia 
county. 

At  a  council  held  the  30*.  of  the  Firft-month,     A  new 
this  year,  the  charter  being  prepared  and  read,  charter  ob- 
figned,  fealed  and  delivered  by  the  Governor,  was 
received  by  James  Harrifon,  Thomas  Wynne,  and 
another  member,  on  behalf  of  the  arTembly  and  free-  tary 
men,  who  returned  the  old  one  to  the  Governor, 
•with  the  hearty  thanks  of  the  whole  houfe ;  which 
new  charter  may  befeen  in  the  appendix,  No.  3. 

By 


240  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1683.  By  this  charter  the  provincial  council  was  to  con- 
v-x^v^  fid  of  eighteen  perfons,  three  from  each  county; 
pur  o-t  of  anc^  t^le  auf*emkly  was  to  ke  compofed  of  thirty-fix; 
ttudhar-0  men of  m°ft note,  for  virtue,  wifdom  and  ability ; 
t*,  &c.  by  whom,  with  the  Governor,  all  laws  were  to  be 

made,  officers  chofen,  and  public  affairs  tranfa&ed, 

in  the  manner  therein  expreffed. 

This  charter  continued  in  force  till  after  the  re- 
volution, in  England;  and  though  in  fome  parts, 
it  was  formed  upon  a  generous  plan;  yet  all  the 
laws  were  thereby  dill  to  be  prepared  and  propofed 
by  the  Governor  and  Council ;  and  the  number  of 
ArTemblymen  were  to  be  increafed  at  their  pleafure. 
This  charter,  with  another,  which  followed,  in 
the  year  1696,  feemed  to  be  only  preparatory  to 
thelafl  Charter  of  Privileges,  granted  in  1701. 

This  was  the  laft  affair  tranfa&ed  at  this  feflion ; 

which  continued  twenty- two  days. — The  Gover- 

A  feal  for  nor  and  Council,  among  other  regulations,  efta- 

eachcoun-  bliflied  a  Seal,  for  each  county,  viz.  for  Philadel* 

phia,  an  Anchor;  for  Bucks,  a  Tree  &  Vine;  for 

Chejier,  a  Plow;  for  New-CaJlle,  a  Cqffta;  for  Kent, 

three  Ears  of  Indian  Corn ;  and  for  Suffex,  a  Wheat 

Sheaf. 

Firftshe-      The  firft  iheriffs,  appointed  for  each  county, 

riffs.          were:  for  Philadelphia,  John  Teji ;  Chefter,  Thomas 

Ufher;  Bucks,  Richard  Noble;  New-Caftle,  Edmund 

Cantwell;  Kent,  Peter  Bowcomb ;  Suffex,  John  Vines. 

Firft  grand      The  firft  Grand  Jury,  in  Pennfyhania,  was  fum- 
jury,  &c.    mone(j  on  the  fecClnd  of  the  third  month,  this  year, 
(1683)  upon   fome  perfons,    accufed   of  iffuing 
counterfeit   filver   money.      The  Governor  and 
Council  fat,  as  a  Court  of  Juftice,  on  the  occafion. 
The  names  of  thofe  impanelled  and  attefled  to  ferve 
Names  of    on  the  Grand  Jury  were,  Thomas  Lloyd,  Foreman, 
try,  Enoch  Flower,  Richard  Wood,  John  Harding,  John 
"&<.    Hill,  Edward  Lotiff,  James  Boy  den,  Nicholas  Walne, 
John  James,  John  Vanborfon,  Robert  Hall,  Valen- 
tine Hollingfivorth,  Alexander  Draper,  John  Louff, 

John 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  241 

John  Wale,  Samuel  Darke,   John   Parfons,  John    1683. 

,  J 


Blunfton,  Thomas  Fitzwater,  William  Gueji,  John 
Curtis,  Robert  Lucas,  Henry  Jones  and  Caleb  Pufey. 

A  bill  or  bills,  being  found  by  the  Grand  Jury,    Names  of 
a  Petty  Jury  was  therefore  impanelled  and  attefted;  pf  the  petty 
whofe    names    were:    John    Claypoole,   Foreman,  JU 
Robert    Turner,   Robert   Ewer,  Andrew   Binkfon, 
John  Barnes,  Jofeph  Fijhcr,  Dennis  Rochford,  Wil- 
liam  Howell,   Walter  King,  Benjamin  Whitehead, 
Thomas  Roufe  and  David  Breintnall. 

They    convicted   a   perfon,  whofe   name   was    Thefen. 
Pickering,  and   two   others,  his   accomplices,  oftencePaffe<J 
coining  and  (lamping  filver,  in  the  form  of  Spantfh  f0nrca0^°° 
pieces,  with  the  alloy  of  too  much  copper  in  it.  feiting  mo- 
Upon  which    Pickering's   fentence,  as   principal,  ney- 
was,  that   for  this  high  mifdemeanour,  whereof 
his  country  had  found  him  guilty,  he  mould  make 
full  fatisfa&ion,  in  good  and  current  pay,  to  every 
perfon,  who  fhould,  within  the  fpace  of  one  month, 
bring  in  any  of  this  falfe,  bafe  and  counterfeit 
coin,  (which  the  next  day  was  to  be  called  in  by 
proclamation,)  according  to  their  refpective  pro- 
portions; and  that  the  money  brought  in,  fhould 
be  melted  down  before  it  was  returned  to  him; 
and  that  he  fhould  pay  a  fine  of  forty  pounds  to- 
wards the  building  of  a  Court-houfe,  fland  com- 
mitted till  the  fame  was  paid,  and  afterwards  find 
fecurity  for  his  good  behaviour. 

This  and  all  other  affairs,,  before  the  Council,     w.penn 
being  fmifhed,  and  the  members  returned  to  their  finiihe9  hhj 
habitations,   the   Proprietary   applied   himfelf  to  jjuiatfoi/of 
finifh  his  plan,  and  regulate  the  ftreets,  of  his  fa-  Phia<ki- 
vorite  city,  Philadelphia. 

This  city  is  fituated  forty  degrees,  or  more  pre- 

.<«  i  /  t~        •  r  i        Sit«ati^\ 

cifely  39  degrees,  56  minutes,  54  feconds,  north  Of  thc  city 
from  the  equator,  and  about  feventy-five  degrees,  *c- 
or  more  accurately  5  hours,  o  minutes,  35  fe- 

conds, 
[30 


242  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  conds,  weft  from  London,  on  the  weft  fide  of  the 
v^w*  river  Delaware;   which    river,  at  this   place,   is 
near  one  mile  broad,  at  the  diftance  of  about  forty 
leagues  from  the  fea,  along  the  courfe  of  the  river 
and  bay.     The  river  Sculkil,  which  is  a  branch  of 
the  Delaware^  and  here  runs  nearly  parallel  to  it, 
at  the  diftance  of  two  miles  weftward,  is  broad 
and  deep  enough  for  large  fhips,  at  this  place; 
but,  by  reafon  of  zfand-bar,  at  its  mouth,  where 
it  enters  the  Delaware,  about  four  miles  below  the 
city,  its  navigation,  for  large  veflels,  is  obftru&ed: 
And  it  has  jfa//.r  about  five  miles  above  the  city,  to 
which  the  tide  runs,  and  no  further.     Over  which 
falls,  or  rocks,  at  certain   times,  in   floods   and 
frefhes,  boats  and  fmall  craft  pafs  down  to  the 
city,  with  country  produce,  as,  iron,  wheat,  flour, 
&c.  from  the  interior  parts  of  the  province.     The 
tide  rifes,  in  the  Delaware,  generally  about  fix 
feet,  at  the  city,  and  flows  near  thirty  miles  above 
it,  to  the  falls  at  Trenton,  on  the  Jerfiy  more,  and 
is  navigable  all  the  way  for  large  (hipping,  as  far 
as  that  place.     But  the  extent  of  this  river,  inclu- 
ding all  its  curves  and  windings,  above  thefefal/s, 
(much  of  which  may  eafily  be  made  navigable)  is 
not  yet  precifely  known. 

The  original  plan  of  this  city,  as  confirmed 
by  charter,  dated  October  25th.  1701,  extends, 
in  length,  between  the  river  Delaware,  on  the 
eaft,  and  Sculkil,  on  the  weft  of  it,  about  two 

JDcicnption  i     •         •       i  iv  *i  i 

of  the  plan  miles ;   and  is,  in  breadth,  one  mile  nearly  ?  on 

of  PhiiaCe^  ea°k  r*ven     ^he  ftreets>  which    run  right,  and 

phia,  &c! "  exactly  parallel  to  each  other,   nearly  eaft  and 

weft,  from  river  to  river,  are  nine  in  number, 

and    they   are   interfered,    at   right   angles,    by 

twenty-three  others,  running  nearly  parallel  with 

the  rivers,  north  and  fouth ;  none  being  lefs  than 

fifty,  nor  more  than  one  hundred  feet  broad. 

The  Proprietor  like  wife  afligned  five  fquares, 
within   this  plan,  for  the  public  ufe  of  the  city, 

with 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  243 

with    other   beneficial  regulations;  whofe  future    1683. 
great  importance  to  the  city,  having  fmce  not  been 
fufficiently  confidered   and  attended  to,  fon^e  of 
them  have  either  been  negle&ed,  or  violated. 

The  largeft  public  fquare,  at  the  center,  it  is 
faid,  was  intended  to  contain  ten  acres  of  land  j  the 
other  four,  eight  acres  each.  In  the  original 
plan  by  Thomas  Holme,  Surveyor  General,  the 
proportions,  dimenfions  and  fituations  of  all  the 
original  fquares  and  ftreets,  with  the  names  of  the 
latter,  then  given  them,  and  (till  generally  retain- 
ed, are  exhibited,  as  well  as  in  the  following  de- 
fcription  of  it,  viz. 

The  diftances  of  the  ftreets  from  each  other, 
from  eaft  to  weft,  with  their  names  and  dimen- 
fions are: — 

From  Delaware  Front-ftreet  to  Second  ftreet, 
Second-ftreet  to  Third-ftreet, 
Third  to  Fourth,  * 

Fourth  to  Fifth,  - 

Fifth  to  Sixth,         - 
Sixth  to  Seventh,  - 

Seventh  to  Eighth, 
Eighth  to  Ninth, 
Ninth  to  Tenth,       - 
Tenth  to  Eleventh,         - 
Eleventh  to  Broad-ftreet, 
Ten  ftreets,  50  feet  each, 

Diftance  from  Delaware  Front-ftreet  to  Broad-ftreet, 
Diftance  from  Sculkil  Front-ftreet  to  Broad-ftreet, 
Broad-ftreet,  -  -  * 

Diftance  on  High-ftreet,  between  the  two  Front- 
ftreets  of  Delaware  and  Sculkil,  exclufive  of  the 
faid  two  ftreets,  and  their  diftances  from  each  ri- 
ver, equal  to  two  miles,  wanting  304  feet.*  -  10,276 

The 


*  The  breadth  of  the  Front-ftreets,  on  Delaware  and 
not  then  afcertained,  when  the  plan  was  firft  made;  nor  the  fpace  of 
ground  between  them  and  the  refpe<ftive  rivers;  fo  that  the  whole  dif- 
t  ance  from  river  to  river,  appears  to  be  fomewhat  more  than  two  miles, 
at  leaft  in  fonie  part  of  the  plan. 

The 


244  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.       The  diftances,  names  and  dimenfions  of  all  the 
v-x*v>w/  ftreets,  from  north  to  fouth,  are: — 

From  Vine-ftreet  to  SafTarras-ftreet,     -  feet  612 

SaiFafras  to  Mulberry,  -  -        614 

Mulberry  to  High,          -  -  -  663 

High  to  Chefnut,      -  -  '497 

Chefnut  to  Walnut,  -  510 

Walnut  to  Spruce,  -  -  821 

Spruce  to  Pine,  -  468 

Pine  to  Cedar,  -  •  652 

Seven  ftreets,  50  feet  each,  350 

High-ftreet  loofeet,  Mulberry-ftreet,  66  feet,       166 

Diftance  from  Cedar-ftreet  to  Vine-ftreet,  inclufive, 
equal  to  one  mile  and  73  feet,  north  and  fouth 
nearly,  including  all  the  ftreets,  5353 

William 

The  following  printed  account  is  faid  to  be  an  extract  from  Thomas 
Holms' t  description  of  this  plan  of  the  city,  viz. 

"  The  city,  as  the  model  ftiews,  confifts  of  a  large  Front-jlreet,  on  each 
river,  and  a  High-fir -eet,  near  the  middle,  from  ri^er  to  river,  of  one 
hundred  feet  broad;  and  a  Sroad-Jlreet,  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  from 
fide  to  fide,  of  the  like  breadth.  In  the  centre  of  the  city,  is  a  fqua;-s 
cf  ten  acres;  at  each  angle  to  build  houfes  for  public  affairs.  There  is 
alfo  in  each  quarter  of  the  city,  a  fquare  of  eight  acres,  to  be  for  the  like 
ufes,  as  Moorfeldst  in  London;  and  eight  ftreets,  befides  the  faid  High- 
Jlreet,  that  run  from  river  to  river,  or  from  Front  to  Front;  and  twenty 
ftreets  befides  the  Broad-Jlreet,  and  two  front-greets,  that  run  acrofs  the 
city,  from  fide  to  fide;  allthcfe  ftreets  are  fifty  feet  broad.*' — 

Similar  to  this  defcription  of  the  plan,  is  that  of  Olamixon,  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  Britifl  colonies,  printed  in  London,  1708;  who  affirms,  he 
had  his  information  from  William  Penn  himfelf; — "  The  town  was  laid 
out,  and  a  draught  taken  of  it,  by  Mr.  Thomas  Holme,  Surveyor  Gene- 
ral of  the  province;  which  lies  now  before  me,*'  &c. 

— — — — "  In  the  centre  is  a  fquare  of  ten  acres ,  for  the  jlate-houfe,  mar- 
let-boufeyfclool-boufe,  and  chief  meeting-boufe  of  the  Quakers" — "  In  each 
quarter  of  this  city  is  a  fquare  of  eight  actes,  to  be  for  the  like  ufe?,  as 
Moorfeldsy  in  London"  &c. 

OLDMIXON,  &c. 

William  Penn,  in  anfwer  to  a  remonftrance  and  addrefs  to  him,  from 
feveral  of  the  adventurers,  freeholders  and  inhabitants,  in  the  city  of  Philadel- 
phia, refpe&ing  the  front,  or  bank,  lots,  along  the  fide  of  Delaware, 
(who  in  the  ninth  article  thereof,  claimed  the  privilege  to  build  vaults,  or 
Jlores,  in  the  bank,  again/?  their  refpe&ive  lots,  and  to  enjoy  them,  as  their  right, 
&c.)  dated  the  3d.  of  the  Sixth  month,  1684,  thus  exprefles  himfelf,  on 
this  part  of  it;  (which  is  here  taken  from  his  own  hand  writing,  indorfed 
on  the  back  of  it)  and  further  {hews  his  intention,  in  regard  to  that  part 
of  this  plan  of  the  city,  viz. 

"  The  bank  is  a  top  common,  from  end  to  end; — The  reft,  next  the 
water,  belongs  \JQ  front-lot  men  no  more  than  lack-lot  men:  The  way 
bounds  them;  they  may  build  ftairs;— and  the  top  of  the  bank,  a  common 

exchange, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  245 

William  Penn,  having  finifhed  what  related  to    1683. 
this  excellent  plan,  by  the  latter  end  of  the  Fifth,  v-x-y^x 
or  the  beginning  of  the  Sixth  month,  to  the  ge-    The  pro. 
neral  fatisfadion  of  thofe  concerned,  writ  a  let-  Sritwmn 
ter  to  the  committee  of  the  Freefociety  of  traders^  account  of 
in   London,  giving  fome   account  of  it,  and   the  *nceTto 
country,  in   general,  with   fuch   obfervations,  as  the  fodcty 
the  fliort  fpace  of  time,  he  had  reilded,  and  his  of  tradersr< 
hurry  of  bufmefs,  in  it,  had  permitted  him   to 
make. 

It  exhibits  a  fpecimen  of  the  author's  attention    w  Penn 
to   a  variety  of  objects,  at  the  fame  time:  for,  attentive  to 
while  he  was  fo  much  employed  in  the  important  *h™nsety  of 
eflablimment  of  legiflative  and  civil  government, 
to  benefit  future  times,  it  difcovers  a  genius  not 
lefs  capable  of  juft  obfervation  and  judgment,  in 
the  inferior  departments  of  univerfal  improvement, 
than  his  general  conduct  otherwife  declared  him  to 
be  matter  of  that  true  philofophy  and  beft  wifdorn^ 

which 

txcbange,  or  •wall;  and  againft  the  ftreet  common  wharfs  may  be  built 
freely;— but  into  the  water,  and  the  fhore,  is  no  purchafer*s,"  &c.  M.  S. 

Dr.  Dou  las,  of  Bdjlon,  in  his  fummary  of  the  Brltijb  fettlements  in 
America,  makes  the  following  obfervations,  on  the  variation  of  the  com- 
fafs,  at  Philadelphia ,  viz. 

"  The  ftreets  of  Philadelphia,  (fays  he)  anno  i68z,  were  laid  out 
with  great  precifenefs,  north  18  degrees  eaft:  anno  1742,  they  were 
found  to  be  15  degrees  eaft.  This  is  three  degrees  alteration,  in  fixty 
years,  or  about  one  degree  every  twenty  years  decreafing. 

"  In  the  parallel  of  39  degrees,  in  running  the  line  between  Pennfyl- 
•uania,  and  Maryland,  in  1686,  the  variation  was  found  to  be  9  degrees 
weflerly.  In  1739,  J'n  running  the  eaft  and  weft  line,  it  was  found  5 
degrees  30  minutes  weft;  difference  3  degrees,  30  minutes,  in  fifty-three 
years. 

"  In  1743,  the  divifion  line  was  run  between  Eajl  and  Wfft-Jerfeyl 
150  miles,  ao  chains;  when  the  variation  of  the  fouth  end  thereof,  at 
Egg  Harbour,  was  5  degrees,  15  minutes  weft;  and  at  the  north  end,  on 
Delaware  river,  in  latitude  41  degrees,  40  minutes,  it  was  6  degrees, 
35  minutes  weft. 

"  In  the  furvey,  1739,  of  the  eaft  and  weft  divifional  line  (about  15 
miles  fouthward  of  Philadelphia)  between  Pennfylvania  and  Maryland; 
the  furveyor  allowed  a  variation  of  5  degrees,  30  minutes,  weft ;  and 
found  there  was  about  one  degree  variation  thereof,  for  every  twenty 
late  years. 

"  At  Cape  Hinlopen,  j  748,  the  variation  of  the  compafs  was  4-  de- 
grees weft,  decreafing." 


246  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1  683.  which  is  more  nearly  eflential  to  mental  felicity;  of 
t^v^  which  he  was  ever  fo  generous  and  communicative, 
It  is  the  befl  account,  though  only  an  imperfect 
fketch,  of  the  original  ftate  of  the  province,  of 
its  Aborigines,  arid  natural  hiftory,  that  is  to  be 
found  in  thofe  times,  as  follows  :  — 


^  letter  from  William  Penn>  Proprietor  and  Go- 
thpro-  vernor  of  Pennfylvania,  in  America,  to  the  com- 

vince,  &c.  mittee  of  the  Free  fociety  of  traders  of  that  pro- 

vince, reftding  in  London:  containing  a  general 
defer  iption  of  the  fajd  province,  its  foil,  air,  wa- 
ter, feafons  and  produce,  both  natural  and  artifi- 
cial, and  the  good  increafe  thereof.  With  an  ac- 
count of  the  natives,  or  aborigines. 
"  My  kind  Friends, 

introduo  "  The  kindnefs  of  yours,  by  the  mip  Thomas 
tion,  &c.  anci  dnn,  doth  much  oblige  me;  for,  by  it  I  per- 
ceive the  inter  eft,  you  take  in  my  health  and  repu- 
tation, and  the  profperous  beginning  of  this  pro- 
vince; which,  you  are  fo  kind  as  to  think,  may 
much  depend  upon  them.  In  return  of  which  I 
have  fent  you  a  long  letter,  and  yet  containing  as 
brief  an  account  of  myfelf,  and  the  affairs  of  this 
province,  as  I  have  been  able  to  make. 

He  has  "  In  the  firft  place,  I  take  notice  of  the  news, 
enemies  at  yOU  fent  me.  whereby  I  find,  fome  perfons  have 
abfence?&c!  had  fo  little  wit,  and  fo  much  malice,  as  to  re- 
port my  death;  and,  to  mend  the  matter,  dead  a 
yefuit  too.  One  might  have  reafonably  hoped, 
that  this  diflance,  like  death,  would  have  been  a 
protection  againft  fpite  and  envy;  and,  indeed* 
abfence,  being  a  kind  of  death,  ought  alike  to  fe- 
cure  the  name  of  the  abfent,  as  the  dead;  becaufe 
they  are  equally  unable,  as  fuch,  to  defend  them- 
felves:  but  they,  that  intend  mifchief,  do  not  ufe 
to  follow  good  rules  to  efFecl  it.  However  to  the 
great  forrow  and  mame  of  the  inventors,  I  am  ftill 
alive,  and  no  Jefuit;  and  I  thank  God,  very  well. 
And,  without  injuftice  to  the  authors  of  this,  I 

may 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  247 

may  venture  to  infer,  that  they  that  wilfully  and    1683. 
falfely  report,  would  have  been  glad  it  had  been  fo.  \***r^ 
But  I  perceive  many  frivolous  and  idle  flories  have 
been  invented  fince  my  departure  from  England; 
which,  perhaps,  at  this  time,  are  no  more  a/live 
than  I  am  dead. 

cc  But,  if  I  have  been  unkindly  ufed,  by  fome  I 
left  behind  me,  I  found  love  and  refpeft  enough, 
where  I  came;  an  univerfal  kind  welcome,  every 
fort  in  their  way.     For,  here  are  fome  of  feveral  He  is  kind- 
nations,  as  well  as  divers  judgments:  nor  were  the  \r  treated 
natives  wanting  in  this;  for  their  kings,  queens,  ^^  pro" 
and  great  men,  both  vifited  and  prefented  me;  to 
whom  I  made  fuitable  returns,  &c. 

"  For  the  province,  the  general  condition  of  it, 
take  as  folio weth: — 

I.  "  The  country  itfelf,  its  foil,  air,  water,  fea-      of  the 
fons  and  produce,  both  natural  and  artificial,  is  country, 
not  to  be  defpifed.     The  land  containetk  divers  fo^d^ 
forts  of  earth,  as,  fand,  yellow  and  black,  poor  &c. 

and  rich:  alfo  gravel,  both  loamy  and  dufty ;  and, 
in  fome  places,  a  faft  fat  earth ;  like  our  beft  vales, 
in  England;  efpecially  by  inland  brooks  and  rivers : 
God,  in  his  wifdom,  having  ordered  it  fo,  that 
the  advantages  of  the  country  are  divided;  the 
back  lands  being  generally  tnree  to  one  richer, 
than  thofe  that  lie  by  navigable  rivers.  We  have 
much  of  another  foil;  and  that  is  a  black  hazel- 
tnould,  upon  a  ilony,  or  rocky,  bottom. 

II.  "  The  air  is  fweet  and  clear,  the  Heavens   Of  the  air. 
ferene,  like  the  fouth  parts  of  Francs ,  rarely  over- 

caft;  and,  as  the  woods  come,  by  numbers  of 
people,  to  be  more  cleared,  that  itfelf  will  refine. 

III.  "The  waters  are  generally  good;  fortheWatcrf 
rivers  and  brooks  have  moflly  gravel  and  ftony 
bottoms;  and  in  number,  hardly  credible.     We 
have  alfo  mineral  waters,  that  operate  in  the  fame 
manner  with  Barnet  and  North  Hall,  not  two  miles 
from  Philadelphia. 


248  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1683.        IV,  "  For  the  feafons  of  the  year,  having,  by 

t-^v*O  God's  goodnefs,  ROW  lived  over  the  coldeft  and 

hotteft,  that  the  oldeft  liver  in  the  province  can 

remember,  I  can  fay  fomething  to  an  Englijh  un- 

derftanding. 

rail.  «  Firft,  Of  the  fall;  for  then  I  came  in:  I 
found  it,  from  the  24th.  of  October,  to  the  be- 
ginning of  December,  as  we  have  it  ufually,  in 
England,  in  September,  or  rather  like  an  Englijb 
mild  fprhg.  From  December  to  the  beginning 

Winter.  of  ^g  montn  caned  March,  we  had  (harp  frofty 
weather;  not  foul,  thick,  black  weather,  as  our 
north  eaft  winds  bring  with  them,  in  England; 
but  a  iky  as  clear  as  in  fummer,  and  the  air  dry, 
cold,  piercing  and  hungry;  yet  I  remember  not 
that  I  wore  more  cloaths,  than  in  England.  The 
reafon  of  this  cold  is  given,  from  the  great  lakes, 
that  are  fed  by  the  fountains  of  Canada.  The 
Winter  before  was  as  mild,  fcarce  any  ice  at  all; 
while  this,  for  a  few  days,  froze  up  our  great  river 
Delaware.  From  that  month,  to  the  month  cal- 

Spring.  led  June,  we  enjoyed  a  fweet  Spring;  no  gufts, 
but  gentle  fhowers,  and  a  fine  fky.  Yet,  this  I 
obferve,  that  the  winds  here,  as  there,  are  more 
inconftant,  Spring  and  Fall,  upon  that  turn  of 
nature,  than  in  Summer,  or  Winter.  From  thence 
of  the  to  this  prefent  month,  (Augufl)  which  endeth  the 
Summer.  5ummer?  (commonly  fpeaking)  we  have  had  ex- 
traordinary heats,  yet  mitigated  fometimes  by 
cool  breezes.  The  wind,  that  ruleth  the  Summer 
feafon,  is  the  fouth  weft;  but  fpring,  fall  and 
winter,  it  is  rare  to  want  the  north-weftern  feven 
days  together.  And  whatever  mifts,  fogs,  or  va- 
pours, foul  the  Heavens  by  eafterly,  or  foutherly 
winds,  in  two  hours  time,  are  blown  away;  the 
one  is  followed  by  the  other:  A  remedy,  that 
feems  to  have  a  peculiar  providence  in  it,  to  the 
inhabitants;  the  multitude  of  trees,  yet  (landing, 
being  liable  to  retain  mifts  and  vapours;  and  yet 
not  one  quarter  fo  thick  as  I  expected. 

«  The 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  249 

V.  "  The  natural  produce  of  the  country,  of  1683. 
vegetables,  is  trees,  fruits,  plants,  flowers.     The  v^^rx^ 
trees  of  mod  note,  are  the  black  walnut,  cedar,    Natural 
cyprefs,  chefnut,  poplar,  gum-wood,  hickory,  faf-*™  uce' 
fafras,  afh,  beech,  and   oak   of  divers   forts,  as, 
red,  white  and  black;  Spanifh,  chefnut,  and  fwamp, 
the  molt  durable  of  all.     Of  all  which  there  is 
plenty,  for  the  ufe  of  man. 

"  The  fruits,  that  I  find  in  the  woods,  are  the  Fraits. 
white  and  black  mulberry,  chefnut,  walnut,  plums, 
ftrawberries,  cranberries,  hurtleberries,  and  grapes 
of  divers  forts.  The  great  red  grape  (now  ripe) 
called  by  ignorance,  the  fox  grape,  becaufe  of  the 
relifh  it  hath  with  unfkilful  palates,  is  in  itfelf  an  Grapes, 
extraordinary  grape;  and  by  art,  doubtlefs,  may 
be  cultivated  to  an  excellent  wine,  if  not  fo  fweet, 
yet  little  inferior  to  the  Frontiniac,  as  it  is  not  much 
unlike  in  tafte,  ruddinefs  fetafide;  which,  in  fuch 
things,  as  well  as  mankind,  differs  the  cafe  much. 
There  is  a  white  kind  of  Mujkadel,  and  a  little 
black  grape,  like  the  duller  grape  of  England, 
not  yet  fo  ripe  as  the  other;  but  they  tell  me, 
when  ripe,  fweeter,  and  that  they  only  want  fkil- 
ful  Vinerons,  to  make  good  ufe  of  them.  I  intend 
to  venture  on  it  with  my  Frenchman,  this  feafon, 
who  fhews  fo  me  knowledge  in  thofe  things.  Here 
are  alfo  peaches  very  good,  and  in  great  quantities;  peachcs. 
not  an  Indian  plantation  without  them;  but  whe-. 
ther  naturally  here  at  firft,  I  know  not.  However 
one  may  have  them,  by  bufhels,  for  little:  they 
make  a  pleafant  drink;  and  I  think,  not  inferior 
to  any  peach  you  have  in  England,  except  the  true 
Newington.  It  is  difputable  with  me,  whether  it 
be  beft  to  fall  to  fining  the  fruits  of  the  country, 
efpecially  the  grape,  by  the  care  and  (kill  of  art, 
or  fend  for  foreign  ftems  and  fets,  already  good 
and  approved.  It  feems  mod  reafonable  to  be- 
lieve, that  not  only  a  thing  groweth  bed,  where 
it  naturally  grows,  but  will  hardly  be  equalled  by 

another 


250  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  another  fpecies  of  the  fame  kind,  that  doth  not 
naturally  grow  there.  But,  to  folve  the  doubt,  I 
intend,  if  God  give  me  life,  to  try  both,  and  hope 
the  confequence  will  be,  as  good  wine,  as  any 
European  countries,  of  the  fame  latitude,  do  yield. 

Artificial       VI.  "  The  artificial  produce  of  the  country  is 

produce,     wheat,  barley,*  oats,  rye,  peas,  beans,  fquafhes, 

pumkins,    water-melons,    mufk-melons,    and   all 

herbs  and  roots,   that  our  gardens  in  England^ 

ufualiy  bring  forth. 

Of  animals,      VII.  "  Of  living  creatures;  fifh,  fowl,  and  the 
&c>  beads  of  the  woods;  here  are  divers  forts,  fome 

Beafts.        for  food  and  profit,  and  fome  for  profit  only:  For 
food,  as  well  as  profit,  the  elk,  as  big  as  a  fmall 
ox;  deer,  bigger  than  ours;  beaver,  raccoon,  rab- 
bits, fquirrels;  and  fome  eat  young  bear,  and  corn- 
Birds,        mend  it.     Of  fowl  of  the  land,  there  is  the  turkey, 
(forty  and  fifty  pounds  weight)  which  is  very  great  ^ 
pheafants,  heath-birds,  pigeons  and  partridges,  in 
abundance.     Of  the  water,  the  fwan,  goofe,  white 
and  grey;  brands,  ducks,  teal,  alfo  the  fnipe  and 
curloe,  and  that  in  great  numbers;  but  the  duck 
and  teal  excel ;  nor  fo  good  have  I  ever  eat  in  ether 
Fifh,  &c.    countries.     Of  fiih,  there  is  the  fturgeon,  herring, 
rock,    mad,   cats-head,    iheeps-head,    eel,    fmelt, 
pearch,  roach;  and  in  inland- rivers,  trout,  fome 
fay,  falmon,  above  the  falls.    Of  mell-fim,  we  have 
oyllers,  crabs,  coccles,  conchs  and  mufcles;  fome 
oyfters  fix  inches  long ;  and  one  fort  of  coccles  as 
big  as  the  dewing  oyfcers;  they  make  a  rich  broth. 
The  creatures  for  profit  only,   by  fkin,    or  fura 
'and  that  are  natural  to  thefe  parts,  are  the  wild- 
cat, panther,  otter,  wolf,  fox,  fifher,  minx,  mufk- 
whak fiih- rat ;  and    of  the    water,    the   whale,  for    oil;  of 
cry,  &c.  in  which  we  have  good  More ;  and  two  companies  of 
2  bay'      whalers ;  whofe  boats  are  built,  will  foon  begin 

*  "  Ediuard  Jones,  fon-in-law  to  Thomas  V/ynr.;,  living  OH  the  Scul- 
kil,  had,  with  ordinary  cultivation;  for  one  grain  of  Engl'Jb  barley,  fe- 
ver, ty  ftalks  and  cars  of  barley :  and  it  is  common  in  this  country,  from 
one  bufhel  fown,  to  reap  forty,  often  'fifty,  and  foraetiraes  futy,  And 
three  pecks  of  wheat  fow  an  acre  here." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  251 

their  work;  which  hath  the  appearance  of  a  con-    1683. 
fiderable  improvement:  to  fay  nothing  of  our  rea- 
fonable  hopes  of  good  cod,  in  the  bay. 

VIII.  "  We  have  no  want  of  horfes;  and  fome 

are    very  good,  and  fhapely   enough;  two  fhips  cattle,  &c. 
have  been  freighted  to  Barbadoes  with  horfes  and 
pipe-ftaves,   fmce  my   coining   in.     Here  is  alfo 
plenty  of  cow-cattle,  and  fome  fheep ;  the  people 
plow  moilly  with  oxen. 

IX.  "  There  are  divers   plants,  that  not  only    Medicinal 
the  Indians  tell  us,  but  we  have  had  occafion  to  plants,  &c. 
prove,    by    fwellings,    burnings,    cuts,    &c.    that 

they  are  of  great  vittue,  fuddenly  curing  the  pati- 
ent; and,  for  fmell,  I  have  obferved  feveral,  efpe- 
ciaily  one,  the  wild  myrtle;  the  other  I  know  not 
what  to  call,  but  are  mod  fragrant. 

X.  "  The  woods  are  adorned  with  lovely  flow-  Fiower8j0f 
ers,  for  color,  greatnefs,  figure  and  variety.     I  the  woods, 
have  feen  the  gardens  of  London  bed  flored  with  &c* 
that  fort  of  beauty,  but  think  they  may  be  im- 
proved by  our  woods :  I  have  fent  a  few  to  a  perfon 

of  quality  this  year,  for  a  trial. 

"  Thus  much  of  the  country;  next,  of  the  na- 
tives., or  aborigines. 

XL  "  The  natives  I  mall  confider,  in  their  per-    of  the  In- 
fons,  language,  manners,  religion  and  government,  diamorab- 
with  my  fenie  of  their  original.    For  their  perfons,  ongllies- 
they  are  generally  tall,  ilraight,  well-built,  and  of  Their 
fmgular  proportion;  they  tread  ftrongand  clever;  fons. 
and  moflly  walk  with  a  lofty  chin.  Of  complexion, 
black,  but  by  defign;  as  the  Gypfies,  in  England. 
They  greafe  themfelves  with  bear's  fat  clarified; 
and  ufmg   no   defence  againfl  fun,   or  weather, 
their  fkins  mufl  needs  be  fwarthy.     Their  eye  is 
little  and  black,  not  unlike  a  ftraight  looked  Jew. 
The  thick  lip,  and  flat  nofe,  fo  frequent  with  the 
Eaft  Indians  and  blacks,  are  not  common  to  them: 
For  I   have   feen  as  comely  European  like  faces 

among 


252  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.   among  them,  of  both,  as  on  your  fide  the  fea; 
vwNw>  and  truly  an  Italian  complexion  hath  not  much 
more  of  the  white;  and  the  nofes  of  feveral  of 
them  have  as  much  of  the  Roman. 

Their  lan-      XII.  "   Their    language  is    lofty,  yet  narrow; 

guage.  fout^  Uke  t}le  Hebrew,  in  fignification,  full;  like 
fhort-hand,  in  writing,  one  word  ferveth  in  the 
place  of  three,  and  the  refl  are  fupplied  by  the 
underftanding  of  the  hearer:  imperfect  in  their 
tenfes,  wanting  in  their  moods,  participles,  ad- 
verbs, conjunctions,  inter] edions.  I  have  made 
it  my  bufmefs  to  underftand  it,  that  I  might  not 
want  an  Interpreter,  on  any  occafion;  and  I  muft 
fay,  that  I  know  not  a  language  fpoken,  in  Eu- 
rope, that  hath  words  of  more  fweetnefs,  or  great- 
nefs,  in  accent  and  emphafis,  than  theirs;  for  in- 
ftance,  Odocockon,  Rancocas,  Orifton,  Shak,  Ma- 
rian, Pcqueften;  all  which  are  names  of  places; 
and  have  grandeur  in  them.  Of  words  of  fweet- 
nefs, Anna,  is  mother;  I/pmus,  a  brother;  Netcap, 
friend;  Ufqueoret,  very  good;  Pane,  bread;  Met- 
fa,  eat;  Matta,  no;  Hatta,  to  have;  Payo,  to 
come;  Sepaffen,  Pajfijon,  the  names  of  places;  Ta- 
mane,  Secane,  Menanfe,  Secatcreus,  are  the  names  of 
perfons;  if  one  afk  them  for  any  thing  they  have  not, 
they  will  anfwer,  Malta  ne  hatta;  which  to  tran- 
flate,  is,  not  I  have;  infhead  of,  I  have  not. 

Their  cuf-      XIII.  "  Of  their  cufloms  and  manners,  there 
toms.         js  much  to  be  faid;  I  will  begin  with  children;  fo 
of  their  foon  as  they  are  born,  they  wafh  them  in  water; 
children,     and   while  very  young,  and  in  cold  weather  to 
chufe,  they  plunge  them  in  the  rivers,  to  harden 
and  embolden   them.     Having  wrapt  them  in  a 
clout,  they  lay  them  on  a  flrait,  thin  board,  a  lit- 
tle more  than  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  child, 
and  fwaddle  it  faft,  upon  the  board,  to  make  it 
ftraight;   wherefore    all  Indians  have  flat  heads; 
and  thus   they  carry  them  at  their  backs.     The 
children   will   go,  very  young,  at   nine   months 

commonly; 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  253 

commonly;  they  wear  only  a  fmall  clout  round 
their  waite,  till  they  are  big;  if  boys,  they  go  a 
fifhing,  till  ripe  for  the  woods;  which  is  about 
fifteen;  then  they  hunt;  and  after  having  given 
fome  proofs  of  their  manhood,  by  a  good  return 
of  fkins,  they  may  marry;  elfe  it  is  a  fhame  to 
think  of  a  wife.  The  girls  flay  with  their  mo- 
thers, and  help  to  hoe  the  ground,  plant  corn, 
and  carry  burdens;  and  they  do  well  to  ufe  them 
to  that  young,  which  they  mud  do  when  they  are 
old;  for  the  wives  are  the  true  fervants  of  the 
huibands;  otherwife  the  men  are  very  affectionate 
to  them. 

XIV.  "  When  the  young  women  are  fit  for     Time  of 
marriage,  they  wear  fomething  upon  their  heads,  marrying, 
for   an  advertifement,  but  fo,  as  their  faces  are    c* 
hardly  to  be  feen,  but  when  they  pleafe.     The  age, 

they  marry  at,  if  women,  is  about  thirteen,  and 
fourteen;  if  men,  feventeen  and  eighteen;  they 
are  rarely  elder. 

XV.  "  Their   houfes   are  mats,   or  barks   of  Their  hol> 
trees,  fet  on  poles,  in  the  fafhion  of  an  Englifn  fes,  &c. 
barn;  but  out  of  the   power  of  the  winds;  for 

they  are  hardly  higher  than  a  man;  they  lie  on 
reeds,  or  grafs.  In  travel  they  lodge  in  the  woods, 
about  a  great  fire,  with  the  mantle  of  duffils,  they 
wear  by  day,  wrapt  about  them,  and  a  few  boughs 
(hick  round  them. 

XVI.  "  Their  diet  is   maize,  or  Indian  corn,  Their  diet 
divers  ways  prepared;  fometimes  roafled  in  the 
afhes;  fometimes  beaten  and  boiled  with  water; 
which  they  call  homine ;  they  alfo  make  cakes,  not 
unpleafant  to  eat.     They  have  likewife  feveral  forts 

of  beans  and  peafe,  that  are  good  nourifhment; 
and  the  woods  and  rivers  are  their  larder. 

XVII.  "  If  an  European  comes  to  fee  them,  or  Thelr  ^ifit- 
calls  for  lodging  at  their  houfe,  or  wigwam,  they  ing,  &c. 
give  him  the  beft  place,  and  firft  cut.     If  they 

come  to   vifit  us,  they  falute  us  with  an  Itah; 

which 


254  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  which  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  Good  be  to  you,  and  fet 
V^VN->  them  down;  which  is  moflly  on  the  ground,  clofe 
to  their  heels,  their  legs  upright;  it  may  be  they 
fpeak  not  a  word,  but  oblerve  all  pafTages.  If 
you  give  them  any  thing,  to  eat,  or  drink,  well: 
for  they  will  not  afk;  and  be  it  little,  or  much,  if 
it  be  with  kindnefs,  they  are  well  pleafed,  elfe  they 
go  away  fullen,  but  fay  nothing. 

They  are      XVIII.  "  They   are  great   concealers  of  their 
revengeful,  own  refentments ;  brought  to  it,  1  believe,  by  the 

and  conceal  .          11,       °  « .;.    , 

refentment,  revenge,  that  hath  been  prachfed  among   them. 

&c-  In  either  of.thefe  they  are  not  exceeded  by  the 

Italians.  A  tragical  inflance  fell  out  fince  I  came 
into  the  country:  a  king's  daughter,  thinking  her- 
felf  flighted  by  her  hufband,  in  fuffering  another 
woman  to  lie  down  between  them,  rofe  up,  went 
out,  plucked  a  root  out  of  the  ground,  and  ate  it; 
upon  which  me  immediately  died:  and,  for  which, 
lafl  week,  he  made  an  offering  to  her  kindred,  for 
atonement,  and  liberty  of  marriage;  as  two  others 
did  to  the  kindred  of  their  wives,  that  died  a  natu- 
ral death.  For,  till  widowers  have  done  fo,  they 
muft  not  marry  again.  Some  of  the  young  women 
are  faid  to  take  undue  liberty  before  marriage,  for 
a  portion;  but  when  married,  chafle.  When  with 
child  they  know  their  hufbands  no  more,  till  deli- 
vered; and  during  their  month,  they  touch  no 
meat  they  eat  but  with  a  flick,  left  they  mould 
defile  it;  nor  do  their  hufbands  frequent  them,  till 
that  time  be  expired. 

Their  great  XIX.  "  But,  in  liberality  they  excel;  nothing 
is  too  good  for  their  friend :  give  them  a  fine  gun, 
coat,  or  other  thing,  it  may  pafs  twenty  hands  be- 
fore it  flicks :  light  of  heart,  ftrong  affections,  but 
foon  fpent.  The  mofl  merry  creatures  that  live, 
feaft  and  dance  perpetually;  they  never  have  much, 
nor  want  much :  wealth  circulateth  like  the  blood ; 
all  parts  partake;  and  though  none  mall  want  what 
another  hath,  yet  exacl  obfervcrs  of  property. 

Some 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  255 

Some  kings  have  fold,  others  prefented  me  with    1683. 
ieveral  parcels  of  land :  the  pay,  or  prefents  I  made  \-^/->w> 
them,  were  not  hoarded  by  the  particular  owners ; 
but  the  neighbouring  kings,  and  their  clans  being 
prefent,  when  the  goods  wrere  brought  out,  the 
parties,  chiefly  concerned,  confulted  what,  and  to 
whom,   they  mould  give  them.     To  every  king 
then,  by  the  hands  of  a  perfon  for  that  work  ap- 
pointed, is  a  proportion  fent,  fo  ibrted  and  folded, 
and  with  that   gravity,  that  is  admirable.     Then 
that  king  fubdivideth  it,  in  like  manner,  among 
his  dependants,  they  hardly  leaving  themfelves  an 
equal  fhare  with  one  of  their  fubjecls:  and  be  it  on 
fuch  occafions  as  feftivals,  or  at  their  common 
meals,  the  kings  diitribute,  and  to  themfelves  laft. 
They,  care  for  little;  becaufe  they  want  but  little ; 
and  the  reafon  is,  ,a  little  contents  them.     In  this 
they  are  fufficiently  revenged  on  us :  if  they  are  ig- 
norant of  our  pleafures,  they  are  alfo  free  from  our 
pains.     They  are  not  difquieted  with  bills  of  lading  maimer  ^ 
and  exchange,  nor  perplexed  with  chancery  fuits,  life,  cuf- 
and  exchequer  reckonings.     We  fweat  and  toil  to  toms>  &c' 
live ;  their  pleafure  feeds  them ;  I  mean  their  hunt- 
ing, fifhing  and  fowling;  and  this  table  is  fpread 
every  where.     They  eat  twice  a  day,  morning  and 
evening;  their   feats   and   table  are  the  ground. 
Since  the  Europeans  came  into  thefe  parts,  they   The»r  Iate 
are  grown  great  lovers  of  ftrong  liquors ^  rum  efpe-  love  of  _ 
daily;  and  for  it    exchange  the  richefl  of  their 
fkins  and  furs.     If  they  are  heated  with  liquors, 
they   are  reftlefs   till  they  have  enough  to  ileep; 
that  is  their  cry,  fome  more,  and  I  will  go  tojlsep; 
but,  when  drunk,  one  of  the  mofl  wretched  fpeda- 
cles  in  the  world ! 

XX.  "  In  ficloiefs,  impatient  to  be  cured;  and 
for  it,  give  any  thing,  efpecially  for  their  children ;  i 
to  whom  they  are  extremely  natural.    They  drink,  G; 
at  thofe  times,  a  teran,  or  deco&iqn  of  fome  roots 
in  fpring  water;  and,  if  they  eat  any  fleih,  it  mud 

be 


256  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  be  of  the  female  of  any  creature.  If  they  die, 
^^v>-/'  they  bury  the-m  with  their  apparel,  be  they  man 
or  woman;  and  the  neareft  of  kin  fling  in  fome- 
thing  precious  with  them,  as  a  token  of  their  love: 
Their  mourning  is  blacking  of  their  faces ;  which 
they  continue  for  a  year.  They  are  choice  of  the 
graves  of  their  dead;  for,  left  they  ihould  be  loft 
by  time,  and  fall  to  common  ufe,  they  pick  off  the 
grafs,  that  grows  upon  them,  and  heap  up  the 
fallen  earth,  with  great  care  and  exadnefs. 

of  their  XXI.  "  Thefe  poor  people  are  under  a  dark 
religion,  night  in  things  relating  to  religion,  to  be  fure  the 
&c'  tradition  of  it :  yet  they  believe  a  God  and  immor- 

tality, without  the  help  of  metaphyfics:  for,  they 
fay,  There  is  a  Great  King  that  made  them,  who 
dwells  in  a  glorious  country,  to  the  fouthward  of 
them;  and  that  the  fouls  of  the  good  JJo  a  II  go  thither, 
where  they  foall  live  again.  Their  worfoip  confifls 
of  two  parts,  facrifice  and  cantico.  Their  facrifice  is 
their  frrft  fruits;  the  firft  and  fatteft  buck  they 
kill,  goeth  to  the  fire;  where  he  is  all  burnt,  with 
a  mournful  ditty  of  him,  that  performeth  the 
ceremony;  but  with  fuch  marvellous  fervency, 
and  labour  of  body,  that  he  will,  even,  fweat  to 
a  foam.  The  other  part  is  their  cantico,  performed 
by  round  dances,  fometimes  words,  fometimes 
fongs,  then  fhouts;  two  being  in  the  middle,  that 
begin;  and,  by  fmging  and  drumming  on  a  board, 
dired  the  chorus.  Their  poflures,  in  the  dance, 
are  very  antick  and  differing,  but  all  keep  msafure. 
This  is  done  with  equal  earneftnefs  and  labour,  but 
great  appearance  of  joy.  In  the  fall,  when  the 
corn  cometh  in,  they  begin  to  feaft  one  another. 
Their feaft-  There  have  been  two  great  feftivals  already;  to 
ing-s,  &c.  which  all  come,  that  will.  I  was  at  one  myfelf: 
their  entertainment  was  a  great  feat  by  a  fpring, 
under  fome  fhady  trees,  and  twenty  bucks,  with 
hot  cakes  of  new  corn,  both  wheat  and  beans; 
which  they  make  up  in  a  fquare  form?  in  the  leaves 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


257 


of  theftem,  and  bake  them  in  the  afhes ;  and  after  1683. 
that  they  fall  to  dance.  But  they  that  go  muft 
carry  a  linall  prefent,  in  their  money;  it  may  be 
fixpence;  which  is  made  of  the  bone  of  a  fifti: 
the  black  is,  with  them,  as  gold;  the  white,  ftlver; 
they  call  it  all  wampum. 

XXII.  "  Their  government  is  by  Kings ;  which  Thelr  go- 
they  call  Sachama;  and  thofe  by  fuccelfion,  but  al-  vemment. 
ways  of  the  mother's  fide.     For  inftance,  the  chil- 
dren of  him,  who  is  now  king,  will  not  fucceed,  but 

his  brother  by  the  mother,  or  the  children  of  his 
lifter,  whofe  fons  (and  after  them  the  children  of 
her  daughters)  will  reign;  for  no  woman  inherits. 
The  reafon,  they  render  for  this  way  of  defcent,  is, 
that  their  iflite  may  not  be  fpurious. 

XXIII.  "  Every  King  hath  his  council;  and  that  Their  mode 
confifls  of  all  the  old  and  wife  men  of  his  nation;  ofdoiagbu- 
which,  perhaps,  is  two  hundred  people.     Nothing 

of  moment  is  undertaken,  be  it  war,  peace,  fel-  &c, 
ling  of  land,  or  traffick,  without  advifing  with 
them;  and,  which  is  more,  with  the  young  men 
too.  It  is  admirable  to  confider  how  powerful  the 
Kings  are,  and  yet  how  they  move  by  the  breath  of 
their  people.  I  have  had  occafion  to  be  in  council 
with  them,  upon  treaties  for  land,  and  to  adjuft 
the  terms  of  trade.  Their  order  is  thus:  The 
King  fits  in  the  middle  of  an  half  moon,  and  hath 
his  council,  the  old  and  wife,  on  each  hand ;  be- 
hind them,  or  at  a  little  diflance,  fit  the  younger 
fry,  in  the  fame  figure.  Having  confulted  and 
refolved  their  bufmefs,  the  King  ordered  one  of 
them  to  fpeak  to  me;  he  flood  up,  came  tome, 
and,  in  the  name  of  his  King,  fainted  me;  then 
took  me  by  the  hand,  and  told  me,  "  He  was  or- 
dered  by  his  King  to  fpeak  to  me ;  and  that  now  it 
was  not  he,  but  the  King,  that  fpoke;  becaufe 
what  he  mould  fay  was  the  King's  mind." — He 
fir  11  prayed  me,  "  To  excufe  them,  that  they  had 
not  complied  with  me,  the  lafl  time,  he  feared 
[33] 


358  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  there  might  be  fome  fault  in  the  Interpreter,  being; 
ww;  neither  Indian  nor  Englijh:  befides,  it  was  the  In- 
dian cuftom,  to  deliberate,  and  take  up  much 
time,  in  council,  before  they  refolve;  and  that,  if 
the  young  people,  and  owners  of  the  land  had 
been  as  ready  as  he,  I  had  not  met  with  fo  much 
delay." — Having  thus  introduced  his  matter,  he 
fell  to  the  bounds  of  the  land,  they  had  agreed  to 
dilpofe  of,  and  the  price ;  which  now  is  little  and 
dear;  that  which  would  have  bought  twenty  miles, 
not  buying  now  two.  During  the  time,  that  this 
perfon  fpoke,  not  a  man  of  them  was  obferved  ta 
whifper  or  fmile;  the  old,  grave;  the  young,  re- 
verent, in  their  deportment.  They  fpeak  littleft 
but  fervently,  and  with  elegance.  I  have  never 
feen  more  natural  fagacity,  confidering  them  with- 
out the  help  (I  was  going  to  fay,  the  fpoil)  of  tra- 
dition ;  and  he  will  deferve  the  name  of  wife,  that 
outwits  them,  in  any  treaty,  about  a  thing,  they 
underftand.  When  the  purchafe  was  agreed,  great 
promifes  pafled  between  us,  "  of  kindnefs  and 
good  neighbourhood,  and  that  the  Indians  and 
Englijh  muft  live  in  love  as  long  as  the  fun  gave 
light:"  Which  done,  another  made  a  fpeech  to 
the  Indians,  in  the  name  of  all  the  Sachamakers^ 
or  Kings;  firft,  to  tell  them  what  was  done ;  next, 
to  charge  and  command  them,  "  To  love  the 
Chriftians,  and  particularly  live  in  peace  with  me5 
0*  and  the  people  under  my  government;  that  many 
Governors  had  been  in  the  river;  but  that  no  Go- 
vernor had  come  himfelf  to  live  and  flay  here  be- 
fore; and  having  now  fuch  an  one,  that  had  treated 
them  well,  they  fhould  never  do  him,  or  his,  any 
wrong." — At  every  fenterice  of  which  they  fhouted, 
and  faid,  Amen,  in  their  way. 

Th«r      XXIV.  "  The  juftice  they  have  is  pecuniary: 
mode  of     In  cafe  of  any  wrong,  or  evil  fact,  be  it  murder 

kfelf'  they  at°ne  by  feafts>  and  Prefents  of  their 
wampum;  which  is  proportioned  to  tjta  quality  of 

the 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  259 

the  offence,  or  perfon  injured,  or  of  the  fexthey  1683. 
are  of.  For,  in  cafe  they  kill  a  woman,  they  pay 
double;  and  the  reafon  they  render,  is,  "That 
fhe  breedeth  children;  which  men  cannot  do." 
It  is  rare  that  they  fall  out,  if  fober;  and,  if 
drunk,  they  forgive  it,  faying,  "  It  was  the  drink, 
and  not  the  man,  that  abufed  them," 

XXV.  "  We  have  agreed,  that,  in  all  differ- 
ences between   us,  Jix  of  each  fide  (hail  end  the 
matter.     Do  not  abufe  them,  but  let  them  have 
juflice,  and  you  win  them.     The   worfl  is,  that  and  Wilu- 
they  are  the  worfe  for  the  Chriftians ;  who  have  &£. 
propagated  their  vices,  and  yielded  them  tradition. 

for  ill,  and  not  for  good  things.  But  as  low  an 
ebb  as  thefe  people  are  at,  and  as  inglorious  as 
their  own  condition  looks,  the  Cbriftiam  have  not 
outlived  their  fight ,  with  all  their  pretenfions  to  an 
higher  manifeitation.  What  good,  then,  might 
not  a  good  people  graft,  where  there  is  fo  diftinft 
SL  knowledge  left  between  good  and  evil?  Ibefeech 
God  to  incline  the  hearts  of  all  that  come  into 
thefe  parts,  to  outlive  the  knowledge  of  the  na- 
tives, by  a  fixt  obedience  to  their  greater  know- 
ledge  of  the  will  of  God;  for  it  were  miferable, 
indeed,  for  us  to  fall  under  the  jufl  cenfure  of  the 
poor  Indian  confcience,  while  we  make  profeilion 
of  things  fo  far  tranfcending. 

XXVI.  c<  For  their  original,  I  am  ready  to  be- 
lieve them  of  the  Jewi/h  race;  I  mean,  of  the  flock     of  theit 
of  the  ten  tribes;  and  that,  for  the  following  rea-  oriffinal- 
fons:  Firft,  they  were  to  go  to  a  "  land  not  plan- 
ted, nor   known;"  which,  to   be   fure,  Afia   and 
Africa  were,  if  not  Europe;  and  he,  that  intended 

that  extraordinary  judgment  upon  them,  might 
make  the  paffage  not  uneafy  to  them,  as  it  is  not 
impoffible  in  itfelf,  from  the  eaftermoft  parts  of 
of  Afia,  to  the  weftermofl  of  America.  In  the 
next  place;  I  find  them  of  the  like  countenance, 
and  their  children  of  fo  lively  refemblance,  that  a 

man 


260  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

man  would  think  himfelf  in  Duke's  place,  or  Ber* 
ry-ftreet,  in  London,  when  he  ieeth  them.     But 
Their  re-  this  is  not  all;  they  agree  in  rites ;  they  reckon  by 
moons ;  they  offer  their  frft  fruits;  they  have  a 
&c.  kind   of  feqft   of  tabernacles;  they  are  laid  to  lay 
their  altar  upon  twelve Jt ones ;  their  mourning  a  year; 
citftoms  of  women,  with  many  other  things,  that 
do  not  now  occur. 

"  So  much  for  the  natives;  next,  the  old  plan- 
ters will  be  confidered  in  this  relation,  before  I 
come  to  our  colony,  and  the  concerns  of  it. 

XXVII.  "  The  firft   planters,  in   thefe   parts, 
&c     were  the  Dutch;  and  foon  after  them,  the  Swedes 
and  Finns.     The  Dutch  applied  themfelves  to  traf- 
Jick;  the  Swedes  and  Finns,  to  hufhandry.     There 
were   fome  difputes   between  them,  fome  years; 
the  Dutch  looking  upon  them,  as  intruders  upon 
their  purchafe  and  pofieflion;  which  was  finally  end- 
ed in  the  furrender,  made  by  John  Rixeing,  the  Swe- 
dijh  Governor,  to  Peter  Styrefant,  Governor  for 
the  flates  of  Holland,  anno  1655. 
OF  the      XXVIII.  "  The    Dutch   inhabit   moftly   thofe 
Parts  °f  tne  province,  that  lie  upon,  or  near  the 
tiers,  &c.    bay ;  and  the  Swedes,  thefreflies  of  the  river  Dela- 
ware.    There  is  no  need  of  giving  any  defer iption 
of  them;  who  are  better  known  there  than  here; 
but  they  are  a  plain,  ftrong,  induflrious  people; 
yet  have  made  no  great  progrefs,  in  culture,  or 
propagation,   of  fruit   trees ;  as,  if  they   defired 
rather  to  have  enough,  than  plenty,  or  traffick. 
But,  I  prelume,  the  Indians  made  them  the  more 
carelefs,  by  furnifhing  them  with  the  means  of 
profit,  to  wit,  fkins  and  furs,  for  rum,  and  fuch 
ftrong  liquors.     They  kindly  received  me,  as  well 
as  the  Englifh,  who  were  few,  before  the  people, 
concerned  with   me,  came  among  them.     I  muft 
needs   commend  their  refpeft  to  authority,   and 
kind  behaviour  to  the  Englifh;  they  do  not  degene- 
rate 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  261 

rate  from  the  old  friendfhip,  between  both  king-  1683. 
doms.  As  they  are  people  proper  and  flrong  of  body, 
fo  they  have  fine  children,  and  almoft  every  houfe 
full ;  rare  to  find  one  of  them  without  three  or 
four  boys,  and  as  many  girls;  fome,  fix,  feven 
and  eight  fons.  And  I  muft  do  them  that  right; 
I  fee  few  young  men  more  fober  and  laborious. 

XXIX  "  The  Dutch  have  a  meeting  place,  for  DUtch  an{j 
religious  worfhip,  at  New-cqftle ;  and  the  Syuedes,  Swedes' 
three;  one  at  Chriflina,  one  at  Tenecum;  and  one  ^orftip. 
at  Wicoco,  within  half  a  mile  of  this  town. 

XXX.  "  There  refts  that  I  fpeak  of  the  condi-  of  theprc- 
tion  we  are  in,  and  what  fettlement  we  have  made: 

In  which  I  will  be  as  fliort  as  I  can;  for  I  fear,  and 
not  without  reafon,  that  I  have  tried  your  pati- 
ence with  this  long  flory.  The  country  lieth, 
bounded  on  the  eaft,  by  the  river  and  bay  of 
Delaware,  and  eaftern  fea;  it  hath  the  advantage 
of  many  creeks,  or  rivers  rather,  that  run  into  The  rivers, 
the  main  river,  or  bay ;  fome  navigable  for  great 
fhips,  fome,  for  fmall  craft.  Thofe  of  moft  emi- 
nency  are,  Chriftlna,  Brandywine,  Skilpot,  and 
Sculkil ;  any  one  of  which  have  room  to  lay  up 
the  royal  navy  of  England;  there  being  from  four 
to  eight  fathom  water, 

XXXI.  "  The  lefler  creeks,  or  rivers,  yet  con-  Crec^ 
venient  for  floops  and  ketches  of  good  burden, 

are  Lewis,  Mefpilion,  Cedar,  Dover,  Cranbrook, 
Fever/ham  and  Georges,  below;  and  Chichejler, 
Chefter,  Toacawny,  Pammapecka,  PortqueJJln,  Ne- 
fhimenck  and  Pennberry,  in  the  frefhes;  many  lefler, 
that  admit  boats  and  ihallops.  Our  people  are 
moflly  fettled  upon  the  upper  rivers;  which  are 
pleafant  and  fweet,  and  generally  bounded  with 
good  land :  The  planted  part  of*  the  province  and 
territories  is  caft  into  fix  counties,  Philadelphia,  Numtar  o 
Buckingham,  Chefter,  New-caftle,  Kent  and  Suffex;  counties, 
containing  about  four  thoufand  fouls.  Two  gene-  [°ulffraf~ 
ral  afiemblies  have  been  held,  and  with  fuch  con-  Ie 

cord 


262  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.     • 

1683.  cord  and  difpatch,  that  they  fat  but  three  weeks; 
and,  at  leaft,  feventy  laws  were  paffed  without  one 
dirlent,  in  any  material  thing.  But  of  this,  more 
hereafter,  being  yet  raw  and  new,  in  our  gear. 

Their  re-  However  I  cannot  forget  their  fingular  refpect  to 

fpc&  to  the  .       ,  .     .     r  r     i  •  11          i     • 

proprietor,  me>  m  this  infancy  or  things;  who,  by  their  own 

&c-          private  expences,  fo    early  confidered  mine,  for 

the  public,  as  to  prefent  me  with  an  import,  upon 

certain  goods   imported   and   exported.     Which 

after  my  acknowledgment  of  their  affection,  I  did 

as  freely  remit  to  the  province,  and  the  traders  to 

c  Cmut»  of  it.     And  for  the  well  government  of  the  faid  coun- 

fcce,  &c.  t«es^  courts  of  juflice  are  eftablifhed  in  every  coun- 

ty, with  proper  officers,  asjuftices,  fheriffs,  clerks, 

conftables,  &c.  which  courts  are  held  every  two 

Peace-ma-  months.     But,   to   prevent   law  fults,  there    are 

kebted"     three  peace  makers  chofen  by  every  county  court, 

&c.          in  the  nature  of  common  arbitrators,  to  hear  and 

end  differences  betwixt  man  and  man.    And  fpring 

.An  orphans  and  fall  there  is  an  orphans9  court,  in  each  county  to 

conrt,  &c.  infpec~t   anc[  regulate  the  affairs   of  orphans  and 


Of  Phiia-  XXXII.  "  Philadelphia,  the  expectation  of  thofe, 
dejphia.  fa^  are  concerned  in  this  province,  is,  at  lait, 
laid  out,  to  the  great  content  of  thofe  here,  that 
are  any  ways  interefted  therein.  The  fituation  is 
a  neck  of  land,  and  lieth  between  two  navigable 
rivers,  Delaware  and  Sculkil;  whereby  it  hath  two 
fronts  upon  the  water,  each  a  mile  ;  and  two  from 
river  to  river.  Delaware  is  a  glorious  river;  but 
the  Sculkil,  being  an  hundred  miles  boatable  above 
the  falls,  and  its  courfe  north  eaji,  towards  the 
fountain  of  Sufquahanna  (that  tends  to  the  heart 
of  the  province,  and  both  fides  our  ov/n)  it  is 
like  to  be  a  great  part  of  the  fettlement  of  this 
age.  I  fay  little  of  the  town  itfelf,  becaufe  a  plat- 
*  Sec  page  form*  will  be  fhewn  you  by  my  agent  ;  in  which 
»4i,  &c.  thofe  who  are  purchafers  of  me,  will  find  their 
names  and  interefts.  But  this  I  will  fay,  for  the 
good  providence  of  God,  that,  of  all  the  many 

places, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  263 

places,  I  have  feen  in  the  world,  I  remember  not    1683. 
one  better  feated ;  fo  that  it  feems  to  me  to  have  v^/vvv 
been  appointed   for   a  town,  whether  we  regard 
the  rivers,  or  the  conveniency  of  the  coves,  docks, 
fprings,  the  loftinefs  and  foundnefs  of  the  land, 
and  the  air,  held  by  the  people  of  thefe  parts  to 
be  very  good.     It  is  advanced,  within  lefs  than  a  Numter  Of 
year,  to  about  four  fcore  houfes    and  cottages,  houfes  in 
fuch  as  they  are ;  where  merchants  and  handicrafts  pth.i!adf l" 

r  11        •  i     •  •  r  n  phia,  &c. 

are  following  their  vocations,  as  rait  as  they  can; 
while  the   country  men  are  clofe  at  their  farms,     The  far* 
fome  of  them  got  a  little  winter  corn  in  the  ground  mjrs  *j£- 
laft  feafon;  and  the  generality  have  had  an  hand-  cc 
fome  fummer-crop,  and  are  preparing  for  their  win- 
ter corn.  They  reaped  their  barley,  this  year,  in  the 
month  called  May;  the  wheat  in  the  month  follow- 
ing; fo  that  there  is  time,  in  thefe  parts,  for  another 
crop  of  divers  things,  before  the  winter  feafon.   We 
are  daily  in  hopes  of  fhipping,  to  add  to  our  num- 
ber; for,  blefled  be  God,  here  is  both  room  and 
accommodation  for  them:  The  ftories  of  our  ne- 
ceflity  being  either  the  fear  of  our  friends,  or  the 
fcare-crows  of  our  enemies :  For  the  greatefl  hard- 
ihip,  we  have  fuffered,  hath  been  fait  meat;  which 
by  fowl,  in  winter,  and  fifh,  in  fummer,  together 
with  fome  poultry,  lamb,  mutton,  veal,  and  plen- 
ty of  venifon,  the  bell  part  of  the  year,  hath  been, 
made  very  paffable.     I  blefs  God,  I  am  fully  fatif-    ^  Penfi 
lied  with  tfce  country  and  entertainment  I  got  in  it:  well  pieaf- 
For  I  find  that  particular  content,  which  hath  a!- ed  w*h  the 
ways  attended  me,  where  God,  in  his  providence,  c° 
hath  made  it  my  place  and  fervice  to  refide.     You  And  much, 
cannot  imagine  my  fration  can  be,  at  prefent,  free  employed 
of  more  than  ordinary  bufmefs ;  and,  as  fuch,  I  andTegu? 
may  fay,  it  is  a  troublefome  work.     But  the  me-  ^ftins if* 
thod,    things  are   putting   in,  will   facilitate   the &c' 
charge,  and  give  an  eafier  motion  to  the  admini- 
ilration  of  affairs,     However,  as  it  is  fome  men's 
duty  to  .plow,  fome  to  fow,  fome  to  water,  and 
fome  to  reap ;  fo  it  b  the  wifdom,  as  well  as  the 

duty, 


264  HISTORY  or  PENNSYLVANIA.' 


1683.    duty,  °f  a  man>  to  yi^d  to  tne  mind  of  Providence, 
v^y-v^  and  chearfully,  as  well  as  carefully,  embrace  and 

follow  the  guidance  of  it. 

of  the  in-  XXXIII.  "  For  your  particular  concern,  I  might 
pTop^r^of  entirely  refer  you  to  the  letters  of  the  Prefident  of 
the  Free  fo-  the  fociety;  but  this  I  will  venture  to  fay,  your 
do?  °&cra"  Provincial  fettlements,  both  within  and  without 
the  town  for  fituation  and  foil,  are  without  excep- 
tion. Your  city  lot  is  a  whole  flreet,  and  one  fide 
of  a  flreet,  from  river  to  river,  containing  near 
one  hundred  acres,  not  eafily  valued;  which  is 
befides  your  four  hundred  acres,  in  the  city  liber- 
ties, part  of  your  twenty  thoufand  acres  in  the 
country.  Your  tannery  hath  fuch  plenty  of  bark, 
the  faw  mill,  for  timber,  and  the  place  of  the  glafs 
hottfe,  are  fo  conveniently  polled  for  water  carri- 
age, the  city  lot,  for  a  dock,  and  the  ivhalery,  for  a 
found  and  fruitful  bank,  and  the  town  Lewis,  by 
it,  to  help  your  people,  that,  by  God's  blefling, 
the  affairs  of  the  fociety  will  naturally  grow  in 
their  reputation,  and  profit.  I  am  fure,  I  have 
not  turned  my  back  upon  any  offer,  that  tended  to 
its  profperity;  and  though  I  am  ill  at  projects,  I 
have  fometimes  put  in  for  a  mare  with  her  officers, 
to  countenance  and  advance  her  interefl.  You 
are  already  informed  what  is  fit  for  you  further  to 
do;  whatsoever  tends  to  the  promotion  of  wine, 
and  to  the  manufacture  of  linen,  in  thefe  parts,  I 
cannot  but  wifh  you  to  promote;  and  the  French 
people  are  mofl  likely,  in  both  refpeds,  to  anfwer 
that  defign.  To  that  end  I  would  advife  you 
to  fend  for  forms  thoufands  of  plants  out  of  France, 
with  fome  able  Vinerons,  and  people  of  the  other 
vocation:  But  becaufe,  I  believe,  you  have  been 
entertained  with  this,  and  fome  other  profitable  fub- 
*  Nicholas  jefts  by  y0ur  Prefident,*  I  mail  add  no  more,  but  to 
affure  you,  that  1  am  heartily  inclined  to  advance 
your  jufl  interefl,  and  that  you  will  always  find  me 
Tour  kind  cordial  friend  r, 

WILLIAM  PENN. 

fl  Pbihdclfbla,  the  idtb.  of  tbe  Sixth  month,  called  Augujl  ,  1683." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  265 

CHAPTER    VI. 

difficulty  and  dlfpute  bet-ween  William  Penn  and 
Lord  Baltimore,  ref petting  the  boundaries  between 
their  territories. — A  proclamation  of  the  latter. — 
William  Penn's  letter  to  the  Lords  of  planta- 
tions.— Lord  Baltimore's  commijfion  to  Colonel 
George  Talbot,  with  a  demand  of  the  latter. — 
William  Penn's  anfwer  to  faid  demand. — Incur- 
Jlon  from  Maryland,  attempting  forcible  entry. — 
Difficulty  to  reftrain  the  Indians  from  ftrong  li- 
quors.— Names  of  the  members  of  AJJembly  in 
1684. 

VVlLLIAM  PENN's  endeavours,  foon  after 
his  firfl  arrival,  to  cultivate  a  friendly  and  good  un- 
derftanding  with  his  neighbour,  the  Lord  Baltimore^ 
and  to  get  the  boundaries,  between  their  refpec-  proprietors 
tive  provinces,  amicably  determined,  have  already  of  Mary- 
been  mentioned;  for  which  purpofe  likewife  it  ap- 
pears  he  had  appointed  his  relation  and  deputy, 
Captain  William  Markham  to  treat  with  the  faid 
Lord  Proprietary  of  Maryland,  before  he  arrived  &c. 
himfelf ;  and  afterwards  repeatedly  ufed  attempts,     see  page 
for  the  fame  end.     But  thefe  endeavours  had  not  a°8>  &c< 
all  the  delired  fuccefs,  which,  fo  far  as  appears, 
might  have  been  reafonably  expeded.* 

[34]  The 

*  The  cqndu&  of  the  late  Lord  Baltimore,  on  this  occafion,  may,  in 
part,  appear  from  the  following  proclamation,  dated,  May  ijth.  1683, 
viz. 

"  C.  Baltimore. 

"  For  as  much  as  taking  up  of  bnd  by  rights,  within  this  our  pro- 
vince of  Maryland,  hath  proved  not  only  grievous  and  burdenfome  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  our  faid  province,  as  well  for  want  of  fuch  rights, 
upon  their  occafions,  as  for  the  paying  for  the  fame  extravagant  and  ex* 

tortious 


more 


z66  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.        The  concern  of  the  Proprietary  of  Pennfyfoania- 

\^^r^j  for  a  good,  convenient  and  indepenclant  commu- 

nication, by  water,  between  his  province  and  the. 

Of  the  dif-  r          r  T_       i  r         r'"«  j 

jmte  be-  f£a,  for  the  benefit  ot  its  trade,  appears  to  have 
tweenpenn  been  his  principal  reafon  tor  fixing  his  fouthern 
,  &c.  boundary  by  charter,  fo  far  fouth,  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude,  in- 
tending thereby  to  include,  at  lead,  fo  much  of 
the  head,  or  upper  part,  of  Chef  apeak  bay,  within 

his 

tortious  rates,  when  to  be  procured;  but  alfo  very  injurious  and  preju- 
dicial to  ourfelf,  by  undue  and  unjuft  probate,  made  of  fuch  rights, 
;is  we  have  feen  and  been  informed:  We  do,  therefore,  as  well  for  the 
cafe,  benefit,  and  certainty  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  our  province,  and 
other  perfons  inhabiting,  trading,  or  reilding  within  the  fame,  as  alfo 
for  toe  prefervation  of  our  own  juft  right  and  property,  hereby  fully 
refclve,  determine  and  ordain,  that  no  right  fhall  hereafter  be  proved, 
admitted,  or  allowed  of,  for  the  taking  up  of  land,  within  our  faid  pro^ 
vince,  as  formerly,  by  the  conditions  of  plantation  of  our  late  father 
CecUau,  of  noble  memory,  hath  been  accuftomed;  but,  for  the  encou- 
ragement of  any  perfon,  or  perfons,  adventurer  or  adventurers,  or  others, 
inhabiting,  refiding,  or  trading  within  this  province,  we  do  refolve,  de- 
termine and  ordain,  and  hereby  declare,  publifh  and  make  known,  that 
any  perfon,  or  perfons,  adventuring,  trading,  inhabiting,  or  refiding 
within  this  our  province,  and-  willing  to  take  up  any  land  here,  fhal},. 
for  every  fifty  acres  of  land,  he,  or  they  fhall  defign  to  take  up,  as  afore- 
faid,  pay,  or  caufe  to  be  paid,  to  us,  or  our  heirs,  the  juil  quantity  of 
one  hundred  pounds  of  tobacco,  in  calk,  together  with  two  fhiilings  Her- 
ling  yearly  rent;  unlefspn  the  fea-board  fide,  or  the  Wborekills;  for  every 
fifty  acres  whereof,  any  perfon,  or  perfons,  taking  up  fuch  land,  fhali 
only  pay  for  the  fame,  as  aforefaid,  tie  fum  of  fifty  pounds  of  tobacco,  in 
cajk,  together  ivith  one  Jbillingfierling,  yearly  rent;  and  fo  proportionably 
for  any  greater,  or  leffer  quantity;  he,  or  they,  firft  applying  themfclves- 
to  our  fecretaries  of  this  our  province,  or  other  officer,  or  officers, 
thereunto  appointed,  and  giving  good  and  fufficient  caution  for  the  fume, 
as  to  him,  or  them,  fhall  feern  meet:  hereby  willing  and  requiring  our 
faid  fecretaries,  or  other  officer,  or  officers,  as  aforefaid,  upon  fuch  cau- 
tion, or  fecurity,  given,  to  ifl'ue  out  warrants  under  the  lefler  feal  of  this 
province,  for  any  quantity  of  land,  to  any  perfon,  or  perfons,  fuitor,  or 
fuirors,  for  the  fame,  in  manner  aforefaid:  and,  to  the  end  that  this  our 
will  and  pleafure  may  be  made  known,  we  do  hereby  firiclly  charge  and 
command  all  and  fingular  the  Sheriffs  of  this  our  province  forthwith,  upcrv 
receipt  hereof,  to  make  public  proclamation  hereof,  in  the  moft  public 
and  convenient  place,  within  their  feveral  and  refpeclive  counties. 

"    Given  at  our  city  of  St.   Mary's,  under  tie  great  ftal  of  ibis  ctr- 
province,  the  l$th.  day  of  Mayt  in  the  eighth  year  of  our  dominien, 
&c,  ,j$nnogue  Domini  one  ihoufandfix  hundred  eighty  and  three* 
"    Vera  Cofia, 

"  WILLIAM  SMITIISON, 

"    Sher.  co:::it.  Dorcet. 

To  the  Sberijf  cf  Dor  defter  county  t. 
or  bit 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  267 

his  province,  as   would  furnifli,  from  thence,  a   1683. 
good,  open  and  fufficient  communication  to  the  ^^r>^ 
ocean,  as  well  as  by  the  Delaware.     The  nature 
and  flate  of  the  controverfy,  about  this  time,  be- 
tween the  two  Proprietaries,  on  this  fubjcft,  more 
fully  appear  from  the  following  letter  of  William 
Penn  to  the  Lords  of  the  committee  of  plantati- 
ons, in  London;  to  which  board  the  Lord  Balti* 
more  feems  to  have  been  beforehand  with  him,  viz. 

"  Philadelplia,  the  l^th.  of  the  Sixth-month,    1683. 

"  THOUGH  it  be  a  duty,  I  humbly  own,  to  w.  Pom* 
inform  the  Lords  of  the  committee  of  plantations,  ^'Ss'rf 
of  what  concerns  his  majefly's  intereft  in  the  fuc-  plantation^ 
cefs   of  this    province,  I  thought  myfelf  equally  &c* 
obliged  to  be   difcreet   and  cautious  in  doing  it. 
To  write,  then,  there  was  need,  and  not  to  trou- 
ble perfons,  of  their   honor   and   bufinefs,  with 
things  trivial,  at  leaft,  raw  and  unfmifhed  for  their 
view.     This  hitherto  put  me  by  giving  any  account 
of  the  flate  of  our  affairs,  to  fay  nothing  of  the 
mighty  difficulties,  I  have  laboured  under,  in  the 
fettlement  of  fix-and-twenty  fail  of  people,  to  con- 
tent, within  the  fpace  of  one  year;  which  makes 
my  cafe  fmgular,  and  excufable,  above  any  other 
of  the  King's  plantations. 

"  But  becaufe  my  agent  has  informed  me  tha1- 
the  Proprietor  of  Maryland  has  been  early  in  his 
account  of  our  conference  about  fixing  our  bouads? 
and  made  a  narrative  of  my  affairs,  as  well  before, 
as  at  that  time,  a  little  to  my  disadvantage,  and 
the  rather,  becaufe  my  filence  might  be  interpreted 
negled,  I  am  necemtated  to  make  fome  defence 
for  myfelf;  which,  as  it  will  not  be  hard  to  make, 
fo  I  hope  it  will  be  received  as  juft. 

"  I  humbly  fay,  then,  firft,  that  it  feemed  to 
me  improper  to  trouble  the  Lords  with  my  tran- 
faclions  with  this  Proprietor,  till  we  were  come  to 
fome  refult;  which  we  were  not:  for  we  parted 
till  fpring;  and  even  then  were  but  to  meet  nbo.ut 
.the  methods  of  our  proceedings. 


268  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  "  Next,  This  narrative  was  taken  by  the  Lord's 
v^v^  orders,  without  my  confent,  or  knowledge,  in  a 
w  Perm's  corner  of  a  room  by  one  of  his  own  attendants. 

letter  to  the 

LO  jsot          ;i  And,  laftly,  upon  when  notice  was  given  of 
plantations,  this   ufage?  j  complained    to    ^  he  promife(^ 

upon  his  word  and  honor,  it  fhould  go  not  far- 
ther ;  and  that  it  was  for  his  own  fatisfadion  he  did 
it;  1  told  him  that  mitigated  the  thing  a  little;  but 
if  he  fhould  divulge  it  before  I  faw  and  agreed  to 
the  copy,  he  mufl  pardon  me,  if  I  looked  upon  it 
as  a  moil  unfair  pra&ice. — What  that  Lord  has 
done,  and  what  to  call  it,  I  leave  to  my  betters ; 
but  the  furprize  and  indigeflion  of  the  whole  will, 
I  hope  excufe  me  of  neglect,  or  difrefpeft:  for 
though  I  am  unceremonious,  I  would,  by  no  means, 
acl:  the  rude,  or  undutiful. 

"  This  faid,  I  humbly  beg  that  I  may  give  a 
brief  narrative  of  the  matter,  as  it  then  pafled, 
fince  has  been,  and  now  (lands,  without  the  weak- 
nefs  and  tautology  his  relation  makes  me  guilty 
of. 

Tinie  of  "  ^°  ^oon  as  ^  an'ived-»  which  was  on  the  24th. 
w.  Penn's  of  October  laft,  I  immediately  difpatched  two  per- 
&c.  fons  to  the  I  jOrcj.  Baltimore,  to  afk  of  his  health, 
offer  kind  neighbourhood,  and  agree  a  time  of 
meeting  the  better  to  eftablifh  it :  While  they  were 
gone  of  this  errand,  I  went  to  New-Tor k,  that  I 
might  pay  my  duty  to  the  Duke,  in  the  vifit  of 
his  government  and  colony.  At  my  return,  which 
was  towards  the  end  of  November,  I  found  the 
meflengers,  whom  I  had  fent  to  Maryland,  newly 
arrived,  and  the  time  fixed,  being  the  i9th.  of 
December.  I  prepared  myfelf  in  a  few  days  for 
that  province.  The  nth.  of  the  month  I  came 
to  weft  river;  where  I  met  the  Proprietor,  atten- 
ded fuitable  to  his  character;  who  took  the  occa- 
fion,  by  his  civilities,  to  fhew  me  the  greatnefs  of 
his  power:  The  next  day  we  had  conference  about 
our  bufmefs  of  the  bounds,  both  at  the  fame  table, 
with  our  refpe&ive  members  of  council. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  269 

"  The  firft  thing  I  did  was  to  prefent  the  King's    1683. 
letter;  which  confuted  of  two  parts : — One,  that  the  ^s~v~^j 
Lord  Baltimore  had  but  two  degrees;  and  the  other,  ,^;rpt^£* 
that,  beginning  at  Watkins's  point,  he  fhould  ad-  Lords  of 
ineafure  his  faid  degrees,  at  60  miles  to  a  degree.  pfc 
This   being   read   by   him,   firft   privately,   then 
publicly,  he  told  me,  the  King  was  greatly  mifta- 
ken,  and  that  he  would  not  leave  his  patent,  to 
follow  the  King's  letter,  nor  could  a  letter  void 
his  patent;  and  by  that  he  would  (land. 

"  This  was  the  fubftance  of  what  he  faid  from 
firft  to  laft,  during  the  whole  conference.  To 
this  I  anfwered,  the  King  might  be  mifinformed 
rather  than  miftaken,  and  that  I  was  afraid  the 
iniftake  would  fall  on  his  fide;  for  though  his  pa- 
tent begins  at  Waikins's  point  and  goes  to  the  fortU 
eth  degree  of  north  latitude,  yet  it  prefumed  that 
to  lye  in  the  38th.  elfe  Virginia  would  be  wronged, 
which  mould  extend  to  that  degree;  however  this 
I  allured  him,  that  when  I  petitioned  the  King  for 
five  degrees  north  latitude  and  that  petition  was 
referred  to  the  Lords  of  the  committee  of  planta- 
tions; at  that  time,  it  was  urged  by  fome  prefent, 
that  the  Lord  Baltimore  had  but  two  degrees; 
upon  which  the  Lord  Prefident,  turning  his  head 
to  me,  at  whofe  chair  I  flood,  faid,  Mr.  Penn^ 
will  not  three  degrees  fer^e  your  turn?  I  anfwered, 
"  /  fubmlt  both  the  what,  and  how,  to  the  honour- 
able board" 

"  To  this  his  uncle,  and  chancellor,  returned, 
that  to  convince  me  his  father's  grant  was  not 
by  degrees,  he  had  more  of  Virginia  given  him, 
but  being  planted,  and  the  grant  intending  only 
land  not  planted,  or  poUe-fifed,  but  of  favage  na- 
tives, he  left  it  out,  that  it  might  not  forfeit  the 
reft:  Of  which  the  Lord  Baltimore  takes  no  notice, 
in  his  narrative,  that  I  remember. — But,  by  that 
anfwer,  he  can  pretend  nothing  to  Delaware; 
which  was  at,  and  before,  the  palling  of  that  pa- 
tent, 


2/o  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  tent,  bought  and  planted  by  the  Dutch;  and  fo 
\^sv^J  could  not  be  given: — But,  if  it  were,  it  was  for- 
w.  Perm's  felted,  for  not  reducing  it,  during  twenty  years, 
j^^f  Under  the  Englifo  fovereignty;  of  which  he  held 
plantations,  it;  but  was  at  laft  reduced  by  the  King,  and  .there- 
*c<  fore  his,  to  give  as  he  pleafeth. 

"  Perceiving  that  my  preilmg  the  King's  letter 
was  uneafy,  and  that  I  had  determined  myfelf  to 
difpofe  him  with  utmoft  foftnefs  to  a  good  compli- 
ance, I  waved  that  of  the  two  degrees,  and  preffed 
the  admeafurement  only,  the  next  part  of  the  let- 
ter:— For  though  it  were  two  degrees  and  a  half 
from  Watkins's  point  to  forty  degrees,  yet  let  it  be 
meafured  at  lixty  miles  to  a  degree,  and  I  would 
begin  at  forty  degrees,  fall  as  it  would : — My  de- 
fign  was,  that  every  degree  being  feventy  miles,  I 
fliould  get  all  that  was  over  fixty,  the  proportion 
intended  the  Lord  Baltimore^  by  the  grant,  and 
computation  of  a  degree,  at  that  time  of  the 
day: — Thus  he  had  enjoyed  the  full  favour  intend- 
ed him,  and  I  had  gained  a  door  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  peopling  and  improving  of  his  majefty* s 
province. 

"  But  he  this  alfo  rejected; — I  told  him,  it  'was 
not  the  love,  or  need,  cf  the  land,  but  the  wafer; 
that  he  abounded  in  what  I  wanted,  and  acClefs 
and  harbouring,  even,  to  excefs ;  that  I  would  iiot 
be  thus  importunate,  'but  for  the  importance  of 
the  thing,  to  fave  a  province;  and  becaufe  there 
was  no  proportion  in  the  concern ;  if  I  were  an 
hundred  times  more  urgent  and  tenacious,  the 
-cafe  would  excufe  it;  becaufe  the  thing  infifted  on 
was  more  than  ninety-nine  times  more  valuable  to 
me  than  to  him.;  to  me  the  head,  to  him,  the 
tail. — I  added,  that,  if  it  were  his,  and  he  gave  it 
me,  planting  it  would  recompence  the  favours,  not 
-only  by  laying  his  country  between  two  thriving 
•provinces,  but  the  mips,  that  ccme  yearly  to  Ma- 

•  nd  for  tobacco,  would  have  the  bringing  of 

both 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  271 

both  our  people  and  merchandize;  becaufe  they    1683. 
can  afford  it  cheaper;  whereby  Maryland  would,  v>*w^ 
for  one  age  or  two  be  the  mart  of  trade.     But  this  w-  Penn's- 
alfo  had  no-  other  entertainment,  but  hopes  that  I  Lords'of  e 
would  not  infill  on  thefe  things  at  our  next  meet-  piantato;-^ 
ing;  after  three  days  time  we  parted;  and  I  return-  &c' 
ed  to  this  province. 

"  When  the  fpring  came  I  fent  an  exprefs  to 
pray  the  time  and  place,  when  and  where  I  fhould 
meet  him,  to  effect  the  bufmefs,  we  adjourned  to, 
at  that  time.  I  followed  clofe  upon  the  meffenger, 
that  no  time  might  be  loft.  But  the  expe&ation, 
he  twice  had,  of  the  Lord  Culpepper's  vifit,  difap- 
pointed  any  meeting  on  our  affairs,  till  the  month 
called  May;  he  then  fent  three  gentlemen  to  let 
me  know,  he  would  meet  me  at  the  head  of  the 
bay  of  Chefapeak^  I  was  then  in  treaty  with  the 
kings  of  the  natives  for  land ;  but  three  days  after 
we  met  ten  miles  from  New-cqftle,  which  is  thirty 
from  the  bay.  I  invited  him  to  the  town,  where 
having  entertained  him,  as  well  as  the  town  could 
afford,  on  fo  little  notice,  and  finding  him  only 
defirous  of  fpeaking  with  me  privately,  I  preffed 
that  we  might,  at  our  diftinct  lodgings,  fit  feve- 
rally  with  our  councils.,  and  treat  by  way  of  writ- 
ten memorials;  which  would  prevent  the  miftakes,  . 
or  abufes,  that  may  follow  from  ill  defigns,  or  ill 
memory;  but  he  avoided  it,  faying,  "  He  was  not 
well,  and  the  weather  fultry,  and  would  return 
with  what  fpeed  he  could,  referring  any  other 
treaty  to  another  feafon." — Thus  we  parted,  at  that 
time.  I  had  been  before  told  by  divers,  that  the 
faid  Baltimore  had  iffued  forth  a  proclamation,*  to  *  see  the 
invite  people,  by  lower  prices,  and  greater  quan-  neteinpagp 
tities  of  land,  to  plant  in  the  lower  counties;  in  a65'  &c* 
which  the  Duke's  goodnefs  had  interefled  me,  as 
an  infeparable  benefit  to  this  whole  province.  I 
was  not  willing  to  believe  it;  and  the  being  in 
haftea.  I  omitted  to  a(k  him:  Bvtf  I  had  not  been 

long 


272  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1683.    l°ng  returned  before  two  letters  came  from  two 

^~S~Y^J  judges  of  two  of  the  country  courts.,  that  fuch  a 

ktter^the  Proc^ama^on  was  abroad,  that  the  people  too  hear- 

Lords  of  e  ken  to  it,  but  yet  prayed  my  directions.     I  bade 

plantations,  them  keep  their  ground,  and   not   fear,  for  the 

King  would  be  judge.     Upon  this  I  difpatched  to 

the  Lord  Baltimore  three  of  my  council,  with  the 

clerk  of  it:     As  they  went  they  got  an  authentic 

copy,  under  the  hand  of  one   of  his  fheriffs,  to 

whom  an  original  had  been  directed:  But,  as  the 

laft  civility,  I  would  yield  him,  I  forbad  them  to 

feem  to  believe  any  thing,  but  what  they  had  from 

his  own  mouth.  —  Thus  they  delivered  my  letter. 

"  At  ftrft,  he  denied  any  fuch  proclamation, 
turning  to  two  gentlemen  of  his  council,  who 
flood  by,  he  afked  them,  if  they  remembered  any 
fuch  thing?  They  alfo  denied  it.  Upon  which  the 
perfons,  I  fent,  produced  the  attefted  copy;  which, 
refrefhing  their  memories,  they  confefled  there 
was  fuch  a  proclamation. 

"  But  the  Lord  Baltimore  told  them,  that  it  was 
his  ancient  form,  and  he  only  did  it  to  renew  his 
claim,  not  that  he  would  encourage  any  to  plant 
there.  They  then  prayed  him  to  call  it  in,  left  any 
trouble  fhould  enfue:  but  he  refufed  it.  —  This 
was  during  a  civil  treaty,  without  any  demand 
made,  and  after  the  place  had  been  many  years  in 
the  quiet  poffeflion  of  the  Duke.  —  What  to  call 
this  I  {till  humbly  refer  to  my  fuperiors.  For  his 
pretenfions  to  thofe  parts  I  have  thoroughly  inftruct- 
ed  my  agent;  who,  I  hope,  will  be  able  to  detect 
them  of  weaknefs  and  inconfiftency.  This,  is  a 
true,  though  brief,  narrative  of  the  entertainment, 
I  have  had  from  that  Lord,  in  the  bufmefs  be- 
tween us. 

"  And  becaufe  I  have,  as  in  duty  joined,  fent 
an  agent  extraordinary,  to  wait  upon  the  King,  and 
his  minifiers,  in  the  affairs  of  this  province  (fo  foon 
as  I  could  make  any  fettlement  in  it)  I  fhall  only 

humbly 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  273 

humbly  pray  leave  to  hint  at  two  or  three  things,   1683, 
relating  to  the  bufmefs  depending  between  this  lord  ^^r^/ 
and  myfelf,  about  finding  the  fortieth  degree  of  w-  penn's 

•    /    .     ',  letter  to  die 

north  latitude.  Lords  of 

I.  "  That  I  have  common  fame  on  my  fide, 
grounded  upon  ancient  and  conftant  judges,  that 
the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude  lyeth  about 
Boles' s-ifle.    This  the  Lord  Baltimore  himfelf,  hath 
not  denied;  and  the  country  confefleth;  and  I  fhall, 
when  required,   prove  by  fome  able  matters  of 
fhips. 

II.  "  If  this  were  an  error,  it  is  grounded  apon 
fuch  fkill  and  inftruments,  as  gave  meafure  to  the 
time,  in  which  his  patent  was  granted: — and  if  he 
hath  got  upon  Virginia  by  that  error,  he  fhould  not 
get  upon  me  by  an  exa&er  knowledge,  confidering 
that  Carolina,  which  endeth  by  degrees,  would  as 
much  advance  upon  Virginia,  if  the  reputed  latitude 
of  unprejudiced  times  fhould  take  no  place; — for 
by  advancing  her  bounds  twenty  miles,  by  a  new 
inftrument,   beyond  the  place;    which  hath  been 
generally  taken  for  thirty- fix  and  an  half  degrees ; 
and  Virginia  not  being  equally  able  to  advance  upon 
Maryland^  becaufe  of  its  being  at  a  place  certain, 
fhe  will  be  greatly  narrowed  between  both. 

III.  "  I,  therefore,  mod  humbly  pray,  that  the 
judgment  of  ancient  times,  by  which  perfons  at  the 
diftance  of  England  from  America,  have  governed 
themfelves,  may  conclude  that  the  lord's  bounds,  or, 
that  he  may  meafure  his  two  degrees  according  to 
the  fcale  and  computations  of  thofe  times,  which 
was  fixty  miles  to  a  degree;  or,  if  it  be  allowed, 
that  he  had  not  his  grant  by  degrees,  that,  at  laft, 
I  might  not  lofe  the  benefit  of  admeafurement,  as 
before  mentioned,  from  Wat  kins' t -point ^  in  whatever 
degree  of  latitude  that  lhall  be  found,  to  the  fortieth 
degree  of  north  latitude,  which  I  humbly  take  the 
more  courage  to  prefs,  becaufe  a  province  lyeth  at 
flake,  in  the  fuccefs  of  it. 

[35]  «  i 


274  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

"  I  have  only  humbly  to  add,  that  the  province 
hath  a  profpeft  of  an  extraordinary  improvement, 
w.  Penn's  as  we)]  by  divers  forts  of  ftrangers,  as  E*WMi  fub- 

lettertothe  .    ^          ,    J      .         „       ~          r   •     n-  \ 

L'ords  of  jetts ;  mat,  m  all  acts  of  juitice,  we  name  and  ve- 
piantations,  nerate  the  King's  authority ;  that  I  have  followed 
the  Bilhop  of  London's  counfel,  by  buying,  and 
not  taking  away  the  natives'  land;  with  whom  I 
have  fettled  a  very  kind  correfpondence.  I  return 
my  moft  humble  thanks  for  your  former  favors,  in- 
the  pairing  of  my  patent,  and  pray  God  reward 
you.  I  am  mcft  ready  to  obey  all  your  commands, 
according  to  the  obligations  of  them,  and'befeech 
you  to  take  this  province  into  your  protection,  un- 
der his  Majefty,  and  him,  whom  his  goodnefs 
hath  made  Governor  of  it,  into  your  favours, 
for  that  I  am,  with  moft  fincere  devotion, 

Noble  Lords, 

Tour  thankful  faithful,  friend 
and  fervant ',  to  my  power  y 

WILLIAM  PENN, 

The  nature  and  flate  of  this  controverfy,  about 
this  time,  further  appear,  by  the  following  papers, 
viz. 

Lord  Bal- "  Charles  Lord  Baltimore,  abfolute  Lord  and  Pro- 
conuSffion  prietary  of  the  province  of  Maryland  and  Ava- 
to  col.  G.  Ion,  &c. 

"  To  our  dear  coufm  and  counfellor,  Colonel 
George  Talbot9  Efquire. 

(L.  S.) 

"  REPOSING  fpecial  confidence  in  your  wif- 
dom  and  integrity,  I  hereby  nominate  and  appoint 
and  impower  you  to  repair  forthwith  to  the  SkuHdt1 
at  Delaware;  and,  in  my  name,  to  demand  of 
William  Penn>  Efquire,  or  of  his  deputy,  all  that 
part  of  the  land,  on  the'  weft  fide  of  the  faid  river, 
that  lyeth  to  the  fouthward  of  the  fortieth  degree, 
northern  latitude,  according  to  an  eaft  line,  run 
out  from  two  obfervations,  the  one  taken  the.  loth. 


of 


OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  .27 

of  June,  16^2,  and  the  other,  the  27th.  of  Septem-  1683. 
ber,  1682,  in  obedience  to  his  majefly's  commands, 
exprefled  in  a  letter  of  the  2d.  of  April  1681; 
which  commands  were,  at  that  time,  rejedecl  by 
the  agents  of  the  faid  Pcnn  (notwithftanding  that 
by  feveral  letters  and  writings  under  their  hands 
it  may  appear  they  promifed  a  compliance  with  his 
majefcy's  commands  aforefaid)  and  for  v/hich  you 
mail  do  herein,  this  mall  be  to  you  a  fufficient 
power. — Given  under  my  hand  and  teal,  the  1701. 
day  of  September,  anno.  1683." 

«  C.  BALTIMORE, 

**  Vcra.copla  ailffta  per  me, 

George  Talbot." 

"  By  virtue  of  his  lordfhip's  commiflion,  whereof 
the  above  is  a  true  copy,  I,  Geofge  Talbot,  do,  in 
the  name  of  the  right  honourable  Charles  Lord 
Baltimore,  abfolute  Lord  and  Proprietary  of  Ma- 
ryland and  Avakny  demand  of  you  Nicholas  Moore, 
deputy  to  William  Penn,  Efquire,  all  the  land  lying 
•on  the  weft  fide  of  Delaware  river,  and  to  the 
fouthward  of  the  fortieth  degree  of  northerly  lati- 
tude, according  to  a  line  run  eaft,  from  two  obfer- 
vations,  the  one  taken  the  joth.  of  June,  1682, 
and  the  other  on  the  27th,  of  September,  1682, 
in  obedience  to  his  majefty's  commands,  exprefled 
in  a  letter,  the  2d.  of  April,  1681;  which  com*, 
inands  were  at  that  time  rejected  by  the  faid  VVilliatn. 
Penrfs  agents,  notwithstanding  that  by  feveral  let- 
ters and  other  writings,  under  their  hands,  it  appears 
that  they  promifed  compliance  to  his  majefly's  com- 
mands aforefaid. — The  land  fo  claimed  by  me  for 
the  Lord  Baltimore's  ufe,  being  part  of  the  faid 
province  of  Maryland,  granted  to  his  lordfhip's 
father  by  King  Charles  the  firft,  of  facred  memory, 
.and  now  wrongfully  detained  by  the  faid  VVilliajii 
Penn9  from  his  lordfhip.  And,  in  witnefs,  that 
I  make  this  demand,  I  have  hereunto  fet  my  hand 
and  feal,  the  24th.  day  of  September,  16-83." 

«<  GEORGE  TALBOT/'  (L.  S.; 


276  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  William  Penn,  being  at  New-Tork9  at  the  time 
\~s^r**j  of  this  demand,  after  his  return,  made  the  folio w- 
w.  Penn  at  ing  anfwer,  viz. 

New  York      6 

at  this  time.  An  anfwer  to  a  demand,  made  to  Nicholas  Moore, 

w.  Penn's      as  mj  deputy ',  by  Colonel  George  Talbot,  the  i^th. 

anfwer  to        of  September,  1683,  in  purfuance  of  a  commiffion , 

BahfmorVs     from  the  Lord  Baltimore,  Proprietary  gf  Maryland 

demand.          and  Avalon,  dated  the  I  jth.  of  the  fame  month. 

"  The  demand  being  grounded  upon  the  com- 

miffion,  I  will  take  things  in  their  order,  and  begin 

with  the  commiffion. 

"  The  Lord  Baltimore  doth  commiflionate  Colo- 
nel Talbot  to  go  to  the  weft  fide  of  the  Skulkil  to 
demand  of  William  Penn,  Efquire,  or  his  deputy, 
all  that  part  of  land  on  the  weft  fide  of  that  river, 
that  lyeth  to  the  fouth  of  the  fortieth  degree  of 
northerly  latitude. 

I.  "  I  anfwer,  it  feems  very  flight,  abrupt  and 
unprecedented  for  any  perfon,  that  is  in  the  quality 
of  a  Proprietary  of  a  country,  to  fend  to  another 
in  the  fame  circumftance,  any  extraordinary  mef- 
fenger,  agent,  or  commiflioner,  without  fome  let- 
ter, or  memorial,  to    ftate  the  demand,  with  the 
reafons  of  it ;  the  practice  of  the  greateft  princes, 
and  might  therefore  (1  conceive)  be  the  condefcen- 
lion  of  lefler  feigniories. 

II.  "  In  the  next  place,  William  Penn,  Efquire, 
and  the  faid  Penn,  (the  language  of  the  commiflion) 
is  not  my  American  ftyle,  nor  that  which  belongs 
to  me,  in  the  matter  in  queftion;  for,  as  fuch,  \ 
keep  no  deputies. 

III.  "  I  live  not  on  the  weft  fide  of  Skulkil,  nor 
any  deputy  of  mine;  and  I  conceive  Colonel  Talbot 
could  not,  by  that  commiflion,  come  to  the  eaft 
fide,  to  make  his  demand ;  which  yet  he  did. 

IV.  "  I  was   abfent,  and   at  New-Tor k,  when 
this  commiflioner  came ;  and  I  never  did,  nor  never 
will,  commiflion  any  deputy  to  treat  and  conclude 
away  my  inheritance,  without  my  particular  di- 


.     HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA."  277 

re&ion  and  command;  though,  if  I  were  to  go  for    1683. 
England,  I  would  not  difown  the  laws,  he  fhould  ^^r^j 
make  in  my   abfence,  for   public  good,  when  I  w-  Penn'* 

,        ,       *  aHfwer  to 

came  back.  the  Lord 

V.  «  Colonel    Talbot  is  direaed,  in   the  com- 
million,  to  make  the  demand,  according  to  a  line, 
faid  to  be  run,  in  obedience  to  his  majefty's  com- 
mand, in  his  letter  of  the  2d.  of  April,   1681; 
but  I  fay,  that  no  line  is  yet  run,  in  obedience  to 
his   majefty's  command; — for  the  letter  exprefsly 
faith,  that  the  Lord  Baltimore,  or  his  agent,  (hall, 
together  with  my  agent,  agree  to  the  latitude,  and 
then  run  the  line,  and  bound  the  provinces  accord- 
ingly; which  is  not  yet  done:  For  thofe  obferva- 
tions,  and  the  line  run  by  them,  are  performed  by 
the  Lord  Baltimore.,  and  his  agents  only,  and  there- 
fore not  according  to  his  majefty's  command,  in 
his  letter  of  the  2d.  of  April,  1681,  nor,  in  my  opi- 
nion, common  equity;  for  I  knew  nothing  of  them. 

VI.  "  To  fay  (as  his  commiflion  doth)  that  my 
commiffioners  refufed  to  comply  with  the  faid  let- 
ter, is  hard  for  me  to  do;  fince  the  chiefeft  of 
them  brought  it  in  my  favour.     But  the  truth  is, 
(if  they  fay  true,  and  circumftances  favour  them) 
the   thing  is  improbable;  for  the  Lord  Baltimore 
would  have  had  them  agreed  to  have  taken  an  ob- 
fervation  upon  the  river  Delaware,  when  as  the 
King's  letter  (ftating  my  bounds,  as  they  are  ex- 
prefled  in  my  patent)  begins  twelve  miles  above 
New-caftle,  upon  the  weft  fide  of  Delaware  river, 
and  fo  to  run  to  the  43d.  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude, upon  the  faid  river ;  which  makes  it  impofli- 
ble,  that  the  Lord  Baltimore  could  come  within 
thofe  limits  to  take  an  obiervation,  or  run  a  line, 
in  purfuance  of  his  majefty's  commands,  in  the 
faid  letter;  fince  taking  an  obfervation  on  Delaware 
river  (which,  fay  they,  he  prefled)  is  a  plain  viola- 
tion of  it.     They  further  fay,  that  they  never  re- 
fufedj  but  preffed  the  taking  of  an  obfervation, 

according 


278  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1683,  according  to  his  majefty's  letter;  which  is  grounded 
\_-/~v^  on  the  bounds  of  my  patent;  and  when  the  Lord 
w.  perm's  Baltimore,  and  my  agent  had  agreed  to  meet  at 
thcsTorJ0  New-cqftlc?  and  to  proceed  according  to  his  ma- 
jefty's  letter,  'tis  true  that  my  agent  came  not, 
and  as  true,  faith  he,  that  the  reafon  was  the  Lord 
Baltimore  called  immediately  at  Chichefter,  alias, 
Marcus  Hooks  ^  as  he  went  to  New-caftle^  and  for- 
bad the  inhabitants  to  pay  me  Quit-rent  ,  and 
named  the  place  by  a  new  name,  before  any  line 
was,  run,  or  any  obfervation  agreed;  which  being 
a  declared  breach  of  the  King's  commands,  and 
their  treaty,  in  the  opinion  of  my  agent,  he  re- 
fufed  to  meet  the  next  day  about  a  matter,  the 
Lord  Baltimore  had,  in  fuch  a  manner,  already 
determined. 

VII.  "  But  what  fault  foever  they  were  in, 
lure  I  am,  that,  before  an  obfervation  was  agreed, 
or  any  line  was  run,  I  came  in,  and  fuddenly  after 
waited  upon  the  Lord  Baltimore.  I  prefented  him 
with  another  letter  from  his  majefty;  which  he 
was  fo  far  from  complying  with,  that  he  looked 
•upon  the  King,  as  miflaken,  and  fet  his  patent  in 
direct  oppofitio.n^  and  to  this  day  would  never 
hear  of  complying  with  it,  in  either  of  the  two 
points  it  related  to  ;  that  is  to  fay,  his  having  but 
two  degrees,  and  that  beginning  them  at  Walkings 
point,  he  mould  admeafure  them,  at  fixty  miles  to 
a  degree,  to  terminate  the  north  bounds  of  his 
province.  Now,  in  my  opinion,  it  was  not  pro- 
per to  ground  his  proceedings  upon  a  former  let- 
ter, in  neglect  of  a  later  advice  and  command 
from  his  majefty:  Nor  doth  it  look  very  jufl  to 
make  the  caution,  or  neglecl  of  an  agent,  hi  the 
abfence  of  his  principal,  a  reafon  to  proceed  againfl 
his  principal,  when  prefent  with  other  inftrudions, 
without  due  regard  had  to  him,  or  his  allegations, 
And  I  muft  fay,  that,  at  Nsw-cq/ile^  when  I  pref- 
fed  the  Lord  Baltimore  to  fit  in  one  lioufe  with  his 

Council^ 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  279 

Council,  and  I  would  fit  with  mine  in  another,    1683* 
that  we  might  treat  by  written  memorials  under  v-^vx^ 
our  hands,  to  prevent  miftakes,  ill  memory,  or 
ill  will,  he  refufed,  alledging,  he  was  not  well  5  I  the  Lord 
did  then  tell  him,  I  would  wave  what  force  or  ad- 
vantage  I  thought  I  had  by  the  fecond  letter,  and 
proceed  to  meet  him  at  the  place  he  defired,  which 
was  the  head  of  Chefapeak  bay,  and  there  try  to 
find  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude,  provi- 
ded he  would  firfl  pleafe  to  fet  me  a  gentlemanly 
price;  fo  much  per  mile,  in  cafe  I  (hould  have  no 
part  of  the  bay  by  latitude ;  that  fo  I  might  have 
a  back  port  to  this  province.     This  I  writ,  accor- 
ding to  his  defire,  and  fent  after  him,  to  fell  he 
refufed,  but  flatted  an  exchange  of  part  of  that 
bay  for  the  lower  counties,  on  the  bay  of  Delaware. 
This,  I  prefume,  he  knew  I  could  not  do;  for  his 
Royal  Hlghnefs  had  the  one  half;  and  I  did  not 
prize  the  thing,  I  defired,  at  fuch  a  rate.     Soon 
after  this  meeting,  I  underftood  that  he  had  ilTued 
forth  a  proclamation  fome  time  before,  to  invite 
people  to  plant  thofe  parts  in  ray  pofieflion,  under 
his  Royal  Highnefs ;  and  that  alfo  before  any  de- 
mand had  been  made,  or  our  friendly  treaty  ended j 
which  I  took  fo  ill,  in  right  of  his  Royal  Highnefs^ 
and  that  which  his  goodnefs  had  made  mine,  that 
I  fent  commiffioners  (^firfl  to  know  the  truth  of  it 
from  his  own  mouth,  before  I  would  credit  the 
intelligence,  I  had  received,  and,  if  true}  to  com- 
pkin   of  the   breach  of  our  friendly  treaty,  and 
that  it  might  be  repaired  5  which  he  hath  taken  fo 
ill  (how   defervediy  let  the  whole  world  judge) 
that  he  hath  fent  me  letters  of  a  very  coarfe  ftyie; 
fuch,  as  indeed,  could  not  be  anfwered  without 
thofe  terms,  which  unbecome  men  in  our  public 
Nations;  who,  in  the  midft  of  all  disagreements., 
ought  to  manage  themfelves  v/ith  coolnefs  and 
exact  civility;  and,  if,   in  this,  I   have,  at   any 
lime,  been  fhort,  let  me  but  know  it,  end  I,  that 
think  it  a  meannefe  of  fpirit  to  juftify  an  error, 

wften 


280  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1683.  when  committed,  am  not  too  fliff  to  afk  him  par- 
v-^vx^  don.  Here  I  left  him,  expecting  his  news  when 
w.  Penc's  he  came  to  the  head  Of  the  kay  in  September,  as 

anfwer  to     T1  ,.  ,~  i          •     n        i      *•     ' 

the  Lord  A  thought  he  promiied  me;  but  mitead  of  that, 
an  °bfervati°n  is  taken,  a  line  run,  and  trees 
marked,  without  my  notice,  and  a  demand  mad^ 
thereupon,  and  all  grounded  on  his  majefly's  let- 
ter of  the  2d.  of  April  1681;  in  which  I  mufl 
again  fay,  I  find  no  fuch  direction,  which  bring- 
eth  me  to  the  demand  itfelf. 

VIII.  "  To  the  demand,  viz.  Of  all  that  land 
on  Delaware  river  to  the  fouth  of  the  fortieth  de- 
gree of  north  latitude,  I  have  this  to  fay,  that  'tis 
very  odd   the  demand   mould   be   made  feveral 
months  after  the  proclamation  was  put  forth,  to 
encourage  people  to  plant  mofl  of  the  parts  de- 
manded; but  much  more  ftrange,  that,  after  the 
Lord  Baltimore  had  declared  under  his  hand,  that 
he  did  not  by  that  intend  to  break  our  amicable 
treaty,   he   fhould,   without   further  provocation 
given,  proceed  to  demand  thofe  parts!  Certainly, 
this  was  not  intended  to  continue  our  friendfhip; 
nor  did  it  look  with  common  decency,  that  Colo- 
nel   Talbot  fliould  not  think  me  worth  leaving  a 
letter  at  my  houfe,  where   he  lodged,  when  he 
went  away,  as  well  as  the  land  worth  fuch  a  de- 
mand.    But,  indeed,  his  carriage  all  along  mews, 
he  came  to  defie  me,  not  treat  me,  like  either  a 
neighbour,  or  gentleman.     A  fudden  change  amu- 
fmg   the   King's   people,   under   my   charge,  by 
threats,  or  drawing  them  off  their  obedience,  by 
degrading  mine;  and  invitations  to  the  Lord  Bal- 
timore9 s  government.     This  I  found  at  my  return, 
in  his  conduct  (though  not  in  his  commiffion)  as 
ibme  of  the  people  do  aver. 

IX.  "  But,  in  the  next  place,  the  Lord  Balti- 
more hath  no  warrant  to  run  his  line  to  the  river  of 
Delaware,  neither  by  the  King's  letter,  nor  his  own 
patent,  if  he  perufeth  them  well,  where  he  will 
find  the  bay,  but  not  the  river,  of  Delaware. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  281 

X.  "  The  land  demanded  is  not  a  part  of  the    1683. 
province  of  Maryland,  as   is  expreffed  in  the  de-  \^v**j 
rnand;  for  it  is  in  the  jurifdi&ion  of  Delaware ',  w.  Penn's 
(alias,  Newcqftle)  which  is  by  feveral  acts  of  the  anlwer  to 
Affembly  of  Maryland,  diftinguiflied  and  difowned  wtoS^i 
from  being  any  part  of  that  province.  demand. 

XL  "  The  Lord  Baltimore  hath  no  land  given 
him  by  patent,  but  what  was  unplanted  of  any 
but  flivage  nations ;  and  this  weft  fide  of  the  river 
Delaware,  before,  and  at,  the  parting  of  his  pa- 
tent, was  actually  bought  and  pofTefTed  by  a  civil 
and  chriflian  people,  in  amity  with  the  crown  of 
England;  and  by  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1653,  De- 
tween  the  Englijh  and  Dutcb^  it  was  part  of  one 
article  of  the  treaty,  that  the  Dutch  mould  enjoy 
thofe  territories,  in  America,  of  which  this  was  a 
member;  and  we  do  know,  foreign  actions  of 
that  time  and  kind  continued  firm  after  his  majefly's 
reftoration;  for  Jamaica  (till  remains  to  us;  and 
Dunkirk  itfelf  was  not  rendered,  but  fold. — To  be 
fhort,  I  conceive,  it  is  more  for  the  Lord  Balti- 
more's honour  and  fafety,  that  it  fhould  be  fo,  as 
I  fay,  than  otherwiie: — For,  if  he  elaimeth  what 
was  pofTefled  of  the  Dutch,  on  Delaware  river, 
fouth  of  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude,  as 
what  was  lawfully  under  the  Engli/h  fovereignty, 
how  cometh  he  to  fuffer  part  of  his  province  to  re- 
main under  a  flrange  and  foreign  fovereignty  to 
that,  under  which  he  held  his  claim? 

XII.  "  But,  if  the  Lord  Baltimore  had  a  juft 
pretence  to  this  river,  and  former  poileflion  too, 
which  he  never  had,  yet  being  by  the  Dutch  taken, 
and  by  the  King  taken  from  the  Dutch,  it  becomes 
the  conqueror's: — For,  it  is  known,  that,  if  any 
of  our  Englifh  merchants  mips  be  taken,  and  pot 
feffed  but  twenty-four  hours,  by  an  enemy,  if  re- 
taken by  the  crown,  they  are  prize ;  and  this  place 
was  more  than  twenty-four  years  in  the  hands  of 

the 


282  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1683.   ^e  iW*rf»*     This  made  his  Royal  Highnefs  take 

^^,^^f  out    frefh  patents,  upon  the  opinion  of  Council 

w.  Penn's  (fmce  the   lad    conqueft)   for   his  territories,  in 

thrTorcT   America.     Nor  is  the  Lord  Baltimore  in  the  condi- 

Bahimore's  tion  of  an   ordinary    fubjec~t;  (in   whofe   favour 

demand.     fomething  might  be  alledged)  for  he  hath  regalia, 

principality,  though   fubordinate  to  the  King,  as 

his    ftyle  mews;  and  I  conceive  he  is  bound  to 

keep  his  own  dominions,  or  elfe  lofe  them;  and  if 

loft  to  a  foreigner,  and  taken  by  the  fovereign, 

the  fovereign  hath  the  right;  another  conqueror 

could  plead.     This  is  the  prefent  jus  gentium,  and 

law  of  nations;   which  in  foreign   acquefts   pre- 

vaileth ;  and  the  King,  accordingly  has  granted  it, 

under  his  great  feal  of  England,  to  his  Royal  High- 

nefs.     And,  if  there  were  no  truth  in  this,  but 

the  Lord  Baltimore's  patent  were  title  good  enough 

for  what  was  actually  another's  before,  and  which 

he  never  enjoyed  fince,  Connecticut   colony  might 

put  in  for  New-York,  as  reafonably  as  the  Lord 

Baltimore  can  for  Delaware,  their  patent  having 

that  part  of  the  Dutch  territories  within  its  bounds, 

•on  the  fame  miftake.f 

XIII.  "  I  mall  conclude  with  this,  that  the 
King,  by  articles  of  peace,  between  him  and  the 
dates  of  Holland,  is  the  allowed  owner  of  all  that 
territory,  in  America,  once  called  New  Netherland; 
of  which  this  is  a  part.  He  hath  been  gracioufly 
pleafed  to  grant  it  by  two  patents,  and  this,  in 
controverfy,  by  one,  under  the  great  feal  of  En- 
gland, to  his  dearefl  brother,  James,  Duke  of 
York  and  Albany,  &c.  And  his  Royal  Highnefs, 

out 

*  In  the  original  is  the  following  note  in  the  margin,  viz. 

"  And  not  demanded  of  them;  and  the  Swedes  and  Flnsy  that 
fettled  on  Chriileen-ereek ;  which  is  about  four  miles  from  New  Cajllet 
and  where  they  have  been  about  'years,  never  heard  of  a  demand, 
that  was  ever  made  to  them,  by  the  lurd  Baltimore's  father,  nor  him- 
fclf;  as  the  old  men  among  them  do  declare." 

f  (Note  in  the  margin.)  "  Which  is  yet  out  of  difpute  from  the  lord 
Baltimore's  own  patent,  that  faith,  Neto  England  begins  where  he  ceafeth; 
which  being  at  40  degrees,  north  latitude,  it  follows  that  New  Tort,  and 
part  of  Eaft  and  Weft  Jcrfey  and  Per.afylvania  will  fall  to  New  England? 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

out  of  his  princely  goodnefs,  and  fingular  regard, 

he  was  pleafed  to  have,  to  the  fervices  and  lofles 

of  my  deceafed  father,  hath  interefted  me  in  part 

of  the  fame;  fo  that  he  is  lord,  (and  I  am  tenant) 

of  him   I   hold,  and  to  him  I  pay  my  rent;  and  Baltimore's 

for  him  I  improve,  as  well  as  myfelf;  and,  there-  d< 

fore,  I  muft  take  leave  to  refer  the  Lord  Baltimore 

to  his  Royal  Highnefs  ;  who  is  a  prince,  doubtlefs, 

of  too  much  honour,  to  keep  any  man's   right, 

and  of  too  great  refolution,  to  deliver  up  his  own; 

whofe  example  I  am  refolved  to  follow." 

"  Philadelphia,  4th.  -of  Odober,  1683." 

Such  appears  to  have  been  the  ftate  of  this  con- 
trovcrfy,  at  this  time.  The  year  1684  commenced  1684. 
with  an  incurfion  of  a  party  of  people  from  Mary-  incurfion 
land,  making  forceable  entry  on  fever  al  plantati- 
ons  in  the  lower  counties :  upon  which  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council,  at  Philadelphia,  fent  a  copy  of 
the  preceding  aniwer  to  the  Lord  Baltimore's  de- 
mand, with  orders  to  William  Welch,  to  ufe  his 
influence,  for  reinftating  the  perfons,  who  had 
been  difporTeiTed;  and,  in  cafe  mild  meafures  would 
not  do,  he  was  directed  legally  to  profecute  the 
invaders:  but  the  former  method  appears,  at  pre- 
fent,  to  have  anfwered  the  intention;  for  no  more 
of  this  kind  of  conduct  was  heard  of  till  the  next 
month;  when  fome  of  the  inhabitants  were  afrefh 
threatened  with  the  fame  outrages,  in  cafe  of  their 
relufal  to  be  under  the  Lord  Baltimore.  The  go- 
vernment iflued  a  declaration,  mewing  William 
Perm's  title,  and  fuch  other  requifites  as  were 
thought  mod  likely  to  prevent  fuch  illegal  pro- 
ceedings in  future.* 

It 

*  Tn  this  month  the  Council  received  a  letter  from  Samuel  Sands,  pur- 
porting: "  That  col.  George  Talbot,  with  three  mufqueteers,  went  to  the 
houies  of  the  widow  Og/e,  Jonas  Erftin,  and  Andreas  Tittle,  telling  them, 
that  if  they  would  not  forthwith  yield  obedience  to  the  lord  Baltimore, 
and  own  him  to  be  their  proprietor,  and  pay  rent  to  him,  he  would  turn 
4hem  out  of  their  houfes,  and  take  their  land  frgm  them,"  &c. 


284  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1684.        It  is  likewife  obfervable,  about  this  time,  that 

\^^^^j  the  methods  then  ufed,  and  the  law,  which  had 

The  indi-  been  made,  to  prevent  ftrono-  liquors  from  beine 

ansftiligetr   ,,  ,       'r     ,.  r  c  9,  r  .       . 

ftronty  u7  lold  to  the  Indians ,  did  not  fully  anfwer  the  mten- 
^uors^from  tion;  for  thefe  people,  notwithstanding,  through 
fettled,  &c!  ^ome  mean  and  unprincipled  perfons  among  the 
European  fettlers,  in  a  clandestine  manner,  (till 
procured  them.  The  Governor,  therefore,  fee- 
ing the  great  difficulty,  if  not  the  abfolute  impofli- 
bility,  of  debarring  them  from  thefe  liquors,  cal- 
led a  number  of  them  together,  and  propofed, 
that,  on  condition  they  would  be  content  to  be 
punifhed,  as  the  Englijh  were,  in  confequence  of 
drunkennefs,  they  ihould  not  be  hindered  from 
the  ufe  of  them?  This  they  readily  agreed  to;  and 
would,  probably,  have  been  willing  to  endure 
much  greater  punifhment,  on  thefe  terms ;  fo  great 
is  their  love  of  ftrong  liquors!  The  befl  methods, 
that  prudence  could  dictate,  had  been  ufed,  as  it 
" was  thought,  and  much  advice  given  them  to  in- 
culcate  an  abhorrence  of  the  vice  of  drunkennefs, 
13^  too  generally  without  that  effect,  which  was 
liquors.  defired;  their  appetite  having  fo  much  the  preva- 
lency  over  their  reafon,  and  their  fenfual  defires, 
above  their  better  understanding,  that,  while  they 
faw  and  acknowledged  the  means  ufed  for  their 
real  intereft,  in  this  affair,  to  be  good,  they  lived 
in  the  continued  violation  of  them! 


CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  285 

CHAPTER    VII. 

The  Proprietary  obliged  to  return  to  England.— 
Commlfflonates  the  Provincial  Council  to  aft  in  his 
abfence,  £sV. — His  commifflon  to  the  Judges,  &>V. — 
William  Penrfs  valedictory  letter  to  his  friends  in 
Pennfylvaniafrom  on  board  thejhip,  at  his  depar- 
ture*— Qld/mxcn's  account. — Thomas  Langhorne. 
Death  of  Charles  the  lid.  and fuccejjion  of  *James 
the  lid.  to  the  crown  of  England,  ivith  William 
Perm's  interejl  and  fervice  at  court.— Extract  of 
a  letter  from  the  Proprietary  on  thefubjecJ,  SsV. — 
Names  of  the  members  of  Affembly  in  1685.— 
The  difpute  between  William  Penn  and  Lord  Bal- 
timore, refpecling  the  boundary  of  the  territories 
decided,  &c, — Boundary  lines  between  the  coun- 
ties of  the  province  afcertained. — Proceedings  of  the 
AJfembly  againjl  N.  Moore,  J.  Bridges  and  P. 
Robinfon. — Letter  of  the  Proprietary  to  the  ma- 
glftrates,  refpefting  fome  abufes. — AJJ*embly*s  let' 
ter  to  the  Proprietary  refpefting  N.  Moore,  &c. 
William  Penn  in  Holland  and  Germany. — Extracts 
from  his  letters. — The  province  needs  his  prefence. 
Means  ufed  to  inftrufl  the  Indians,  and  to  reftrain 
them  from  ftrong  liquors^  ?5ff. 

W  ILL!  AM  PENN  continued  in  Pennfyhania  1 684. 
and  fometimes  in  the  adjacent  province  of  New- 
Jerfey,  and  other  neighbouring  places,  till  the 
beginning  of  the  fummer,  this  year,  fettling  and 
eftablifhing  the  government,  and  aflifting  his 
friends,  the  Quakers,  in  regulating  the  affairs  and 

ceconomy 


286  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1684.    ceconomy  of  their  religious  fociety,  in  thefe  parts; 

v^v^  where,  mod:  probably,  he  would  have  refided  much 

longer,  had  not  the  difpute,  between  him  and  the 

w.  Penn  Lord  Baltimore,  before  mentioned,  and  other  im- 

tor^rato  Portant    affairs,    called    him  home,    to   England; 

England,     where  his  enemies,  taking  the  advantage  of  his 

abfence,  threw  his  affairs  there  into  a  critical  fitua- 

tion,  and  rendered  his  prefence  abiblutely  necefiary y 

in  that  nation. 

Upon  this  he  figned  a  commlfjlon,  empowering 
w.  Penn  the  Provincial  Council,  to  aft,  in  the  government 
commif-     in  his  ftead ;  of  which  Thomas  Lloyd  was  prefident ; 
C  WDO  a^°  nad  a  ccmmiffion  to  keep  the  great  feal.* 
'Nicholas  Moore,  William  Welch,  William  Wood,  RG- 
:it,  &c.  fart  cfurner  ancj  yG}jn  Eckley  Were  commiffioned  to 

be  Provincial  Judges,  for  two  years;  their  com- 
miffion was  in  thefe  words,  viz. 

otamifir-  "  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor  of  the 
to  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  territories  there- 

71' 

unto  belonging^ 

"  To  my  trufty  and  loving  friends,  Nicholas 
Moore,  William  Welch,  William  Wood,  Robert  Tur- 
ner and  yohn  Eckley,  greeting: 

"  Repofmg 

Note* — 3d.  mo.  1684, — the  Names  of  the  Members  of  AfTembly,  were: 

for  Philadelphia.  For  'defer.  For  Bucks. 

Nicholas  Moore,  Speaker,  Jofhua  Raftings,  William  Beakes, 

John  Songhurft,  Robert  Wade,  John  Cl<>wes, 

Tfancis  Fincher,  John  Blunfton,  Richard  Hough, 

Lacy  Cock,  George  Maris,  John  Otter, 

jofeph  Growden,  Thomas  Ufher,  Edmond  Bonnet, 

John  Hart.  Henry  Maddock. 

For  Sujfix.  For  Neiu-CaJlle.  For  Kent. 

John  Roads,  James  Williams,  John  Briggs, 

Henry  Bowman,  John  Darby,  John  Glover, 

Hercules  Shepherd,  William  Grant,  J°hn  Curtis, 

Samuel  Gray,  Gafparus  Herman,  William  Sherwood, 

William  Emmet,  Abraham  Man,  James  Wells, 

Henry  Stretcher.  John  White.  William  Berry. 

*  Ca!>:l  Pnfc'v,  who  was  long  of  the  Council,  and  one  of  the  fir  It  fet- 
tiers,  in  his  memoirs  of  the  firil  fettlement  cf  Petwfyhania,  in  manufcript, 
fays, — "  It  may  not  be  amifs  aifo  to  mention,  that  when  the  Governor 
left  us,  the  firft  time,  in  the  year  1684,  he  left  his  power  of  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  live  Cemmiffionera,  of  whom  our  worthy  friend, 
Thomas  LtoyJ,  was  prefideat;  who  afterwards  v/as  fcvcral  years,  Deputy 
Governor,"  &c.  M.  S. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  287 

'"  Repofmg  fpecial  confidence  in  your  juftice,  1684. 
vvifdom  and  integrity,  I  do,  by  virtue  of  the  King's  v«^v^^ 
authority,  derived  unto  me,  conilitute  you,  Pro- 
vincial Judges,  for  the  province  and  territories, 
and  any  legal  number  of  you,  a  provincial  court 
of  judicature,  both  fixt  and  circular,  as  is  by  law 
directed  ;  giving  you,  and  every  of  you,  full  power 
to  act  therein  according  to  the  lame,  ftrictly  charg- 
ing you,  and  every  of  you,  to  do  juflice  to  all, 
and  of  all  degrees,  without  delay,  fear,  or  re- 
ward; and  I  do  hereby  require  all  perfons  within 
the  province  and  territories  aforefaid,  to  give  you 
due  obedience  and  refpect,  belonging  to  your 
ftation,  in  the  difcharge  of  your  duties:  Thiscom- 
raiffion  to  be  in  force  during  two  years,  enfuing 
the  date  hereof;  you,  and  every  of  you,  behaving 
yourfelves  well  therein,  and  acting  according  to 
the  fame. 

"  Given  at  Philadelphia,  the  4th.  of  the  Sixth 
month  1684,  being  the  thirty  -jixth  year  of 
the  Kings  reign  ,  and  the  fourth  of  my  go- 


"  WILLIAM  PENN." 

Thomas  Lloyd.,  James  Claypoole*  and  Robert  Tur-  Other  offi_ 
ner  were  empowered  to  fign   patents,  and  grant  cers  ap- 
warrants  for  lands;  and  William  Clark  had  a  gene-  rointed> 
ral  commifiion,  to  be  juilice  of  the  peace  through- 
out the  province  and  territories.     Other  Tuftices     ~.    -, 

.     .  i-Vr      T  •  ii     i  •  r      I     i   •          The  Pro- 

being   hkewiie  appointed,  and  all  things  icttled  in  primary 
a  promifing  and  profperous  condition,  the  Proprie-  lails  for 
tery,  on  the    isth.  of  the    Sixth    month,  1684,    ngan 
failed  for  England.^ 

But, 

*  James  Claypoole  had  been  a  merchant  in  London. 

7  Qldmixon,  mentioned  in  the  notes,  page  344,  fays, 
"  This  friendfliip  and  civility  of  the  Psnnfyl'oanian  Indians  are  im- 
puted to  Mr.  Peany  the  Proprietor's  extreme  humanity  and  bounty  to 
them;  he  having  laid  out  fome  thoufknds  of  pounds,  to  inftrucl,  fupport 
and  oblige  them.  There  are  ten  Indian  nations  within  the  limits  of  his 
province;  and  the  number  of  fouls  of  theJfe  barbarians  is  computed  to 
about  6oco.—  The  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  S-wedifb^  or  Dutcby  ex> 
traction,  may  he  about  3000  fouls."  —  v  Having  made  a  league  of  amity 
v/ith  nineteen  India,  r.  -li:.?-,  b^:weon  theoi  and  dl  the  Engli/b  in 


288  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

But  prior  to  his  entirely  leaving  the  country,  he 
writ  from  on  board  the  fhip,  in  which  he  failed, 
^le  f°^owmg  mo^  affe&kmate  farewell,  to  be  com* 
board  the    municated  to  thofe,  whom  he  left  behind;  which, 
aiPr  &c.    as  a  memorial  of  the  father  of  this  country,  among 
many  others,  may,  in  part,  fhew  to  pofterity,  his 
real  concern  for  the  true  happinefs  of  the  people, 
both  in  their  temporal  and  fpiritual  capacity,  and 
the  profperity  of  the  country  in  every  refpecl:,  viz. 

"  For  Tho.  Lloyd,  J.  Claypook,  J.  Simcock,  Ch.  Tay- 
lor and  y,  Harrifon,  to  be  communicated  in 
meetings  in  Pennfyhania,  &c.  among  friends :. 

"  Dear  Friends, 

His  vale-  "  MY  love  and  my  life  is  to  you,  and  with  you; 
didtory  let-  and  no  water  can  quench  it,  nor  diftance  wear  it 
out,  or,  bring  it  to  an  end: — I  have  been  with 
you,  cared  over  you,  and  ferved  you  with  unfeign- 
ed love;  and  you  are  beloved  of  me,  and  near  to 
me,  beyond  utterance.  I  blefs  you,  in  the  name 
and  power  of  the  Lord;  and  my  God  blefs  you 
with  his  righteoufnefs,  peace  and  plenty,  all  the 
land  over.  Oh,  that  you  would  eye  him,  in  all, 
through  all,  and  above  all  the  works  of  your 
hands;  and  let  it  be  your  firft  care,  how  you  may 
glorify  God  in  your  undertakings :  for  to  a  blei- 
fed  end  are  you  brought  hither;  and  if  you  fee 
and  keep  but  in  the  fenfe  of  that  Providence,  your 
coming,  (laying  and  improving  will  be  fanctiried; 
$/*  but  if  any  forget  God,  and  call  not  upon  his  name, 
in  truth,  he  will  pour  out  his  plagues  upon  them; 
and  they  Jhall  know  who  it  is,  that  judgetb  the  chil- 
dren of  men. 

"  Oh,  now  you  are  come  to  a  quiet  land,  pro- 
voke not  the  Lord  to  trouble  it :  And  now  liberty 

and 

rlcai  having  eftablifhed  good  laws,  and  feen  his  capital  fo  well  inhabited, 
that  there  were  then  near '300  houfes,  and  2500  (ouls  in  it,  betides  twenty 
other  townfhips,  he  returned  to  England,  leaving  William  Markham, 
Efquire,  Secretary,  Mr.  T&omas  Hvlme,  Surveyor-General;  and  the  ad- 
min iftration  in  the  hands  of  the  Council,  whofe  prefident  was  Thomas 
Lloyd,  Efquire,  who,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  held  the  government  fe- 
veral  years,"  &c. 

OLDMIXON. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  289 

and  authority  are  with  you,  and  in  your  hands,  let    1684. 
the  government  be  upon  his  fhoulders,  in  all  your  v^v^> 
fpirits;  that  you   may  rule  for  him,  under  whom  w.  PemVs 

7.  r     i  •         J  MI  •     valedidory 

the  princes  or  this  world  will,  one  day,  eiteem  it  letter. 
their  honor  to  govern  and  ferve,  in  their  places. 
I  cannot  but  fay,  when  thefe  things  come  mightily 
upon  my  mind,  as  the  Apoftles  did,  of  old, 
"  What  manner  of  perfons  ought  we  to  be,  in  all 
godly  conversation!"  Truly,  the  name  and  honour 
of  the  Lord  are  deeply  concerned  in  you,  as  to 
the  difcharge  of  yourfelves,  in  your  prefent  ftati- 
ons;  many  eyes  being  upon  you;  and  remember, 
that,  as  we  have  been  belied  about  difowning  the 
true  religion,  fo,  of  all  government,  to  behold  us 
exemplary  and  chriftian,  in  the  ufe  of  that,  will 
not  only  flop  our  enemies,  but  minifter  conviclion 
to  many,  on  that  account,  prejudiced.  Oh,  that 
you  may  fee  and  know  that  fervice,  and  do  it,  for 
the  Lord,  in  this  your  day: — 

"  And,  thou,  Philadelphia,  the  virgin  fettle- 
ment  of  this  province,  named  before  thou  wert 
born,  what  love,  what  care,  what  fervice,  and 
what  travail  has  there  been,  to  bring  thee  forth, 
and  preferve  thee  from  fuch  as  would  abufe  and 
defile  thee ! 

"  Oh,  that  thou  mayft  be  kept  from  the  evil, 
that  would  overwhelm  thee;  that,  faithful  to  the 
God  of  thy  mercies,  in  the  life  of  righteoufnefs, 
thou  mayfl  be  preferved  to  the  end: — My  foul 
prays  to  God  for  thee,  that  thou  mayft  ftand  in 
the  day  of  tryal,  that  thy  children  may  be  blefTed  deiphia,&£. 
of  the  Lord,  and  thy  people  faved  by  his  pow- 
er;— my  love  to  thee  has  been  great,  and  the  re- 
[37]  membrance 

Note,  In  the  year  1684,  among  other  friends  and  fettlers,  from  Wejl- 
moreland,  Thomas  Langhorne  arrived  in  Pennfyhania^  and  fettled  in  Bucks 
county,  about  Middletoivn;  where  then  dwelt  Nicholas  Walne  and  others. 
He  was  an  eminent  preacher  among  the  Quakers;  and  of  whom  there  i* 
a  very  excellent  and  extraordinary  character,  in  M.  S.  from  Friends  at 
Kendal  in  W 'ejimor -eland ',  by  way  of  certificate,  on  his  removal  to  thi» 

country.     He  died  a  few  years  after  his  arrival. His  fop,  Jcrsmiat 

was  afterwards  Chief  Juftice  of  tjhe  province. 


290  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1684.    membrance  of  thee  affe&s  mine  heart  and  mine 
eye!  —  the  God  of  eternal  ftrength  keep  and  pre- 


w  penn's  ferve  thee,  to  his  glory  and  tnY  peace. 

valedidory  ;    J          . 

inter.  "  So,  dear  mends,  my  love  again  falutes  you 

all,  wifhing  that  grace,  mercy  and  peace,  with  all 
temporal  bleflings,  may  abound  richly  among 
you;  —  fo  fays,  fo  prays,  your  friend  and  lover  in 
the  truth, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN, 

**  From  on  board  tie  Ketch  Endea-"} 
vour,  the  Sixth  month,  1684."  j 

Death  of      ^n  England,  on  the  fixth  of  the  Twelfth  month 

K.  Charles  this  year  (1684)    died  King   Charles  the  fecondj 

the  fecond,  and  was  fucceeded  by  his  brother,  James,  Duke 

of  Tork,  a  profefled  Papift.*—  The  people  were 

there- 

*  The  Proprietary  in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  Prefident  of  the  Coun- 
cil,  dated,   "  London  the   1  6th.  of   the  Firft  month,  1684-5,"  writes 
thus  on  this  affair,  viz. 

-  "  The  King  is  dead;  and  the  Duke  fucceeds  peaceably,     lie 
was  well  on  the  Firft-day  night,  being  the  firft  of  February  (fo  called;) 
about  eight  next  morning,  as  he  fat  down  to  (have,  his  head  twitch- 
ed  both    ways,    or  fides;    and    he    gave   a    fhnek,    and    fell    as   dead; 
and  fo  remained  fome  hours;  they  opportunely  blooded  and  cupped  him, 
and  plied  his  head  with  red-hot  frying-  fz-;s:  —  He  returned,  and  continu- 
ed till  Sixth-day  noon;  but  moftly  in  great  tortures.     He  feemed  very 
penitent,  aiking  pardon  of  all,  even  the  poorefi  fubjecT:  he  had  wronged; 
prayed  for  pardon,  and  to  be  delivered  out  of  the  world;  The  Duke  ap- 
pearing mighty  humble  and  forrowful;  —  'twas  a  lofs,  with  his  gain  :  — 
He  was  an  able  man  for  a  divided  and  troubled  kingdom.  —  The  prefent: 
K:ng  was  proclaimed  about  three  o'clock  that  day;  a  proclamation  fo!-- 
lowed,  with  the  King's  fpeeth,  to  maintain  the  church  and  ftate,  as  efta- 
blifhed;  to  keep  property  and  ufe  clemency.  —  Tonnage  and  poundage, 
•with  the  excife,  are  revived,  de  bsne  ejje,  till  the  parliament  meet.—  One  is 
BOW  chufing;—  The  people  of  Wejlmlnjter  juft  gone  by,  to  chule.  —  It 
fits  the  I  pth.  of  the  third  month  next.     In  Scotland,  one  next  month.  — 
Severities  continue  ftill;  but  fome  eafe  to  us  faintly  promifed.  —  Be  care- 
ful that  no  indecent  fpeeches  pafs  againtt  tbe  government;  for  the  King 
going,  with  his  Queen,  publickly  to  Mafs,  in  WMttha^  gives  occafion.  — 
He  declared  he  concealed  himfelf,  to  obey  his  brother,  and  that  now  he 
would  be  above  board;  which  we  like  the  better,  OH  many  accounts.  — 
I  was  with  him  and  told  him  fo;  —  but  withall,  hoped  IV  e  fhould  come 
in  for  a  fhare;  —  He  fmilrd,  and  (aid,  he  defired  not  that  peaceable  people 
fhould  be  difturbed  for  their  religion  :  —  And  till  his  coronation,  the  23d. 
when  he  and  his  confort  are  together,  to  be  crowned,  no  hopes  of  re- 
leafe;  and  till  the  Parliament  no  hopes  of  any  fixt  liberty.  —  My  bufinefs, 
I  would  hope,  is  better.  —  1  he  late  King,  the  p.ipifts  will  h.,ve,  died  a 
Roman  Catholic;  for  he  refufed  (after  his  ufual  way  of  evading  uueafy 
things,  with  unpreparednefa  firft.  and  then   weaknefs)  the  church  of 
England's  communion.     Bifhop  Ken,  of  Wells,  preffing  him,  that  it 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  291 

thereupon   filled   with   great    apprehenfions   and    1684. 
fears,    left,    according   to    the    ufual    practice    of  ^-^v>w> 
thofe  religious  devotees,  who  would   compel  all 
people  under  their  power,  to  their  own  mode  of 
religion,   as  in  the   pcrfecuting   days    of  Queen 
Mary,  he  mould  endeavour,  by  the  ruin  of  the 

Proteftant, 

would  be  to  his  comfort,  and  that  of  his  people,  to  fee  he  died  of  that 
religion,  he  had  made  profeflion  of  living;  but  it  would  not  do: — and 
once  all  but  the  duke,  Earl  of  Bath,  and  Lord  Fe-verjham,  were  turned 
out,  and  one  Huddlcfione,  a  Romijk  Pr'u-Jl,  was  feen  about  that  time,  near 
thj  chamber. — This  is  mo  ft  ol  our  news. — The  popiih  lord*  and  gentry 
go  to  Whitehall,  to  mafs,  daily;  and  the  Toiver,  (or  Royal  Chapel}  is 
crammed  (by  vying)  with  the  proteflant  lords  and  gentry  :—•- The  Jare 
King's  children,  even,  by  the  Dutchefs  of  Porifmouth,  go  th'ther. —  Our 
K;ng  (lands  more  upon  his  terms,  than  the  other,  with  France;  ami  tho* 
he  has  not  his  brother's  abilities,  he  has  great  difcipline  and  induftry.— • 
Alas!  the  world  is  running  over  to  you;  and  great  quantities  together  is 
to  put  the  fale  of  lands  out  of  my  owa  hands,  after  I  have  fpent  what 
I  got  by  my  own,  on  the  public  fervice:  for  I  am  £.3,000  worfe  in  my 
eflate,  than  at  finl;  I  can  lay  it  before  the  Lord;  I  have  only  the  com- 
fort of  having  approved  myfelf  a  faithful  fteward,  to  my  underftanding, 
and  ability;  and  yet,  1  hope,  my  children  ft  nil  receive  it,  in  the  love  ofyourst 
li'bfn  "we  are  gone.** 

The  relb  of  this  letter  confifcs  principally  of  falutations  to  the  people, 
in  genera],  both  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jerfey,  and  alfo  to  divers  par- 
ticulars, by  name;  with  ibme  initrudions  cr  dire<5lioas  of  a  more  private 
nature; — but  as  the  names  of  fuch  families  as  the  Proprietary  expreffed 
this  particular  refpcct  t  - ,  may,  at  this  time,  be  acceptable  to  fome,  now 
to  fee,  they  here  follow,  as  tranfcribed  from  his  own  hand,  omitcing  the 
reil,  viz. 

•  "  Dearly  falute  me  to  dear  friends,  in  their  meetings,  and  par- 
ticularly to  dear  John  Simcock,  Chriftopher  Taylor,  J.  Harrifon,  J. 
Claypoole,  T.  Janny,  William  Yardley,  Thomas  Brafby,  William  Wood, 
Thomas  Ellis,  J.  Songhurfl:,  John  Moon,  J.  Blunfton,  Jofeph  Growden, 
J.  Head,  G.  Jones,  G.  P> inter,  H.  Lewis,  T.  Howeil,  J.  B.  and  the 
reft  of  the  Weifh  Friends; — Captain  Owen,  &c.  -Thomas  Fitzwater, 
James  Barnes,  B.  Wilcocks,  J.  Goodfon,  Thomas  Bowman,  Widow  Fin- 
cher,  W  Salloway,  J.  Alloway,  R.  Wade,  R.  Turner,  Samuel  Carpen- 
ter, J.  Southern,  William  Clark,  with  their  families  and  all  friends  on 
our  lide,  and  the  other  too  (-viz.  JerfeyJ  particularly,  J.  Gofling,  Anne 
Jennings,  S.  Budd,  W,  Biddle,  S.  Co<  per,  R.  Staty  and  Mahion,  T. 
Lambert,  and  widow  Welfli. — Dr.  Moore,  J.  C.  A.  Man,  P.  Aldricks, 
W.  Gueft,  J.  White,  W.  Durvall.— Salute  me  to  the  Swedes,  Captain 
Cock,  old  Peter  Cock,  and  Rambo,  and  their  fons,  the  Swanfons,  Andrew 
Binkfon,  P.  Yoakum  and  the  reft  of  them : — Their  ambafladour  here  dined 
with  me  the  other  day." — &c. 

"  Keep  up  the  people's  hearts  and  love,"  &c. — "  I  hope  to  be  with  them 
next  fall,  if  the  Lord  prevent  not; — I  long  to  be  with  you;  No  temp- 
tations prevail  to  fix  me  here; — the  Lord  fend  us  a  good  meeting, 
Amen.' — &c. 

Note,  By  a  warrant  to  Prefident  L'.oyd  and  the  Counci),  dated  at 
London,  the  1 8th.  of  the  Firft-month,  1684-5,  William  Penn  authorised 
them  to  commifiion  his  coufin,  William  Markbam,  to  befecretary  of  the 
province  and  territories,  and  his  fecretary,  as  proprietary. 


292  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1684.  Proteftant,  to  eftablifh  the  Popijh,  power  and  hierar- 
v^v->^  chy,  in  the  nation.  So  that  had  the  Proprietary 
Unfettied-  of  Pennfyfoama,  at  this  time,  fomented  the  gene- 

net's  in  Eng-        ,  JJr       r  .  ,  .       ,        o 

land,  &c.    ral   uneaiinefs,  by  encouraging  multitudes,  then 

upon  the  wing,  he,  mod  probably  might,  as  him- 

*  Sce  his  felf  faid,  "  Have  put  many  more  thousands  of  peo- 

Poppic^&c!  X6'  into  ^/J  province^  as  well  as  pounds  into  his  poc- 

here-ufter.    ket  than  he  did"* 


w.  PemTs  But  tne  a^ons  of  William  Penn  appear  to  have 
difmtereft-  had  more  noble  and  generous  motives,  than  thofe 
inEngia^'  of  private  intereft,  or,  of  a  party  only;  and  from 
&c.  '  that  friendfhip  and  intimacy,  which  he  had  had  with 
the  King,  while  Duke  of  Tork,  he  now  employed 
his  interefl  with  him,  not  only  for  the  relief  of 
his  fuffering  friends,  the  Quakers  (who  then  had 
long  filled  the  jails  through  the  nation,  on  account 
of  their  religion)  but  alfo  for  the  benefit  of  fuch 
other  perfons,  as  were  in  diftrefs  or  difficulty, 
without  diftindlion  of  feel:  or  party:  befides  what 
might  be  proper,  in  his  private  and  friendly  capa- 
city and  communication,  in  advifmg  the  King 
both  for  his  own  real  interefl,  and  the  good  of  the 
nation  in  general,  however  difregarded,  or  ne- 
glected, by  him,  through  a  different  conducl. 

For  his  more  convenient  attendance,  therefore, 
at  court,  and  for  the  eafier  performance  of  thefe 
afts  of  humanity,  friendfhip,  charity,  and  gene- 

ral 

In  the  Third  month,  1685,  Thomas  Lloyd  being  Prefident  of  the 
Council,  the  names  of  the  members  of  Affembly  were:  — 

For  Philadelphia.  For  Bucks.  For  Chefler. 

Nicholas  Moore,  William  Beaks,  J°hn  Blunfton, 

Jofeph  Growden,*  Gilbert  Wheeler,  George  Maris, 

Barnaby  Wilcox,  Henry  Baker,  John  Harding,  * 

Lawrence  Cock,  William  Dark,  Thomas  Ufher, 

Gunner  Rambo,  James  Dihvorth,  Francis  Stanfield, 

Thomas  Pafchall.  Henry  Paxon.  Jofhua  Perne. 

For  New  Co/Me.  For  Kent.  For  Su/ex. 

John  White,  Speaker,       John  Bridges,  Henry  Smith, 

Gafparus  Herman,  J°hn  Curtis,  William  Carter, 

Hendrick  Williams,          Daniel  Jones,  Robert  Clifton, 

Abraham  Man,  Peter  Groningdyke,       John  Hill, 

Edward  Ovyen,  junior,     William  Berry,  Samuel  Gray, 

John  Darby.  John  Brinkloe,  Richard  Law. 

*  Joieph  Growden  came  from  Trevofe  in  Cornwall. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  293 

ral  fervice  to  his  country,  as  well  as  his  own  pri-    1685. 
vate  concerns,  in  the  year  1685,  he  fixed  his  refi-  <^s~\r^S 
dence  near  Kenfmgtcn;  all  which  gave  occafion  to  nerefides 
the   ignorant,  the   fufpicious,  and   his   malicious near  Kenf* 
enemies,  to  impute  to  him  things,  in  which  ne  inston> &c- 
was  no  way  concerned,  as  a  promoter  of  them; 
and,  from  that   enmity,   which  many  had  igno- 
rantly  conceived  againft  the  religious  profeflion  of 
the  people  called   Quakers^  and  agflinll  him,  on 
that  account,  to  load  him  with  many  lies  and  re- 
proaches, as  may  be  feen  in  his  printed  life  and 
works. 

The  Lord  Baltimore's  agent  had,  in  the  year  Thedifpute 
1683,  petitioned  King  Charles  the  fecond,  that  no  between 
frefh  grant  of  the  land,  in  the  territories  of  Penn-  ana  Lo"d 
Jylvania  might  pafs  in  favour  of  William  Penn,  till  Baltimore, 
the  faid  Lord  was  heard,  on  his  pretenfion  of  right  thlfiowef 
thereto ;  which  petition  was  referred  to  the  Lords  «ounties 
of  the  committee  of  trade  and  plantations:  thefe decided* 
after  many  attendances  and  divers  hearings  of  both 
parties,  made  their  report  to  King  James  the  fecond; 
who,  in  November,  1685,  by  an  order  of  Coun- 
cil, determined  the  affair  between  them;  by  or- 
dering a  divifion  to  be  made  of  all  that  traft  of  dTries^" 
land  between  Delaware  and  Chef  apeak  bay,  from  termined. 
the  latitude  of  cape  Hinlopen,  to  the  fouth  boun- 
dary   of  Pennfyhania^  into    two  equal    parts;  of 
which  that  fhare  on  Delaware  was  afligned  to  the 
King;  and  that  on  Che/apeak,  to  the  Lord  Bal- 
timore.* 

This 

*  The  purport  of  this  order  of  Council  was  as  follows,  viz. 
"   At  a  Court  at  Whitehall,  this  l$tb.  day  of  November,  1685. 
"  Prefent,— The  King," — &c. 

4c  THE  following  report  from  the  right  honorable,  the  Lords  of  the 
committee  for  trade  and  foreign  plantations,  being  this  day.  read  at  the 
board,  &c.  The  fubftance  of  the  faid  Lords'  report  we  find,  that  the 
faid  lands  intended  to  be  granted  by  the  Lord  Baltimore's  patent,  were 
only  cultivated,  afid  inhabited  by  favages;  and  that  the  part  then  in 
difpute,  was  inhabited  and  planted  by  Chriftians  at,  and  before,  the  date 
of  the  Lord  Baltimore**  patent,  as  it  had  been  ever  fince,  to  that  time, 
acd  continued  as  a  diftinft  colony  from  that  of  Maryland-,  fo  that  the 


294 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1685.        This  divifion  was,  by  the  King,  in   Council, 
\^v-^J  ordered  immediately  to  be  made;  but  its  execution 
But  delay-  being  many  years  delayed,  Queen  Ann  was  twice 
ri&o  &*  petitioned  for  a  further  hearing;  which  being  ob- 
tained, the  firil  order  of  council,  of  1685,  was> 
by  the  Queen,  ratified  and  confirmed,  in  all  its 
parts,  and   commanded  to  be  put  in  execution, 
without  further  delay. 

The  boun-  In  confequcfice  hereof  this  territory,  which  be- 
<kry  lines,  fore  had  been  divided  by  William  Penn,  into  the 
three  counties  of  New-Cqftt£,  Kent  and  Sujfex, 
became  bounded  on  the  eaft,  by  the  river  and  bay 
of  Delaware,  and  partly  by  the  ocean;  on  the 
fouth,  by  an  eaft  and  weft  line,  drawn  a  few  miles 
fouth  of  the  Indian  river,  in  latitude  about  thirty- 
eight  and  an  half;  which  line  extends  halfway  be- 
tween the  ocean,  on  the  eaft,  and  Chcfapeak  bay, 
on  the  weft,  thirty-five  miles;  and  from  thence  on 
the  weft  of  the  laid  counties,  by  a  right  line  nearly 
in  a  north  direction  to  the  fouth  boundary  of  Penn- 
fylvania;  which  is  in  a  parallel  of  about  fifteen 
miles  due  fouth  of  Philadelphia-*  fo  that  the  faid 
line  touch  the  arch  of  a  circle,  drawn  at  twelve 
miles  diftance  from  New-Caftle  to  the  river  Dela- 
ware; and  thence  from  the  end  of  the  faid  line, 
on  the  north  eaft  ward,  to  the  river  Delaware,  by 
the  faid  arch. 

Hence  the  breadth  of  thefe  counties,  eaft  and 
weft,  continues  to  decreafe,  from  their  fouth 
boundary,  where  it  is  thirty-five  miles,  till  it  is 
only  about  twelve  miles,  at,  or  near,  the  border 

of 

Lords  offered  it  as  their  opinion,  that,  for  avoiding  further  differences, 
thd  tradt  of  land,  lying  between  the  river  and  hay  of  Delaware  and  the 
eailern  fea  on  one  fide,  and  Chefapcak  bay,  on  the  other,  be  divided  into 
two  equal  parts,  by  a  line,  from  the  latitude  of  cape  Henlopcn,  to  the 
fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude;  (the  i'outh  boundary  of  Pennfylvasta 
by  charter)  and  that  one  half  thereof,  lying  towards  the  Bay  of  Dda~ 
•ware  and  the  Eaftern  fea,  be  adjudged  to  beiong  to  his  Majefly  (Ws.  to 
King  James,  who  granted  it  W.  Penn,  when  Duke  of  Tork)  and  that, 
the  other  half  remain  to  the  Lord  Baltimore^  as  compiifcd  in  his  charter/' 
*  For  the  final  fettlement  of  the  boundary  between  the  province  o£ 
PeRtifyfaanta,  and  Maryland,  fee  afterwards,  under  the  year  1732. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  295 

of  Pennfyfoania.     The  faid  north  and  fouth  line,    1685. 
from  latitude  thirty-eight  degrees,  thirty  minutes,  ^s~y*^ 
to  thirty-nine  decrees,  forty-four  minutes,  is  about  Content  of 

.  J  r  ,  .  r      i~-  &e     lower 

eighty-five   miles;    but,   in   confideration   or  tne  coupes,  i* 
fpace,  included  in  the  north  part  of  the  circle's  fquare 
arch,  the  whole  territory  may,  probably,  be  near  ™£^  a" 
ninety  miles  in  length;  this,  multiplied  by  twenty- 
three,  the  mean  breadth,  gives  2070  fquare  miles ; 
which  lad  number,  multiplied  by  640,  the  number 
of  acres  in  one  fquare  mile,  produces  1,324,800, 
or  above  one  million  and  a  quarter  of  acres,  in 
this  territory. 

At  a  Council  held  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  firft  Boundaries 
day  of  the  Second-month,  1685, — Prefent  Thomas  of  the  Pr°- 

»  ,      -,    W    /»;.i  i       •     '         i  I_T  rr      vinc-- 

Lloydy  Prefident,  and  nine  others, — the  lines  of  ie-  ties 
paration  between  the  county  of  Philadelphia,  and  t 
thofe  of  Bucks  and  Chefter,  were  confirmed,  accord- 
ing to  the  Proprietary's  mind,  fignified  to  fome  of 
his  friends,  before  he  left  the  province.* 

Nicholas  Moore  from  London,  one  of  the  pro- 
vincial  judges,  being  firlh  in  commiffion,  took 
place,  as  prior  judge;  or  in  the  flyle  of  later  times, 
as  Chief  Jit/lice  of  the  province,  and  was  a  mem- 
ber of  Aflembly.t  Though  he  appears  to  have 

been 

*  For  a  defcrlption  of  thefe  boundaries,  fee  the  chorographical  part 
of  this  hiftory,  in  the  general  view  of  the  province  near  the  conclufioo. 

f  The  Aflembly  had  before  this,  on  the  I3th.  of  the  Third-month, 
Ihewed  an  inftance  of  their  own  authority,  in  expelling,  or  rather  fuf- 
sending,  one  of  their  members,  during  the  fefllon,  viz.  'Join  Bridges,  of 
Kent  county,  for  contemptuous  language  to  the  houfe,  exprtfled  in  Affem* 
bly,  and  refufing  to  make  fubmifilon;  but  upon  his  altering  his  mind, 
the  next  diy,  and  making  acknowledgment,  &c.  for  his  offence,  he  \vas 
reinflated. 

Veto  of  Affemliy. 

And  on  the  l8th,  Patrick  Robinfon,  clerk  of  the  provincial  circular 
courts,  being  admitted  into  the  Houfe  of  Aflembly,  and  requeued  to 
produce  the  records  of  laid  courts;  but  he  denying  the  fame,  and  join- 
ing with  Moore,  was,  for  his  contempt  of  the  authority  of  the  Hoyfc, 
difobsdience  to  their  orders,  and  abuiing  the  Ailembly,  committed  to  ths 
Sheriff's  cultody,  during  the  pieafure  oi  the  houfe,  and  voted  "  A  publi'c 
enemy  to  the  province  of  Pi-r.afyl-vania  and  territories  thereof,  and  a 
violator  of  the  privileges  of  .the  ireeraen,  in  Afiembly  met,"' 

lild. 


296 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1685.    been  a  perfon  of  good  and   ufeful  abilties,  and 

v^v>^  efleemed  by  the  Proprietary,  yet  being  accufed  of 

mal-pra&ices,  he  fell  under  the  difpleafure  of  the 

N.  Moore  houfe ;  and  they  impeached  him  in  form,  by  a  de- 

impeached,  claration  exhibited  to  the  Council,  on  the  i5th. 

of  the  Third-month,  this  year,  confiding  of  ten 

articles;  befides  faving    to  themfelves  the  liberty 

of  adding  more;  and  concluded  with   a  requeft, 

that  he  might  be  removed  from  his  great  offices 

and  truft,  and  be  made  to  anfwer  to  the  crimes 

and   mifdemeanors,  which  were  brought  againfl 

him.* 

The 

•  The  following  Letter  from  the  Proprietary  to  th-e  Mngsftrates,  con- 

cerning ordinaries,  with  fome  others,  about  this  time,  indicate  the 
exiftence  of  fome  irregularities  and  abufes,  in  the  province,  and  his 
anxiety  to  have  them  redrefied,  viz. 

"  Friends^ 

"  THERE  is  a  cry  come  over  into  thefe  parts  againft  the  number  of 
drinking-houfes,  and  loofenefs,  that  is  committed  in  the  caves."  [Note, 
Thefe  caves  were  fome  of  the  firft  habitations  of  the  new  fettlers,  under 
William  Perm,  till  they  got  better  erected;  they  were  made  in  the  hunk, 
along  the  fide  of  Delmvare,  where  the  city  now  ftands,  which  then  was 
higher  ground.]  "  I  am  preffed  in  my  fpirit,  being  very  apt  to  believe 
too  many  cliforders,  in  that  refpetft,  flridlly  to  require,  that  fpeedy  and 
effe&ual  care  be  taken  :-»Firft,  To  reduce  the  number  of  ordinaries,  or 
drinking-houfes-,  and  that  without  refpecl  to  perfons: — Such  are  conti- 
nued, that  are  moft  tender  of  God's  glory,  arid  the  reputation  of  the  go- 
vernment.;  and  that  all  others,  prefuming  to  fell,  be  punifhed  according 
to  law :—  Idefire  you  to  purge  thefe  caves,  in  Philadelphia;  they  are  mine 
by  licence  and  time: — The  three  years  arc  expired; — I  would  have  the 
iufpe&ed  forthwith  ordered  to  get  up  houfing  elfewhere;  and  the  empty 
caves  to  accommodate  the  poor  families,  that  may  come  over ;  though  they 
mil/}  not  Jl and  long  before  men's  doors.  Whatever  you  do,  let  virtue  be 
cherifhed,  and  thofe  that  {how  to  fear  God,  by  a  life  accarding  to  it,  be 
countenanced,  arid  the  evil  perfon  rebuked;  that  God,  who  blelTeth  thofe 
that  fear  him,  and  call  upon  his  name  in  all  lands,  may  blefs  and  preferve 
you. — And  though  this  be  particularly  a^drefled  to  you,  let  the  m3gi- 
ftrates  of  other  towns  have  it  to  read  among  them.  I  add  no  more,  but 
my  defires  to  the  God  of  all  our  tender  mercies  to  be  with  you  all,  in 
your  duties  and  places,  to  his  glory,  and  your  praife  and  peace,  Amen.- 

"  Your  very  loving  Friend, 

"  WM.  PENN." 
The  following  I  find  indorfed  on  the  copy  of  the  above  letter,  viz. 

"  Thefe  are  to  certify,  That  notwithstanding  feveral  within  this  county 
of  Philadelphia,  keep  ordinaries,  and  fell  irrong  liquors  by  retail,  yet  not 
one  of  them  hath  any  licence  for  their  fo  doing. 

"  WILLIAM  MARKHAM. 

*  Philadelphia,  $*!>.  JJT.O,   l638," 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  -297 

The  Council,  having  received  the  Aflembly's  1685* 
charge  againft  Moore,  ordered  feveral  of  their 
members  to  acquaint  him  with  the  accufation,  and 
to  requeft  his  appearance  before  the  Council,  next 
day;  but  he  not  appearing,  at  the  time  appointed, 
the  articles  againft  him  were  read  a  fecond  time, 
and  notice  given  to  the  Afiembly,  that  they  were 
willing  to  hear  their  proofs.  The  Speaker,  John 
White,  Abraham  Man,  Thomas  UJher,  John  Blun- 
fton,  William  Barry  and  Samuel  Gray  were  ap- 
pointed managers  for  the  houfe,  on  the  occafion; 
who  fupporting  the  charge,  the  Prefident  and 
Council  lent  a  fecond  notice  to  Moore,  to  appear 
at  the  Council -chamber,  on  the  i9th.  but  he  ftill 
neglecting,  after  fome  time  of  delay,  notice  was 
again  fent  him  by  a  Council  convened  on  the  2d. 
of  the  Fourth-month  following,  "  That  he  defift 
and  ceafe  from  further  afllng,  In  any  place  of  autho- 
rity, or  judicature,  till  the  articles  of  Impeachment 
exhibited  againft  him,  by  the  Affembly,  be  tried,  or, 
that  fatisfaftion  be  made  to  the  board* 

[38]  i 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  an  original  letter,  in  the  Proprietary's 
own  hand  writing,  dated  Sixth-month,  1685,  and  directed  to  Thomas 
Lloyd,  John  Simcock,  Chriftopher  Taylor,  James  Harrifon,  and  Ro- 
bert Turner. — Speaking  of  fome  perfons  in  the  government,  and  cer- 
tain diforders,  he  fays, — 

"  I  am  forry  at  heart  for  your  animofities;  cannot  more  friendly 

and  private  courfesbe  taken,  to  let  matters  to  right,  in  an  infant  province, 
•whofe  fteps  are  numbered  and  watched?  For  the  love  of  God,  roe,  and 
the  poor  country,  be  not  fo  governmentift,  fo  noify,  and  open,  in  your 
tliffatisfa&ions; — fome  folks  love  hunting  in  government  itfelf."  •  **  It 
is  an  abominable  thing  to  have  three  warrants  for  one  purchafe;  'tisop» 
preflion,  that  my  foul  loaths;  I  do  hereby  require  it,  that  P.  L.  be  called 
to  account,  for  requeft t  and  warrants,  &C.  for  toivn~Iot,  liberty-lot,  and  the 
reft  of  ibe  pur  chafe:  Why  not  one  "warrant  for  all,  at  lea/},  for  liberty  lot,  and 
tie  remainder  ?  This  is  true  and  right  oppreflion ;  befides,  feveral  things  and 
fums  are  fet  down,  that  are  not  in  law,  nor  in  my  regulations,"  &c. 

*  The  Aflembly,  in  a  letter  to  the  Proprietary,  figned  by  John  Wt>itet 
their  Speaker,  exprefs  themfelves  in  the  following  manner,  refpe&ing 
this  affair,  viz. 

"   Moft  excellent  Governor, 

"  WE,  the  Freemen  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  and  Territories., 
do,  with  unfeigned  love  to  your  perfon  and  government,  with  all  due 
refpeft,  acquaint  you,  that  we  have  this  laft  day  qf  our  feffions,  pafled 

ail 


298 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1685.        I  find  nothing  on  record  what  thefe  articles,  of 

v-y-v^  crimes  and  mifdemeanors  particularly  were  ;  which, 

The  par-  undoubtedly,  could  not  be  without  real  foundation  : 

tmsTm-0  but,  from  circumftances,  it  feems  reafonable  to 

peachment  apprehend  there  might  have  been  fome  animofities 

pear,0{&c!"  an^    difagrcement,    or   mifunderflanding   among 

fome  of  the  perfons  in  authority,  at  this  time,  by 

which  things  might  have  been  aggravated:  this 

appears,  in  part,  from  Moore's  obflinacy,  in  re- 

fufing  to  appear  before  the  Council,  and  alfo  from 

fome  letters  of  the  Proprietary,  in  which  he  feems 

not  to  have  been  well  pleafed  with  part  of  thefe 

proceedings  againfl  him:*  For   N.  Moore,  after 

this, 

all  fuch  bills,  as  we  judged  meet  to  pafs  into  laws:  and  impeached  Ni- 
cholas Moore  i  a  member  of  the  AiTembly,  of  ten  articles,  containing  di  - 
Viers  high  crimes  and  mifdemeanours;  and,  in  the  prefence  of  the  Prefi- 
dent  and  Provincial  Council,  made  very  clear  proof  of  the  faid  articlag^. 

"  We  have  had  the  perfon  of  Patrick  Robhifun  under  reftraint,  for  di- 
vers infolencies  and  affronts  unto  the  Affembly;  —  but  there  was  a  right 
und  good  underftanding  betwixt  the  Prefident,  Council  and  AfTcmbly, 
and  a  happy  and  friendly  farewell. 

"  Dear  and  honoured  Sir,  the  honor  of  God,  the  love  of  your  perfon, 
and  the  prefervat:on  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  government  were, 
>#e  hope,  the  only  center,  to  which  all  our  aclions  did  tend.  And  al- 
though the  wifdom  of  the  Aflembly  thought  fit  to  humble  that  afpiring 
and  corrupt  minifter  of  (late,  Nicholas  Moore;  yet,  to  you,  dear  Sir, 
and  to  the  happy  fuccefs  of  your  affairs,  our  hearts  are  open  and  our 
hands  ready,  at  all  times  to  fubfcribe  ourfelves,  in  the  name  of  ourfelve* 
and  ail  the  freemen  we  represent, 

"  Your  obedient  and  faithful  freemen, 

"  JOHN  WHITE,  Speaker" 

"  P.  S.  Honoured  Sir,  we  know  your  wifdom  and  goodnefs  will  make. 
a  candid  conftruclion  of  all  our  actions,  and  that  it  fhali  be  out  of  the, 
power  of.  malicious  tongues  to  feparate  betwhct  our  Governor  and  his 
freemen,  "vho  extremely  long  for  your  preLnco,  and  fpeedy  arrival  of. 
your  perfon." 

*  In  one  of  thefe  letters,  dated  \Vorminghurft,  the  ift.  of  the  Twelfth 
month,  1686,  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  he  fays, 

«<  Since  my  return  from  Germany  and  Holland,  where  I  ha<J 
blefled  fervice  for  the  Lord,  I  have  vifited  the  north  and  north-weft  parts 
of  this  kingdom;  as  Oxfordfbire,  Warwickshire,  Stafford  fhire,  Darby- 
»'  fhire,  Chefhire,  Lancafhire,  Weftmoreland,  Bifhoprick  and  Yorkfhire; 
and  the  Lord  was  with  me,  in  a  fweet  and  melting  life,  to  my  great  joy 
and  Friends  refrefhment."  •  • 

c«  I  rejoice  that  God  has  preferved  your  health  fo  well,  and  that 
his  blellingu  ure  upon  the  earth;  but  grieved  at  the  bottom  of  my  heart 
for  the  heats  and  diforders  among  the  people,"  &c  —  "  This  quarrel  about 
the  ibciety,"  (meaning  the  free  fociety  of  traders,  of  wliich  N,  Mocre 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  299 

this,  was  inflituted  and  continued  by  the  Proprie-    1685. 
tary,  in    1686,  and    1687,  one  of  his  commifii- 
oners  of  government,  a  place  of  the  higheft  ho-  ri^:8 
nour  and  trufl,  till  his   death,  about  two  years  &* in  the 
after  this  time;  in  which  office  there  apbears  no  Proprietors 

.  .    n   i  .'  favour  after 

objection  from  any  party  agamic  his  conduct.          tnis. 

But  the  neceffity  of  an  able  and  afliduous  hand, 
to  direct  and  manage  the  affairs  of  the  infant  co- 
lony, {till  further  appears,  about  this  time,  from 
fome  of  the  Proprietor's  letters  to  thofe  in  power, 

'  refpedUng 

was  Prefident)  "  has  made  your  great  guns  heard  hither:  I  blam?  no- 
thing, nor  the  fociety  here,  to  be  fure;  but  I  could  wifli  Dr  Moon  and 
P.  R.  could  have  been  foftcned,  and  that  J.  CL*  had  been  more  com- 
pofed;" — "  that  may  be  a  mighty  political  vice,  that   is  not  amoral  J-Clayfoolt 
one." 

"  Becaufe  thy  commiHion  may  expire,  in  the  opinions  of  fome, 

as  to  Prefident  of  the  Council,  with  thy  memberfhip,  I  have  confidered 
how  to  fupply  that  defect,  and  that  of  thy  abfence;  and  that  is  another 
fort  of  deputation  than  before;  which  comes  by  the  bearer,  Edward 
Black/an.  I  intrtat  thee  to  ccnfider  of  the  true  reafon  of  our  unhappi- 
nefs,  of  that  fide,  among  our  magiftrates:  Is  it  not  their  Self -value,  and 
flighting  power  in  one  another?  Oh,  this  preference  is,  in  religious  and 
civil  focieties,  the  bane  of  concord,  that  is  the  means  of  true  happinefs. 
Men  fhould  be  meek,  humble  and  grave;  that  draws  revertnce  and  love 
together :  This  wife  and  good  men  will  do :  Is  any  out  of  the  way?  They 
ihould  not  fo  much  look  at  his  infirmity,  as  take  care,  they  are  not  alfo 
overtaken,  eying  how  many  good  qualities  the  offender  has  to  ferve  the 
public;  and  not  caft  a  whole  apple  away,  for  one  fide  being  defe&tve'. 
The  Lord  God  of  peace  and  power,  by  his  bleffcd  grace,  teach  and  lead 
his  people,  in  his  own  blamelefs  path  to  the  end." 

In  another,  to  the  fame,  dated,  IVormmglurfl,  6th.  of  Fourth-month, 

1687,  he  fpeaks  thus,— 

"  Though  I  write  in  general,  I  was  "willing  to  falute  thee  in  particu- 
lar, hoping  that  this  will  find  thee  and  thine  well,  and  at  your  eafe,  in 
i>cor  Pennfylvania^  where  nothing,  on  my  part,  in  my  power,  ftall  be 
wanting  to  make  you  fo:  I  do  befdech  thee  to  travail  in  the  fpirit  of 
meekntfs,  and  of  the  precious,  gentle  wifdom  of  God,  that  is  eafily  en« 
treated,  and  works  its  way  through  the  hardeft  rocks,  to  quiet,  and  calm 
and  determine;  and  not  leaving  things  to  my  coming  too  much:  Next, 
remember  this,  that  though  the  politic  ancients  overlooked  many  ill  things 
rather  than,  by  the  feverity  of  punifhment,  to  difcourage  planting  their 
new  colonies,  or  any  fort  from  fettling  among  them ;  yet,  we,  that  have 
our  eye  to  another  home,  vvhofe  due  we  have  been  taught  to  look  for,  as 
the  reafon  of  all  true  profperity ;  and  that  it  has  ever  been  according  to 
our  faith,  are  to  a6l,  as  in  his  fight,  and  diicharge  ourfelves,  as  righteous 
men,  againft  all  unrighteoufnefs;  wherefore,  pray,  let  the  law  have  its 
courfe; — as  for  Dr.  Moote  and  P.  Roblnfon,  the  perfons  efleemed  the  moft 
unquiet  and  crofs  to  Friends,  try  what  is  poflible  to  quiet  them;  endea- 
vour, by  private  vifits  and  admonitions  to  fweeten  them ;  much  good  may 
come  of  it : — The  Lord  God  of  endleis  power  blefs  you,  and  furnifh  you, 
to  his  praife." 


300  HJSTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,- 

1685.    refpecting  fome  disagreement,  or  difcord,  among 

v^v^>  certain  of  the  magiitrates,  and  perfons  in  autho- 

Some  fmaii  rity,  abufes  in  fome  of  the  offices,  and  the  preven- 

the°  colony1,  ^on  an(^  iuppreffion  of  vice  and  immorality ;  in 

&c.  which  he  expreffes  his   concern  and  difpleafure 

at  thefe  things,  with  a  parental  affection;  giving 

fuitable  directions,    and   earneftly   preffing   their 

effectual  endeavours  to  cure  fuch  diforders.* 

Appoint-  Qn  the  1 4th.  of  September,  James  Harrifon, 
judges, &c!  James  Cfaypoole,  and  Arthur  Cooke  were  nominated, 
by  the  Council,  to  be  Provincial  Judges; — but 
Harrifon  and  Cooke  refufmg  to  ferve,  and  Claypoole 
beiny  prevented  by  ficknefs,  the  Council,  in  order 
to  answer  the  expectation  of  fuch  perfons  as  were 
concerned  in  appeals,  agreed  to  receive  them,  and 
to  fit  for  the  decifion  of  differences,  themfelves, 
at  the  time  appointed  for  the  court  to  fit;  which 
was  on  the  24th.  After  this,  at  their  triennial 
election,  according  to  charter,  being,  in  part, 
new  chofen,  they,  by  frefh  commiflions,  appointed 
the  feveral  officers  of  government. 

In  this  year,   1685,  the  Quakers ,  in  their  yearly 
meeting,   at  Burlington,  in  Weft  Jerfey,  took  ad- 
Means  ufed  ditional   meafures  to  prevent  all  perfons,  in  their 
the  ™^ans  fodety,  from  felling  ftrong  liquors  to  the  Indians* 
&c.         '  About  the  fame  time,  by  particular  appointment, 
they  alfo  had  a  religious  meeting  with  them,  as 
they  frequently  had  before;  to  inform  and  initruct 
them  in   the   principles  of  Chriftianity,  and  the 
practice  of  a  true  chriftlan  life. 

The  Indians  generally  heard  patiently  what  was 
faid  to  them  on  this  fubject,  and  feemed  affected 
with  it,  for  a  time;  but,  for  the  mofl  part,  it  ap- 
peared 

*  In  a  letter  to  J.  Harrifon  about  this  time,  or  foon  after,  the  Pro- 
prietary exprefles  his  grief  at  thefe  things;  which,  he  fays,  "  Difgraced 
tie  province  "  and  preflingly  requefts,  that  a  number  of  perfons,  whom 
he  there  names,  ftiould  exert  themfelves,  and  conjun&ively  fo  adt,  for 
the  common  good,  as  either  by  perfuafion,  or  authority,  to  put  an  end 
to  the  fame;  and  prevent  difputes  and  quarrels  among  them;  declaring, 
"  That  their  conduct  herein  had  ftruck  back  hundreds,  and  was  £i 0,000 
out  of  his  way,  and  £100,000  out  of  the  country." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  301 

peared  to  make  no  very  durable  impreflion,  on    1685. 
their   minds,  for  the  proper  regulation  of  their  v-xv^/ 
paffions  and  appetites;  which,  at  laft,  too  gene- 
rally feemed   to  prevail  over  convictions  ot  this 
nature,  and  their  better  knowledge. 

Divers  preachers  of  this  religious  fociety,  from 
abroad,  often  had  meetings,  and  ferious  difcourfe 
with  them,  for  this  purpofe;  as  well  as  thofe  who 
had  fettled  in  the  country,  particularly,  Samuel 
Jennings,  Thomas  Oli-ve,  William  Penn  and  others, 
from  time  to  time,  laboured  to  inculcate  into  them 
a  juft  fenfe  of  the  benefit  of  a  chriftian  life  and 
conduct. 


CHAPTER 


302  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

William  Penn's  employment  in  Europe,  for  the  pro- 
motion of  religion  and  virtue. — His  expence  and 
endeavours  to  advance  the  intere.fi  and  happinefe 
of  the  province,  and  to  prevent  difcord  in  it. — 
Extracts  from  his  letters,  on  thefe  fubjccls,  &fr.*— 
More  emigrants  from  Holland  and  Germany  en- 
creafe  the  fettlement  of  Germantown. — Five  com- 
miffioners  ofjiate,  or  of  the  government  of  Penn- 
fylvania,  created. — The  Proprietor's  inftrucJions 
to  them. — His  letter  to  the  fame,  &c. — His  bene- 
ficent employment  in  England  for  his  fujfering 
friends,  the  Quakers,  £sV. — Though  he  is  mifre- 
prefented  and  abufed,  £sV. — He  appears  to  have 
accompanied  the  King  through  feme  counties  in 
England. — His  fpeech  to  the  King,  on  delivering 
the  Quakers'  addrefs.' — The  addrefs  iff  elf,  with 
the  King's  anfwer. — Objeclicns  againji  the  Qua- 
kers9 conducl  anfwered. — William  Penn  continues 
his  endeavours  in  favour  of  toleration;  but  labours 
•under  unjuji  imputations. —  William  Popple' 3  letter 
to  him,  on  the  fubjett,  with  his  anfwer* 

1686.    IN  the  year  1686,  William  Penn  publiflied  a  fur- 

x^~v"v->  ther   account   of  the   province   of  Penvfylvania, 

The  Pr^  wrote  feveral  pieces,  on  religious  fubjecls,  chiefly 

/r/^»rpub-  .         .     r  r        i  •  to,.     -  -      i  • 

jifhesafur-  in  defence  of  toleration,  in  religion,  (extant  in  his 
ther     ac-  Works)  and  appears  to  have  been  in  Germany  and 

count  of  the  TT  ,,        ,  11  i  i  •  J         i 

province.  Holland,  as  well  as  much  engaged  in  various  good 
fervices,  among  his  friends,  the  Quakers,  and  in 
promoting  religion  and  virtue,  in  divers  parts, 

perfonally, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  303 

perfonally,  in  his  native  country;  at  the  fame  1686. 
time  continuing  his  care  and  endeavours,  for  the 
benefit,  happinefs  and  profperity  of  his  province, 
though  abfent,  by  means  of  written  directions  and 
advice,  from  time  to  time,  for  the  prevention 
of  diforders,  and  the  redrefrmg  of  fuch  things  as 
appeared  inconfiilent  with  the  real  interefl  of  the 
colony. 

But  his  great  expence  and  generofity,  in  the  His  «*•<• 
original  fettlement  of  the  province,  as  well  as  Pences  ^ 
afterwards,  were  fo  very  confiderable,  when  com-  vince  bring 
pared  with  his  private  fortune,  that,  even  before  hjm  »to 
this  time,  he  began  to  feel  the  effects  thereof  to 
fuch  a  degree,  that  in  his  letters  to  fome  of  his 
friends  there,  he  was  obliged  to  complain  of  the 
flownefs,  or  deficiency,  of  returns  from  the  place, 
where,  and  concerning  which,  he  had  fowed  fo 
much,  or  expended  fo  liberally,  as  he  had  done.* 

In, 

*  The  following  extraAs,  as  well  as  the  preceding,  are  taken  from  tlic 

Proprietary's  original  letters,  in  his  own  hand  writing,  viz. 
In  anfwer  to  a  remonftr-ance  and  addrefs  to  him,  refpe&ing  the  Front 
and  Sank  lots,  in  Philadelphia,  dated  3d.  Sixth-month,  1684,  he  fays,—- 
*'  I  have  made  the  mnft  purchafes,  and  been  at  the  greatefl  charge  of  any 
Proprietary  and  Governor,  in  Ainerica"  &c. 

In  a  letter,  dated,  Brifol,  jth.  of  Ninth-month,  1695,  direded  to  A. 
Cook,  J.  Simcock,  S.  Carpenter,  J.  Goodfon,  S.  Richardfon,  R.  Turner, 
Ph.  Pemberton,  and  D.  LJoyd,  Pennfyl-aania^  he  declares, — 

— — — u  I  mull  fay,  that  what  I  have  fpent  upon  the  province,  as  Go- 
vernor and  Planter,  is  the  foundation  of  my  prefent  incumbrance ;  as  P. 
F.  (Philip  Ford)  knows,  and  afferted  to  the  Lords  of  plantations  lately, 
to  be  £4,000  more  than  the  whole,  that  I  ever  received  for  landsj  beiidca 
what  it  has  coll  me  here,"  &c. 

In  a  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  dated,  Seventh^month,  1686,  he  fays; 
and  complains,  that,  at  that  time,  "  His  quit*rents  were,  at  lea«ft,  £500 
per  annum  value,  and  then  due,  though  he  could  not  get  one  penny."-— 
*'  God  is  my  witnefs,"  (fays  he,  in  the  lame  letter)  "  I  lie  not;  I  am 
above  fix.thoufand  pounds  out  of  pocket,  more  than  ever- 1  faw  by  the  pro- 
vince, and  throw  iii  my  pains,  care,  and  hazard  of  life,  and  leaving  of  my 
family  andfriends,  to  fcrve  them,"  &c. 

In  a  letter  to  Barnes  Ifarrifon,  dated,  London,  asd.  Seventh-monthj 
1686,  ipeaking  of  his  going  to  his  province,  he  fays, — 

"  Befides,  that  the  country  think  not  on  my  fupply,  and'I  refolve 

never  to  adt  the  Governor,  end  keep  another  family  and  capacity  upon 
Kiy  private  eftate;. if.  my  table,  cellar,  and  flablc  may  be  provided  for, 
with  a  barge  and  yatch,  or  floop,  for  the  fervice  of  governor  and  go- 
vernment, I  may  try  to  get  hence;  for,  to  tke  fight  of  God,  I  can  lay, 

1  am 


304  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 68  6*       In,  or  about  this  year,  1686,  arrived  in   the 
O'v^/  province,  many  Friends,  or  Quakers,  and  others, 
from"™-  fr°m  •fr^^and  Germany;  who  fettled  among  their 
land     and  friends,  at  German-town,  near    Philadelphia^  and 
G«many.   increafed  that   fettlement,  which   was   begun   in 
1683.     Some  of  thofe,  who   now  came,  having 
fuffered  confiderably  by  fire,  foon  after  their  ar- 
rival,  were  affifted  by  the  Friends,   in  the  city 
and  county  of  Philadelphia. 

The  Proprietary  found  too  much  inconveniency 
to  arife  from  his  commiflion  of  the  power  of  go- 
vernment to  fo  many  perfons  as  the  Council  con- 
filled  of,  and,  as  before   hinted,  not  being  well 
pleafed   with  part   of  their  conduct,  or  manage- 
7he  Pro-  ment,  declaring,  "  that  the  charter  was  forfeited, 
^  ne  would  take  advantage  at  it;"*  hence,  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  1686,  by  a  frefh  commifllon, 
"  ne  contracted  the  number  of  his  reprefentatives, 
or  of  the  executive  part  of  the  government,  to 
"^ve    P^rfons    only,    •viz.    Thomas    Lloyd,   Nicholas 
appointed.   Movre,  James  Claypoole,  Robert  Turner •,  and  John 
Eckley^  conflituting  and  ftyling  them  CommiJJioners 
of  State,  or,  of  the  government  of  Pennfyhanla. 
Both  the  caufe  of  their  inftitution,  and  the  na- 
ture of  their  office,  in  part,  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing in  ft  ructions  3  viz. 

"  William 

I  am  five  thoufancl  pounds,  an-d  more,  behind  hand,  more  than  ever  I 

received,  or  faw,  for  land,  in  that  province,"  &c. "  There  is  nothing 

my  foul  breathes  more  for,  in  this  world,  next  my  dear  family's  life,  than 
that  1  may  fee  poor  Pennfylvania  again -^ — "  but  I  cannot  force  my  way 
hence,  and  fee  nothing  done,  on  that  fide,  inviting,"  &c. 

*  In  another  letter  to  the  fame,  ahout  this  time,  he  complains, — 

That  the  Provincial  Council  neglected,  or  flighted,  his  letters  to  them ; 
that  he  had  religioiifly  confecrated  his  pains,  in  a  prudent  manner,  but  it 
was  not  valued,  underftood,  or  kept  to;  fo  that  the  charter  was  over  and 
over  again  forfeited,  if  he  would  take  advantage  at  it; — that  they  entirely 
neglected  the  fupply,  which  they  had  promifed  him;  which,  in  confe- 
quence  of  his  great  expence,  on  account  of  the  province,  was  one  caufe, 
that  kept  him  from  Pennfylvatzia;  declaring,  "  That  he  would  not  fpend 
his  private  eftate,  to  difcharge  a  public  ftatioB." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  305 

ic  William  Penn,  Proprietor  and  Governor •,  1686. 

"  To  my  tnifty  and  well  beloved  friends,  Thomas 
Lloyd,  Nicholas  Moore,  James  Claypoole,  Ro- 
bert Turner  and  John  Eckley,  or  any  three  of 
them,  at  Philadelphia: 

"  TRUSTY  and  well-beloved,  I  heartily   fa-    The  Pro- 
lute  you;  left  any  fhould  fcruple  the  termination  primary's 
of  Prefident  Lloyd's   commifiion,  with  his  place  "o  them.° 
in  the  Provincial    Council,  and  to   the   end  that 
there  may  be  a  more  conftant  refidence  of  the  ho- 
norary  and   governing  part  of  the  government, 
for  the  keeping  all  things  in  good  order,  I  have, 
fent   a  frefh   commiflion    of  deputation   to   you, 
making  any  three  of  you  a  quorum,  to  acl  in  the 
execution  of  laws,  enadling,  difannulling,  or  va- 
rying of  laws,  as  if  I  myfelf  were  there  prefent, 
referving  to  myfelf  the  confirmation   of  what  is 
done,  and  my  peculiar  royalties  and  advantages. 

"  Fir  ft,  You  are  to  oblige  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil to  their  charter  attendance;  or  to  take  fuch 
a  Council,  as  you  think  convenient,  to  advife  and 
affift  you,  in  the  bufmefs  of  the  public :  for  I  will 
no  more  endure  their  moft  ilothful  and  difhono- 
rable  attendance,  but  difiblve  the  frame,  without 
any  more  ado:  let  them  look  to  it,  if  further  oc- 
caiion  be  given. 

"  Secondly,  That  you  keep  to  the  dignity  of 
your  ftation,  in  Council,  and  out;  but  efpecial- 
ly,  to  fuffer  no  diforder  in  the  Council,  nor  the 
Council  and  Aflernbly,  or  either  of  them,  to  en- 
trench upon  the  powers  and  privileges  remaining 
yet  in  me. 

"  Thirdly,  That  you  admit  not  any  parleys, 
or  open  conferences,  between  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil and  Aflembly;  but  one,  with  your  approbation, 
propofe  and  let  the  other  confent  or  diffent,  accor- 
ding to  charter. 

"  Fourthly, 


566  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1686.        "  Fourthly,   That   you   curioufly   infpeft  the 
^s~\<~^  paft  proceedings  of  both,  and  let  me  know,  in 
The  Pro-  what  they  have  broken  the  bounds,  or  obligations 
of  their  charter. 

"  FifthlY>  That  you,  this  very  next  Affem- 
bly  General,  declare  my  abrogation  of  all  that 
has  been  done  fmce  my  ablence;  and  fo,  of  all 
the  laws,  but  the  fundamentals;  and  that  you 
immediately  difmifs  the  AiTembly,  and  call  it  again; 
and  pafs  fuch  of  them  afrefh,  with  fuch  alterations, 
as  you  and  they  fhall  lee  meet ;  and  this,  to  avoid 
a  greater  inconveniency ;  which  I  forefee,  and 
formerly  communicated  to  Thomas  Lloyd. 

"  Sixthly,  Infpect  the  qualifications  of  members 
in  Council  and  Aflembly;  and  fee  they  be  accor- 
ding to  charter;  and  efpecially  of  thofe,  that  have 
the  adminiflration  of  juftice;  and  whatever  you 
do,  let  the  point  of  the  laws  be  turned  againfl 
impiety,  and  your  fevere  brow  upon  all  the  trou- 
blefome  and  vexatious,  more  efpecially,  trifling, 
appeallers. 

"  You  fhall  (hortly  have  a  limitation  from  the 
King;  though  you  have  power,  with  the  Council 
and  Aflembly,  to  fix  the  matter  and  manner  of 
appeals,  as  much  as  to  do  any  juilice,  or  prevent 
any  diforder,  in  the  province,  at  all. 

"  Seventhly,  That  till  then,  I  have  fent  you  a 
proclamation,  to  that  effecl:,  according  to  the 
powers  of  ordinance  making,  and  declared  in  my 
letters  patent,  which  you  may  expofe,  as  you 
pleafe. 

"  Eighthly,  Be  moft  juft,  as  in  the  fight  of  the 
all-feeing,  all-fear  ching  God;  and  before  you  let 
your  fpirits  into  an  affair,  retire  to  him  (who  is  not 
far  away  from  every  one  of  you;  by  whom  kings 
reign,  and  princes  decree  juttice)  that  he  may  give 
you  a  good  underitanding,  and  government  of 
your  felves,  in  the  management  thereof)  which  is 

that 


HISTORY  OF  PEiNMSYLVAi\iA.  307 

that  which  truly  crowns  public  actions,  and  dig-    1686. 
nines  thofe,  that  perform  them.     You  fhall  hear 
further  from  me  by  C.  King;  the  ftiip  is  ready  to 
fail,  fo  fhall  only  admonifh  you  in  general,  that, 
next  to  the  prelervation  of  virtue,  have  a  tender 

.    .,  •••!_•    t_        '  o.  xuiilioner* 

regard  to  peace,  and  my  privileges,  in  whicn  enact 
from  time  to  time.  Love,  forgive,  help  and  ferve 
one  another;  and  let  the  people  learn  by  your  ex- 
ample, as  well  as  by  your  power,  the  happy  life 
of  concord:  So  commending  you  to  God's  grace 
and  keeping,  1  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 

"  Given  at  Worminghurft,  in  old  England^  the 
firft  of  the  Twelfth-month,  1686."* 

During 

*  His  manner  of  writing  to  thefe  Commifiioners  further  appears,  by 
the  following  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  to  them,  dated,  the  fixth 
«f  the  Fourth-month,  1687. 

"  William  Penn,  Proprietor  and  Governor, 

"  To  Thomas  Lloyd,  Robert  Turner,  Nicholas  Moore,  James  Clay- 
poole  and  John  Eckley, 

«  TRUSTY  and  well-beloved  friends,  I  falute  you  all  with  fincere 
affection,  defiring  your  temporal  and  eternal  profperity. 

"  I  have  constituted  you,  or  any  three  of  you,  Governor,  and  fo  are 
properly  the  Comm'ijponers  of  the  government;  to  a<St,  as  if  I  were  prefent: 
And  I  hope  it  will  conduce  to  your  honor,  and  the  peace  and  happincfs 
of  the  people,  under  your  care.  I  found  my  former  deputation  clogged 
with  a  long  and  flow  tale  of  perfons,  rarely  got  together,  and  then  with 
unwillingnefs,  andfometimes  reflections,  even,  upon  me;  for  their  pains 
of  hearing  one  letter  read; — That  time  may  {hew  them  they  were  out, 
in  their  cenfure,  having  then  contracted  their  deputation  into  your 
hands. — Be  diligent,  faithful,  loving,  and  communicate  with  one  another, 
in  things  that  concern  the  public;  and  I  no  ways  doubt,  but  your 
breaches  will  heal,  and  your  example  have  that  effect,  that  nothing  will  be 
left  for  me  to  do,  but  thank  and  love  you,  and  take  pleafure  in  your 
comely  order  and  thofe  under  you. 

"  I  befeech  you  draw  not  feveral  ways,  have  no  cabals  apart,  nor  re- 
ferves  from  one  another;  treat,  with  a  mutual  fimplicity,  an  entire  con- 
fidence in  one  another;  and  if,  at  any  time,  you  miftake,  or  mifapprehend, 
or  cfiffent  from  one  another;  let  not  that  appear  to  the  people;  fhew  your 
virtues  but  conceal  your  infirmities;  this  will  make  you  awful  and  re- 
v-srent  with  the  people.  Juftice,  mercy,  temperance  of  fpirit,  are  high 
qualities,  and  neceflary  ones  in  government;  I  befeech  God  to  fit  you 
for  his  work  more  and  more;  by  whom  all  Governors  and  people  in  au- 
thority, ought  to  be  influenced,  in  their  adrniniftration  of  temporal  things, 
committed  to  their  care. 

"  Three  things  occur  to  me  eminently; — Firft,  that  you  be  watch- 
ful that  none  abufe  the  King,  in  reference  to  his  dues,  &c. — Secondly, 
That  you  get  the  cuftom  act  revived,  with  the  firft;  for  I  think  that  the 
•equalleft,  and  leaft  ofienfive  way,  to  fupport  the  government;  for  fome- 

thing 


308  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1686.  During  moft  of  the  time  of  William  Penn's  ab- 
fence  from  his  province,  till  the  reign  of  King 
William  the  Third,  though  not  many  public  tran- 
faclions,  nor  proceedings  of  much  importance  and 
notoriety,  appear  to  have  palled  in  Pennfyfoama 
befides  thofe  which  refpect  the  labour  and  advan- 
tages  of  an  induftrious  people,  in  the  colonization 
°f  tne  Country5  and  laying  a  foundation  for  fu- 
&c.  "ture  greatnefs,  by  facilitating  and  multiplying  the 
reafonable  enjoyments  and  bleflings  of  life;  yet 
its  eminent  founder  was  not  the  lefs  a6Hve  and  be- 
neficial to  mankind,  in  another  department;  and 
his  fuffering  friends ,  the  Quakers  y  in  Great  Britain, 
experienced  the  effect  of  his  attendance  and  foli- 
citations,  at  court,*  in  their  favour:  where  his 

frequent 

thing  muft  be  done,  in  that  affair,  &c.  Thirdly,  That  you  retrieve  the 
dignity  of  courts  and  fefiions;  and  remove  all  perfons  unqualified  in  morals 
or  incapacity.  Oh,  that  I  could  but  have  that,  by  your  union,  gravity, 
conilant  weekly  meetings  once  or  twice,  as  Second-days,  and  Fifth-days, 
in  the  morning  or  afternoon,  to  hear,  advice,  or  do  what  is  fit  for  the 
public  good;  that  you  had  recovered  the  reputation  which  becomes  that 
province  to  have; — For,  what  with  that,  which  is  real,  and  that  malice 
in  your  neighbours  of  fome  governments  invent,  we  have  much  ado  to 
keep  our  heads  above  water  here. 

"  I  fhall  add  no  more,  but  my  love  to  the  people,  in  general;  and  that 
fo  foon  as  my  affairs  will  let  me,  I  fhall  be  with  them:  for  no  poor  flave 
in  Turkey,  longs  more  for  his  freedom.  I  commit  you  to  God's  protec- 
tion, and  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 

"  Given  at  'iVormingtmrft^  this  6th.  day  of  the  Fourth-month,  1687." 

In  his  inflruftions,  dated,  London ,  the  aift.  of  the  Eighth-month,  1687, 

he  further  fays, 

—  .  "  And,  firft,  I  recommend  to  you  the  vigorous  fupprefHon  of 
vice,  and  that  without  refpect  of  perfons,  or  perfwafions.  Let  not  fool* 
Ifb  pity  rob  juftice  of  its  due,  and  the  people  of  proper  examples.  I  know 
what  malice  and  prejudice  fay;  but  they  move  me  not. — I  know  how  to 
allow  for  new  colonies,  though  others  do  not;  neverthelefs  double  your 
diligence,"  &c. 

*  In  a  letter  to  James  Harrifon,  his  agent,  at  Penrfiury,  about  this 
time,  he  gives  the  following  hints  of  his  employment  then  in  England, 
•viz. 

-— •—"  I  am  engaged  in  the  public  bufmefs  of  the  nation  and  Friends; 
and  thofe  in  authority  would  have  me  fee  the  eftablifhment  of  the  liberty, 
that  I  was  a  fmall  inftrument  to  begin  in  the  land:  The  Lord  has  given 

me  great  entrance  and  intereft  with  the  K ,  though  not  fo  much  as 

is  faid;  and  I  confefs  I  fhould  rejoice  to  fee  poor  old  England  fixed,  the 
penal  laws  repealed,  that  are  now  fufpended;  and  if  it  goes  well  with 

England,  it  cannot  go  ill  with  Pennfylvania" "  but  this  I  will  fay, 

po  temporal  honor,  or  profit,  can  tempt  me  to  decline  poor  Pennfylvania, 

ae 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  309 

frequent  accefs  to  the  King  brought  him  into  fufpi-    1686, 
cion  of  being  a  difguifed  Jcfuit,  and  under  unjull  v^-v^y 
cenfures  and  imputations;  as  if  he  had  been  an    w.  Pcna 
advifer,  and   contributed,  to  thofe  arbitrary  mea-  be£g  a  dif- 
fures,  which  that  impolitic  King  (James  the  fe-  suife^  Je- 
cond)   purfued:  Whereas  his  generous   plan   of  u 
liberty,  fo  far  as    his  power    extended,  and  his 
otherwife  well  known  principles  of  government, 
were  as  contrary  to  thofe  of  the  King,  as  could 
poffibly  be,  and  his  religion  no  lefs  oppofite. 

Neverthelefs  he  was  not  only  infamoufly  afper-  .and  viiifieii 
fed  and  abufed,  in  print,  on  thefe  accounts,  DyiiJprmt3&c* 
divers  illiberal  and  ilanderous  performances,  pub- 
lifhed  againft  him,  and  forne  of  them,  even,  in 
his  own  name,  but  alib  cenfured  by  fome  perfons 
of  good  underflanding  and  character;  who,  in 
divers  refpects  were  his  friends,  but  not  thoroughly 
knowing  him,  fell  into  the  like  fufpicions:  An 
inflance  of  this  appears  in  Dr.  Ti/totfon,  after- 
wards Arch-bijhop  of  Canterbury ;  but,  by  means 
of  a  friendly  epiftolary  correfpondence  between 
them,  on  the  fubjecl,  in  the  year  1686,  as  appears 
in  William  Penn's  life  prefixed  to  his  printed  works, 
Dr.  Tilhtfon  was  fully  convinced  of,  and  as  freely 
acknowledged,  his  miftake. 

But  he  continued  flill  to  diftinguifli  himfelf  in  w.  Penn  $ 
the  caufe  of  an  impartial  toleration,  in  religion,  beneficent 
both  in  writing,  and  alfo  by  afliduous  peffohal^^^1* 
felicitations,    at   court,  as    a  ftrenuous    and   un- 
wearied advocate  for  that  undoubted  right  of  man- 
kind; of  which  he,  and  his  Friends,  ihz  Quakers, 
had,  through  the  perfecuting  and  bigoted  fpirit  of 
thofe  times,  been  long  unjuftly  deprived.     Hence,    its  CCRfc, 
in  the  fore  part  of  this  year,  in  confequence  of  the  quences  in 
King's  proclamation  for  a  general  pardon,  "  about  reiigbus  u? 
thirteen  hundred  of  thefe  people,  moft  of  whom  had  berty,  &c. 

been 

as  unkindly  ufej  as  I  am;  and  no  poor  {lave  in  Turkey  defires  more  c,?r- 
neftly,  I  believe,  for  deliverance,  than  I  do  to  be  with  you;  wherefore 
be  tonteated  a  while,  ajid  God  in  his  time  will  bring  us  together." — &c. 


i&  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1687.    been  imprifoned  divers  years,  for  their  religion,  ivers 

w"v^  fet  at  liberty :"  And  in  April,  the  next  following 

year,   1687,  came  forth  the  King's  declaration  for 

liberty  of  confcience,  fufpending  the  execution  of 

all  penal  laws,  in  matters  ecclefiaflical. 

For  this  temporary  relief  from , cruel  fufferingj 
The  Qua-  by  the  intolerant  and  unjufl  laws  of  thofe  times, 
iey  wno  na^  endured  moft  oppreffion  and  perfe- 
fui  cution,  undoubtedly  had  the  greateft  reafon  to  be 
lief  *£* re"  tnankful :  and  whatever  were  the  fuppofed  views 
of  the  government  thereby,  in  too  much  favour- 
ing a  Popifh  party,  yet,  for  the  Quakers  to  refufe, 
or  reject  the  restitution  of  that  natural  right  of 
mankind,  and  mod  undoubted  privilege  of  Englijh 
people,  and  all  peaceable  fubje&s,  merely  becaufe 
it  might  be  made  an  ill  ufe  of  by  others,  and  was 
not  done  in  due  form,  would  certainly  have  been 
the  higheft  abfurdity:  and  for  thofe,  who  had 
fuffered  more  deeply  than  all  others,  not  to  ac- 
From  their  knowledge  and  commend  the  redrefs  of  fuch  a 
frigs,  &c!r"  crying  and  intolerable  grievance  and  affli&ion,  as 
they  had  endured,  in  reipect  to  themfelves,  fo 
long  and  fo  laborioufly  folicited,  by  them,  of  the 
preceding  King  and  Parliaments,  in  vain,  would 
have  fhewed  the  greatefl  ingratitude  and  infenfibi- 
lity ;  more  efpecially,  as  it  was  fcarcely  poiFible  for 
them  to  be  in  a  much  worfe  condition,  even,  under 
a  Pop'tfh  hierarchy  itfelf,  than  they  had,  for  many 
years,  endured,  both  under  Cromwell,  King  Charles 
the  Second,  and  their  Parliaments,  to  this  time, 
without  being  able  to  obtain  redrefs  any  other 
way:  Wherefore,  at  their  next  annual  AfTembly, 
held  in  London  in  the  Third-month,  this  year,  the 

Quakers 

Note. — In  the  Summer  of  the  year  1687,  W>  Perm,  hy  fome  c,f  his  let- 
ters, to  his  friends  in  Benttfylv&nia,  feems  to  have  been  with  the  King, 
in  a  pro^refsy  thro'  divers  of  the  counties  in  EnplanJ*  viz.  Berlfaire^  Glo- 
cefierfiire,  IVorcejIerJblre,  Shropshire,  Cbejblre,  Statfurdftit  e,  IVartvioljtire* 
Orfcrdfiire  and  Hairpjblre: — during  which  journey  he  had  feverai  reli- 
gious meetings  with  the  people;  and  in  fome  places,  where  the  king  ap- 
pears to  have  been  prefent,  particularly  in  Cht/ler.  M.  S,  letter?. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  311 

Quakers  drew  up  an  addrefs  of  thanks  to  the  King,    1687. 
deputing  William  Pcnn  and  others,  to  prefent  the 
fame;  his  fpeech  on  the  prefenting  it,  with  *W 
addrefs   itfelf,   and   the   King's  anfwer,  were,  as 
follow,  viz. 

William  Penn's  fpeech  to  the  King,  upon  his  deli- 
vering the  Quakers'  addrefs,  viz. 

"  May  itpleafe  the  King, 

"  IT  was  the  faying  of  our  blefled  Lord  to  the 
captious  Jews,  in  the  cafe  of  tribute,  render  to 
Cafar  the  things,  that  are  Cafar's,  and  to  God,  the 
things,  that  are  God's.  As  this  diftindion  ought 
to  be  obferved  by  all  men,  in  the  condud  of  their  the 
lives,  fo  the  King  has  given  us  an  illuftrious  exam- 
ple, in  his  own  perfon,  that  excites  us  to  it:  For 
while  he  was  a  fubjed,  he  gave  Cafar  his  tribute, 
and  now  he  is  Ccefar,  gives  God  his  due,  viz.  the 
fovereignty  over  confciences.  It  were  a  great 
mame,  then,  for  any  fengUJhrnan  (that  profefTes 
Chriftianity}  not  to  give  God  his  due.  By  this 
grace  he  has  relieved  his  diftrefled  fubjeds  from 
their  cruel  fufferings,  and  raifed  to  himfelf  a  new 
and  lading  empire,  by  adding  their  affedions  to 
their  duty.  And  we  pray  God  to  continue  the 
King  in  this  noble  refolution;  for  he  is  now  upon 
a  principle,  that  has  good  nature,  Chriftianity^ 
and  the  good  of  civil  fociety  on  its  fide,  a  fecurity 
to  him  beyond  the  little  arts  of  government. 

"  I  would  not  that  any  mould  think,  that  v/e 

come  hither  with  defign  to  fill  the  Gazette  with  our 

thanks;  but>  as  our  fufferings  would  have  moved 

fanes  to  compa/fion,  fo  we  mould  be  harder,  if  we 

were  not  moved  to  gratitude. 

"  Now,  fmce  the  King's  mercy  and  goodnefe 
have  reached  to  us  throughout  the  kingdom  of  Eng- 
land and  principality  of  Wales,  our  General  AJJembly^ 
from  all  thofe  parts,  met  at  London,  about  our 

church 


312  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1687.   church  affairs,  lias  appointed  us  to  wait  upon  the 
<^xv^^  King,  with  our  humble  thanks,  and  me  to  deliver 
them;  which  I  do,  by  this  addrefs,  with  all  the  effec- 
tion  and  refped  of  a  dutiful  fubject. 

"  The  addrefs  to  King  James  lid.  over  England,  &c, 

"  The  humble  and  grateful  acknowledgement  of  his 
peaceable  fubjeflsy  called  Quakers,  in  this  kingdom. 

**  From  their  ufual  Yearly  Meeting,  in  London, 
the  nineteenth  day  of  the  Third-month,  vulgarly 
called  May,  1687. 

The  Q«a-  "  WE  cannot  but  blefs  and  praife  the  name  of 
Almighty  God,  who  hath  the  hearts  of  princes 
in  his  hand,  that  he  hath  inclined  the  King  to 
hear  the  cries  of  his  fuffering  fubje&s  for  confci- 
ence  fake;  and  we  rejoice,  that,  inftead  of  trou- 
bling him  with  complaints  of  our  fufferings,  he 
hath  given  us  fo  eminent  an  occafion  to  prefent 
him  with  our  thanks:  And  fince  it  hath  pleafed 
the  King,  out  of  his  great  companion,  thus  to 
commiferate  our  aflli&ed  condition,  which  hath  fo 
particularly  appeared,  by  his  gracious  proclama- 
tion and  warrants,  laft  year,  whereby  twelve  hun- 
dred prifoners  were  releafed  from  their  fevere  im- 
prifonments,  and  many  others,  from  fpoil  and  ruin, 
in  their  eftates  and  properties;  and  his  princely 
fpeech  in  Council,  and  Chriftian  declaration  for 
liberty  of  confcience,  in  which  he  doth  not  only 
exprefs  his  averfion  to  all  force  upon  confcience, 
and  grant  all  his  diflenting  fubjecls  an  ample  li- 
berty to  worlhip  God  in  the  way  they  are  per- 
fwaded  is  mofl  agreeable  to  his  will,  but  gives 
them  his  kingly  word,  the  fame  fliaLi  continue, 
during  his  reign;  we  do  (as  our  friends  of  this 
city  have  already  done)  render  the  King  our  hum- 
ble, chriftian  and  thankful  acknowledgments,  not 
only  in  behalf  of  our  felves,  but  with  refpeft  to 
our  Friends,  throughout  England  and  Wales;  and 

pray 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  313 

pray  God,  with  all  our  hearts,  to  blefs  and  pre-  1687. 
ferve  thee,  O  King,  and  thofe  under  thee,  in  fo  ^^r^J 
good  a  work:  and  as  we  can  allure  the  King  it  is 
well  accepted  in  the  feveral  counties,  from  whence 
we  came,  fo  we  hope  the  good  effects  thereof,  for 
the  peace,  trade  and  prosperity  of  the  kingdom, 
will  produce  fuch  a  concurrence  from  the  parlia- 
ment, as  may  fecure  it  to  our  pofterity,  in  after- 
times;  and  while  we  live,  it  (hall  be  our  endea* 
vour  (through  God's  grace)  to  demean  ourfelves, 
as,  in  confcience  to  God,  and  duty  to  the  King, 
we  are  obliged,  his  peaceable,  loving  and  faithful 
fubjeas." 

The  King's  anfwer. 

\  •* 
"  Gentlemen, 

"  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your  addrefs:  Some  Thre  KIn^9 

r  ,  r         J  i        ii/r       -r»        N     i         •    anrvver. 

of  you  know  (I  am  fure  you  do,  Mr.  Penn)  that  it 
was  always  my  principle,  that  confcience  ought 
not  to  be  forced:  and  that  all  men  ought  to  have 
the  liberty  of  their  confciences.  And  what  I  have 
promifed,  in  my  declaration,  I  will  continue  to 
perform,  fo  long  as  I  live.  And,  I  hope,  before 
I  die,  to  fettle  it  fo,  that  after  ages  (hall  have  no 
reafon  to  alter  it." 

"  Some  (fays  the  writer  of  William  Penn's  life)    some  ob- 
have  objected  againft  the  Quakers,  and  other  dif-  Je*«>ns  a- 

f  r  i  i      rr         tr*      ^C  r          srainft     the 

fenters,  tor  addremng  King  James,  upon  the  arore-  Quakers 
faid  declaration  of  indulgence,  as  though  they 
had  thereby  countenanced  the  King's  difpenling 
with  the  laws  in  general ;  let  fuch  obferve,  their 
imputation,  as  to  William  Penn  and  his  Friends^ 
the  Quakers,  is  fufficiently  guarded  againft,  in 
that  part  of  their  addrefs,  where  they  fay,  we 
hope  the  good  effects  thereof,  for  the  peace,  trade  and. 
prosperity  of  the  kingdom  will  produce  fuch  a  concur- 
rence from  the  Parliament,  as  may  fecure  it  to  our 
pojicrity.  'Tis  plain,  therefore,  they  gratefully  ac* 
cepted  of  the  fufpenfion  of  the  penal  taws,  by  the 
[40]  King's 


314  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1687.  King's  prerogative  (as  who,  in  their  cafe,  would 

v^v>^  not?)  a  thing  in  itfelf  juft  and  reafonable,  in  their 

hopes  of  having  the  fame  afterwards  confirmed  by 

the  legiflative  authority;  there  being,  at  that  time, 

much   talk   of  an   approaching   Parliament:  and 

that  their  expectation  centered  not  in  the  King's 

w.  Penn  difpenjtng  power  ,   is    evident,  by    William    Penn's 

£?ntinues    continuing  his  endeavours  to  mew  the  neceffity  of 

his    cndea-    .      ,.n  .      &    ,  r         r  r          i  •     i 

Tours  in  fa.  abolifhing  the  penal  laws  ;  for  foon  after  this  he 
to" 


wrote  a  large  trad,  called,  Good  advice  to  the  church 
of  England,  Roman  Catholic,  and  Protejiant  Dif- 
fenters  ;  in  which  he  fhewsthe  difannulling  of  thofe 
laws  to  be  their  general  intereft  ;  and  foon  after  he 
publifhed  another  book,  entitled,  The  great  and 
popular  objection  again/I  the  repeal  of  the  penal  laws, 
briefly  dated  and  conjidered" 

He  ftill      But  he  (till  continuing  to  labour  under  many 
-  jealoufies  and  reflections,  as  a  countenancer  of  the 
juft  impu-  court  proceedings,  in  general;  the  following  let- 
tations,  &c.  ters  between  him  and  one  of  his  particular  friends, 
Sir  William  Popple,  then  fecretary  to  the  plantation 
1688.   office,  in    168^,  may  ferve  further   to  elucidate 
that  fubject,  viz. 

"  To  the  Honourable  William  Penn,  Efquire,  Pro- 
prietor and  Governor  of  Pennfylvania. 

"  Honoured  Sir, 

w.  Popple  «  THOUGH  the  friendmip,  with  which  you 
t«w.penn.are  pieafed  to  honour  me,  doth  afford  me  fuffici- 
ent  opportunities  of  difeourfing  with  you,  upon 
any  fubject,  yet  I  chofe  rather,  at  this  time,  to 
offer  unto  you,  in  writing,  fome  reflections,  which 
have  occurred  to  my  thoughts,  in  a  matter  of  no 
common  importance.  The  importance  of  it  doth 
primarily  and  directly  refpect  yourfelf,  and  your 
own  private  concernments  ;  but  it  alfo  confequen- 
tially  and  effectually  regards  the  King,  his  govern- 
ment, and,  evena  the  peace  and  fettlement  of  this 

whoh 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  315 

whole  nation.  I  intreat  you,  therefore,  to  bear  1688. 
with  me,  if  I  endeavour,  in  this  manner,  to  give 
fomewhat  more  weight  unto  my  words,  than  would 
be  in  a  tranfient  difcourfe,  and  leave  them  with 
you,  as  a  fubjed,  that  requires  your  retired  con- 
lideration. 

"  You  are  not  ignorant,  that  the  part  you  have 
been  fuppofed  to  have  had,  of  late  years,  in  pub- 
lic   affairs,    though    without    either   the    title,  or 
honor,  or  profit,  of  any  public  office,  and  that 
efpecially  your  avowed  endeavours  to  introduce 
amongfl  us  a  general  and  inviolable  liberty  of  con- 
fcience,  in  matters  of  mere  religion,  have  occafi- 
oned    the  miftakes  of  fome  men,  provoked  the 
malice   of  others,  and,  in  the   end,  have  raifed 
againfl   you  a  multitude  of  enemies;  who  have 
unworthily  defamed  you  with  fuch  imputations, 
as,  I  am  fure,  you  abhor.     This  I  know  you  have 
been  fufficiently  informed  of,  though  I  doubt  you 
have  not  made  fufficient  refle&ion  upon  it:  The 
confcioufnefs  of  your  own  innocence  feems  to  me 
to  have  given  you  too  great  a  contempt  of  fuch 
unjuffc   and  ill-grounded   flanders.     For  however 
glorious  it  is,  and  reafonable,  for  a  truly  virtuous 
mind,  whofe  inward  peace  is  founded  upon  that 
rock  of  innocence,  to  defpife  the  empty  noife  of 
popular   reproach,   yet,   even,  that   fublimity   of 
fpirit  may  fometimes  fwell  to  a  reprovable  excefs. 
To  be  fleady  and  immovable,  in  the  profecution 
of  wife  and  honefl  refolutions,  by  all  honeft  and 
prudent   means,  is,  indeed,  a  duty,  that   admits 
of  no  exception:  But,  neverthelefs,  it  ought  not 
to  hinder  that,  at  the  fame  time,  there  be  alfo  due 
care  taken  of  preferving  a  fair  reputation.     "  A 
good  name,  fays  the  wife  man,  is  better  than  f  re- 
dous  ointment"     It  is  a  perfume,  that  recommends 
the  perfon,  whom  it  accompanies,  that  procures 
him  every  where  an  eafy  acceptance;  and  that  fa- 
cilitates the  fuccefs  of  all  his  enterprifes :  And  for 

that 


316  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  that  reafon,  though  there  were  no  other,  I  en- 
v^v^  treat  you,  obferve,  that  the  care  of  a  man's  repu- 
w.  Popple  tation  is  an  eflential  part  of  that  very  fame  duty, 

roW.Penn.     ,  •  •         •          i  r   •          r  i 

that  engages  him  in  the  purluit  or  any  worthy 
defign. 

"  But  I  mud  not  entertain  you  with  a  declama- 
tion upon  this  general  theme:  my  bufmefs  is  to 
reprefent  to  you,  more  particularly,  thofe  very 
imputations,  which  are  caft  upon  yourfelf,  toge- 
ther with  fome  of  their  evident  confequences ; 
that,  if  poffible,  I  may  thereby  move  you  to  la- 
bour after  a  remedy.  The  fource  of  all  arifes 
from  the  ordinary  accefs,  you  have  unto  the  King, 
the  credit  you  are  fuppofed  to  have  with  him,  and 
the  deep  jealoufy,  that  fome  people  have  conceived 
of  his  intentions,  in  reference  to  religion.  Their 
jealoufy  is,  that  his  aim  has  been  to  fettle  Popery  in 
this  nation,  not  only  in  a  fair  and  fecure  liberty, 
but,  even,  in  a  predominating  fuperiority  over  all 
other  profeffions:  And  from  thence  the  inference 
follows,  that  whofoever  has  any  part  in  the  coun- 
cils of  this  reign,  muft  needs  be  popifhly  affected:: 
But  that,  to  have  fo  great  a  part  in  them,  as  you 
are  faid  to  have  had,  can  happen  to  none,  but  an 
abfolute  Papift.  That  is  the  direct  charge;  but 
that  is  not  enough;  your  part  is  too  confiderable 
for  a  Papift  of  an  ordinary  form;  and,  therefore, 
you  muft  be  a  Jefuit:  Nay,  to  confirm  that  fug- 
geftion,  it  muft  be  accompanied  with  all  the  cir- 
cumftances,  that  may  beft  give  it  an  air  of  proba- 
bility; as,  that  you  have  been  bred  at  St.  0?ner's9 
in  the  Jefuifs  college;  that  you  have  taken  orders 
at  Rome,  and  there  obtained  a  difpenfation  to  mar- 
ry; and  that  you  have  fmce  then  frequently  offici- 
ated, as  a  Prieft)  in  the  celebration  of  the  mafs, 
at  White-Hail.,  St.  James9  s^  and  other  places.  And 
this  being  admitted,  nothing  can  be  too  black  to 
be  caft  upon  you.  Whatfoever  is  thought  amifs, 
either  in  church  or  ftate,  though  never  fo  contrary 
to  your  advice,  is  boldly  attributed  to  it;  and,  if 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  317 

other  proofs  fail,    the   Scripture  itfelf  muft   be    1688. 
brought  in  to  confirm,  "  That  whoibever  offends,  v^v^> 
in  one  point,  (in  a  point  efpecially  fo  effential  as  w-  p°PPk 
that  of  our  too  much  affected  uniformity)  is  guilty  to 
of  the  breach  of  all  our  laws."     Thus  the  charge 
of  Popery   draws   after  it  a  tail  like  the  et  cat  era 
oath,  and  by  endlefs  innuendos  prejudicates  you, 
as  guilty  of  whatfoever  malice  can  invent,  or  lolly 
believe:    But   that   charge,   therefore,   being   re- 
moved, the  inferences,  that  are    drawn  from  it, 
will  vanifh,  and  your  reputation  will  eafily  return 
to  its  former  brightnefs. 

"  Now,  that  I  might  the  more  effectually  per- 
fwade  you  to  apply  fome  remedy  to  this  difeafe,  I 
befeech  you,  Sir,  fuffer  me  to  lay  before  you 
fome  of  its  pernicious  confequences.  It  is  not  a 
trifling  matter,  for  a  perfon,  raifed  as  you  are, 
above  the  common  level,  to  lie  under  the  prejudice 
of  lo  general  a  miflake,  in  fo  important  a  matter.. 
The  general,  and  the  long  prevalency  of  any 
opinion  gives  it  a  flrength,  efpecially  among  the 
vulgar,  that  is  not  eafily  fhaken.  And,  as  it 
happens  that  you  have  alib  enemies  of  an  higher 
rank,  who  will  be  ready  to  improve  fuch  popular 
miftakes,  by  all  arts  of  malicious  artifices,  it  muft 
be  taken  for  granted  that  thofe  errors  will  be  there- 
by ftill  more  confirmed,  and  the  inconveniences, 
that  may  arife  from  thence,  no  lefs  increafed. 
This,  Sir,  I  affure  you,  is  a  melancholy  profpeft 
to  your  friends;  for  we  know  you  have  fuch 
enemies.  The  defign  of  fo  univerfal  a  liberty  of 
confcience,  as  your  principles  have  led  you  to  pro- 
mote, has  offended  many  of  thofe,  whofe  intereft 
is  to  crofs  it.  I  need  not  tell  you  how  many,  and 
how  powerful  they  are;  nor  can  I  tell  you  either 
how  far,  or  by  what  ways  and  means  they  may 
endeavour  to  execute  their  revenge.  But  this, 
however,  I  muft  needs  tell  you,  that,  in  your 
prefent  circumftances,  there  is  fufficient  ground 

for 


318  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  for  fo  much  jealoufy,  at  leaft,  as  ought  to  excite 
v-x*/~v  you  to  ufe  the  precaution  of  fome  public  vindica- 
w.  Popple  tion.  This  the  tendernefs  of  friendfnip  prompts 

to W. Perm.  r-       j  \   r  r  j      i_«      i       •    n 

your  mends  to  aelire  of  you;  and  this  the  juit 
fenfe  of  your  honor,  which  true  religion  does  not 
extinguifh,  requires  you  to  execute. 

"  Pardon,  I  entreat  you,  Sir,  the  earneftnefs 
of  thefe  expreffions;  nay,  fufFer  me,  without  of- 
fence, to  expoftulate  with  you  yet  a  little  farther. 
I  am  fearful  left  thefe  perfonal  confiderations 
fliould  not  have  their  due  weight  with  you,  and 
therefore,  I  cannot  omit  to  reflect  alfo  upon  fome 
more  general  confequences  of  your  particular  re- 
proach. I  have  faid  it  already,  that  the  King, 
his  honour,  his  government,  and,  even,  the  peace 
and  fettlement  of  this  whole  nation,  either  are, 
or  have  been,  concerned  in  this  matter:  Your 
reputation,  as  you  are  faid  to  have  meddled  in 
public  affairs,  have  been  of  public  concernment. 
The  promoting  a  general  liberty  of  confcience 
having  been  your  particular  province;  the  afper- 
fion  of  Popery  and  Jefuitifmy  that  has  been  cad 
upon  you,  has  reflected  upon  his  Majeftfr  for 
having  made  ufe,  in  that  affair,  of  fo  difguifed 
a  perfonage  as  you  are  fuppofed  to  have  been.  It 
has  weakened  the  force  of  all  your  endeavours, 
obflructed  their  effect,  and  contributed  greatly  to 
difappoint  this  poor  nation  of  that  ineflimable  hap- 
pinefs,  and  fecure  eftablifhment,  which,  I  am  per- 
iwaded,  you  defigned,  and  which  all  good  and 
wife  men  agree,  that  a  juft  and  inviolable  liberty 
of  confcience  would  infallibly  produce.  I  heartily 
wifh  this  confideration  had  been  fooner  laid  to 
heart,  and  that  fome  demonftrative  evidence  of 
your  fincerity,  in  the  profeffion  you  make,  had 
accompanied  all  your  endeavours  for  liberty. 

"  But,  what  do  I  fay,  or  what  do  I  wifh  for?  I 
confefs  that  I  am  now  ilruck  with  aftonifhment  at 
that  abundant  evidence,  which  I  know  you  have 

conflantlv 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  319 

conftantly  given,  of  the  oppofition  of  your  prin-  1688. 
ciples  to  thofe  of  the  Romijh  church,  and  at  the  v^v^/ 
little  regard,  there  has  been  had  to  it.  If  an  w.poppk 
open  profeilion  of  the  direcleft  oppofition  againfl 
Popery ,  that  has  ever  appeared  in  the  world,  fmce 
Popery  was  firft  diftinguifhed  from  common  Chriftia- 
nity,  would  ferve  the  turn,  this  cannot  be  denied 
to  all  thofe  of  that  J "octet y,  with  which  you  are 
joined  in  the  duties  of  religious  worfhip.  If  to 
have  maintained  the  principles  of  that  fociety,  by 
frequent  and  fervent  difcourfes,  by  many  elaborate 
writings,  by  fuffering  ignominy,  imprifonment, 
and  other  manyfold  disadvantages,  in  defence  there- 
of, can  be  admitted  as  any  proof  of  your  fmcere 
adherence  thereunto;  this,  it  is  evident  to  the 
world,  you  have  done  already:  Nay,  farther,  if. 
to  have  enquired  as  far  as  was  poilible  for  you, 
into  the  particular  flories,  that  have  been  framed 
againfl  you,  and  to  have  fought  all  means  of  recti- 
fying the  miilakes,  upon  which  they  were  ground- 
ed, could,  in  any  meafure  avail  to  the  fettling  a 
true  character  of  you,  in  men's  judgments;  this 
alfo  I  know  you  have  done.  For  I  have  feen,  un- 
der the  hand  of  a  reverend  Dean*  of  our  Englijh  *  Tillotfm. 
church,  a  full  acknowledgment  of  fatisfaclion,  re- 
ceived from  you,  in  a  fufpicion  he  had  entertained, 
upon  one  of  thofe  ftories,  and  to  which  his  re- 
port had  procured  too  great  credit.  And  though 
I  know  you  are  averfe  to  the  publifhing  of  his  let- 
ter, without  his  exprefs  leave,  and,  perhaps,  may 
not  now  think  fit  to  aik  it;  yet  I  am  fo  thoroughly 
allured  of  his  fmcerity  and  candour,  that  I  cannot 
doubt,  but  he  has  already  vindicated  you,  in  that 
matter,  and  will,  (according  to  his  promife)  be 
ftill  ready  to  do  it,  upon  all  occafions.  Nay,  I 
have  feen  alfo  your  juftification  from  another  ca- 
lumny of  common  fame,  about  your  having  kid- 
napped one,  who  had  been  formerly  a  Monk,  out 
of  your  American  province,  to  deliver  him  here 
into  the  hands  of  his  enemies;  I  fay  I  have  feen 

your 


320  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1688.  your  juftification  from  that  flory,  under  that  per- 
t-xv-v>  fon's  own  hand:  and  his  return  to  Pennfylvania, 
w.  Popple  where  he  now  refides,  may  be  an  irrefragable  con- 

W.Penn.  '  Q  pains  tO 


enquire  thereinto. 

"  Really,  it  afflicts  me  very  much,  to  confider 
that  all  this  does  not  fuffice.  If  I  had  not  that 
particular  refpect  for  you,  which  I  fmcerely  pro- 
fefs,  yet  I  could  not  but  be  much  affected,  that 
any  man,  who  had  defervedly  acquired  fo  fair  a 
reputation,  as  you  have  formerly  had,  whofe  in- 
tegrity and  veracity  had  always  been  reputed 
fpotlefs,  and  whofe  charity  had  been  continually 
exercifed  in  ferving  others,  at  the  dear  expence  of 
his  time,  his  ftrength  and  his  eftate,  without  any 
other  recompence  than  what  refults  from  the  con- 
fcioufnefs  of  doing  good;  I  fay,  I  could  not  but 
be  much  affected,  to  fee  any  fuch  perfon  fall  inno- 
cently and  undefervedly  under  fuch  unjufl  re- 
proaches, as  you  have  done.  It  is  an  hard  cafe; 
and  I  think,  no  man,  that  has  any  bowels  of  hu- 
manity, can  reflect  upon  it,  without  great  relent- 
ings. 

"  Since,  therefore,  it  is  fo,  and  that  fomething 
remains  yet  to  be  done,  fomething  more  exprefs, 
and  efpecially  more  public,  than  has  yet  been  done, 
for  your  vindication,  I  beg  of  you,  dear  Sir,  by 
all  the  tender  efficacy,  that  friendmip,  either  mine, 
or  that  of  your  friends  and  relations  together  can 
have  upon  you,  by  the  due  regard,  which  huma- 
nity, and,  even,  Chriftianity,  obliges  you  to  have 
to  your  reputation;  by  the  duty,  you  owe  unto 
the  King,  by  your  love  to  the  land  of  your  nati- 
vity; and  by  the  caufe  of  univerfal  religion  and 
eternal  truth,  let  not  the  fcandal  of  infmcerity, 
that  I  have  hinted  at,  lie  any  longer  upon  you; 
but  let  the  fenfe  of  all  thefe  obligations  perfwade 
you  to  gratify  your  friends  and  relations,  and  to 
ferve  your  King,  your  country  and  your  religion, 

by 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  321 

by  fuch  a  public  vindication  of  your  honour,  as    1688. 
your  own  prudence,  upon  thefe  fuggeftions,  will  v^v^/ 
now  fhew  you  to  be  mofl  neceffary,  and  moft  ex-  w-P°ppl« 
pedient.     I  am,  with  unfeigned,  and  mofl  refpeft- to 
ful  affe&ion, 

Honoured  Sir, 

Tour  mofl  humble?  and 

moft  obedient  fervant. 
"  London,  Oftober  the  2otb.  1688." 

The  following  is  William  Penn'.r  anfwer  to  the  pre* 
ceding  letter,  viz. 

"  Worthy  Friend, 

"  IT  is  now  above  twenty  years,  I  thank  God,  w.  Peim'« 
that  I  have  not  been  very  folicitous  what  the  world  anfwer  to 
thought  of  me.  For  fince  I  have  had  the  know-  W* Popp  e* 
ledge  of  religion,  from  a  principle  in  myfelf,  the 
firfl  and  main  point  with  me  has  been,  to  approve 
myfelf  in  the  fight  of  God,  through  patience  and 
well-doing:  So  that  the  world  has  not  had  weight 
enough  with  me,  to  fuffer  its  good  opinion  to  raife 
me,  or  its  ill  opinion  to  dejecl:  me.  And,  if  that 
had  been  the  only  motive,  or  confideration,  and 
not  the  defire  of  a  good  friend,  in  the  name  of 
many  others,  I  had  been  as  filent  to  thy  letter,  as 
I  ufe  to  be  to  the  idle  and  malicious  mams  of  the 
times:  But,  as  the  laws  of  friendihip  are  facred, 
with  thofe  that  value  that  relation,  fo  I  confefs 
this  to  be  a  principal  one  with  me,  not  to  deny  a 
friend  the  fatisfadion  he  defires,  when  it  may  be 
done  without  offence  to  a  good  confcience. 

"  The  bufmefs  chiefly  infifted  upon  is  my  Popery, 
and  endeavours  to  promote  it.  I  do  fay,  then, 
and  that  with  all  fincerity,  that  I  am  not  only  no 
yefuit,  but  no  Papift.  And,  which  is  more,  I 
never  had  any  temptation  upon  me  to  be  it,  either 
from  doubts,  in  my  own  mind,  about  the  way  I 

profefs, 


322  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  profefs,  or  from  the  difcourfes,  or  writings  ol 
v-/-v%^  any  of  that  religion.  And,  in  the  prefence  of  Al- 
w.  Perm's  mighty  God,  I  do  declare,  that  the  Kin?  did  never 

anfwer     to  j«oi  •''«•-     r\t  i 

w.  popple,  once,  directly  or  indirectly  attack  me,  or  tempt 
me,  upon  that  fubjecl,  the  many  years,  that  I 
have  had  the  advantage  of  a  free  accefs  to  him;  fo 
unjuft,  as  well  as  fordidly  falfe,  are  all  thofe  ftories 
of  the  town. 

"  The  only  reafon,  that  I  can  apprehend,  they 
have  to  repute  me  a  Roman  Catholic,  is  my  frequent 
going  to  White-Hall,  a  place  no  more  forbid  to 
me,  than  to  the  reft  of  the  world,  who  yet,  it 
feems,  find  much  fairer  quarter.  I  have  almofl 
continually  had  one  bufmefs  or  other  there  for 
our  Friends,  whom  I  ever  ferved  with  a  fleady 
folicitation,  through  all  times,  fince  I  was  of 
their  communion.  I  had  alfo  a  great  many  per- 
fonal  good  offices  to  do,  upon  a  principle  of  cha- 
rity, for  people  of  all  perfwafions;  thinking  it  a 
duty  to  improve  the  little  intereft  I  had,  for  the 
good  of  thofe,  that  needed  it,  efpecially  the  poor. 
I  might  add  fomething  of  my  own  affairs  too; 
though  I  muft  own  (if  I  may  without  vanity)  that 
they  have  ever  had  the  leaft  fhare  of  my  thoughts, 
or  pains,  or  elfe  they  would  not  have  ftill  depended 
as  they  yet  do. 

"  But  becaufe  fome  people  are  fo  unjuft,  as  to 
render  inftances  for  my  Popery  (or,  rather  hypo- 
crify,  for  fo  it  would  be  in  me)  it  is  fit  I  contradict 
them  as  particularly  as  they  accufe  me.  I  fay, 
then,  folemnly,  that  I  am  fo  far  from  having  been 
bred  at  St.  Omer's,  and  having  received  orders  at 
•  Rome,  that  I  never  was  at  either  place,  nor  do  I 
know  any  body  there;  nor  had  I  ever  a  correfpon- 
dency  with  any  body,  in  thofe  places;  which  is 
another  ftory  invented  againft  me.  And,  as  for 
my  officiating  in  the  King's  chapel,  or  any  other, 
it  is  fo  ridiculous,  as  well  as  untrue,  that  befides 
that  no  body  can  do  it,  but  a  Prieft,  and  that  I 

have 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  323 

liave  been  married  to  a  woman  of  fome  condition,    1688. 
above  fixteen  years,  which  no  Prieft  can  be,  by  ^^^^ 
any  difpenfation  whatever;  I  have  not  fo  much  as  w- Penn'3 

.      r     ,        n  i  •    •  i  anfwer     to 

looked  into  any  chapel  or  the  Roman  religion,  and  w.  popple, 
confequently  not  the  King's,  though  common  cu- 
riofity  warrants  it  daily  to  people  of  all  perfwa- 
fions. 

"  And,  once  for  all,  I  do  fay,  that  I  am  a  Pro- 
teftant  dijjenter,  and  to  that  degree  fuch,  that  I 
challenge  the  moft  celebrated  Proteftant  of  the 
Engliftj  church,  or  any  other,  on  that  head,  be  he 
Layman,  or  Clergyman,  in  public,  or  in  private. 
For  I  would  have  fuch  people  know,  it  is  not  inv 
poflible  for  a  true  Proteftant  diffenter  to  be  dutiful, 
thankful  and  ferviceable  to  the  King,  though  he  be 
of  the  Roman  catholic  communion.  We  hold  not 
our  property,  or  protection,  from  him,  by  our 
perfwafion;  and,  therefore,  his  perfwafion  fhould 
not  be  the  meafure  of  our  allegiance.  I  am  forry 
to  fee  fo  many,  that  feem  fond  of  the  reformed 
religion,  by  their  difaffection  to  him,  recommend 
it  fo  ill.  Whatever  practices  of  Roman  catholics 
we  might  reafonably  object  againft  (and  no  doubt 
but  fuch  there  are)  yet  he  has  difclaimed  and  repre- 
hended thofe  ill  things,  by  his  declared  opinion 
againft  perfecution,  by  the  eafe,  in  which  he  actu- 
ally indulges  all  difienters ;  and  by  the  confirmation, 
he  offers  in  Parliament,  for  the  fecurity  of  the 
Proteftant  religion,  and  liberty  of  confcience.  And, 
in  his  honour,  as  well  as  in  my  own  defence,  1 
am  obliged,  in  confcience,  to  fay,  that  he  has  ever 
declared  to  me,  it  was  his  opinion;  and  on  all  oc- 
cafions,  when  Duke,  he  never  refufed  me  the 
repeated  proofs  of  it,  as  often  as  I  had  any  poor 
fufferers  for  confcience  fake  to  folicit  his  help  for. 

"  But  fome  may  be  apt  to  fay,  "  Why  not  any 
body  elfe  as  well  as  I?  Why  muft  I  have  the  pre- 
ferable accefs  to  other  difienters,  if  not  a  Paptft?" 
I  anfwer,  I  know  not  that  it  is  fo.  But  this  I  know, 

that 


324  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  that  I  have  made  it  my  province  and  bufmefs;  I 
v-^v>^  have  followed  and  prefled  it;  I  took  it  for  my  cal- 
w.  Penn's  \{n^  ancj  ftation,  and  have  kept  it  above  theie  fix- 

anfwer     to        ft  ,  .    ,     .  ,-r  T  r 

w.  Popple,  teen  years;  and,  which  is  more  (if  I  may  fay  it 
without  vanity  or  reproach)  wholly  at  my  own 
charges  too.  To  this  let  me  add  the  relation,  that 
my  father  had  to  this  King's  fervice;  his  particular 
favour,  in  getting  me  releafed  out  of  the  Tower  of 
London,  in  1669;  my  father's  humble  requeft  to 
him,  upon  his  death  bed,  to  protect  me  from  the 
inconveniencies  and  troubles,  my  perfwalion  might 
expofe  me  to,  and  his  friendly  promife  to  do  it, 
and  exact  performance  of  it,  from  the  moment, 
I  addrefied  myfelf  to  him: — I  fay,  when  all  this 
is  confidered,  any  body,  that  has  the  leaft  pretence 
to  good  nature,  gratitude,  or  generofity,  muft 
needs  know  how  to  interpret  my  accefs  to  the 
King. 

"  Perhaps,  fome  will  be  ready  to  fay,  "  This  is 
not  all,  nor  is  this  yet  a  fault,  but,  that  I  have 
been  an  advifer  in  other  matters,  difguftful  to  the 
kingdom,  and  which  tend  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
Proteftant  religion,  and  the  liberties  of  the  peo- 
ple."— A  likely  thing,  indeed,  that  a  Proteftant 
diflenter,  who,  from  fifteen  years  old,  has  been, 
at  'times,  a  fufferer,  in  his  father's  family,  in  the 
univerfity,  and  by  the  government,  for  being  fo, 
fhould  defign  the  deftruttion  of  the  Proteftant  re- 
ligion! This  is  juft  as  probable,  as  it  is  true,  that 
*  Seepage  j  died  a  Jefuit  fix  years  ago,  in  America.*  Will 
*46'  men  ftill  fuffer  fuch  ftuff  to  pafs  upon  them?  Is 
any  thing  more  foolifh,  as  well  as  falfe,  than  that, 
becaufe  I  am  often  at  White-Hall,  therefore  I  muft 
be  the  author  of  all,  that  is  done  there,  which 
does  not  pleafe  abroad?  But,  fuppofing  fome  fuch 
things  to  have  been  done,  pray  tell  me,  if  I  am 
bound  to  oppofe  any  thing,  that  I  am  not  called 
to  do?  I  never  was  a  member  of  council,  cabinet, 
or  committee,  where  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom 

are 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  325 

are  tranfa&ed.     I  have  had  no  office,  or  truft,    1688. 
and  confequently  nothing  can  be  faid  to  be  done  v^v^/ 
by  me;  nor,  for  that  reafon,  could  I  lie  under  w:  penn'9 

X  '        ,.  j.j?  .    .  ranfwer     to 

any  teit,  or  obligation  to  diicover  my  opinion  or  w.  Popple, 
public  afts  of  ftate;  and  therefore  neither  can  any 
fuch  ads,  nor  my  filence  about  them,  in  juftice, 
be  made  my  crime.  Volunteers  are  blanks  and 
cyphers,  in  all  governments.  And  unlefs  calling 
at  White-Hall  once  a  day,  upon  many  occafions, 
or  my  not  being  turned  out  of  nothing  (for  that 
no  office  is)  be  the  evidence  of  my  compliance  in 
difagreeable  things,  I  know  not  what  elfe  can,  with 
any  truth,  be  alledged  againft  me.  However, 
one  thing  I  know,  that  I  have  every  where  moft 
religioufly  obferved,  and  endeavoured,  in  con- 
verfation,  with  perfons  of  all  ranks  and  opinions, 
to  allay  heats,  and  moderate  extremes,  even,  in 
the  politics.  It  is  below  me  to  be  more  particular; 
but,  I  am  fure,  it  has  been  my  endeavour,  that, 
if  we  could  not  all  meet  upon  a  religious  bottom, 
at  leaft,  we  might  upon  a  civil  one,  the  good  of 
England;  which  is  the  common  intereft  of  King 
and  people:  That  he  might  be  great  by  juftice, 
and  we  free  by  obedience,  diflinguifhing  rightly, 
on  the  one  hand,  between  duty  and  flavery;  and 
on  the  other,  between  liberty  and  licentioufnefs. 
"  But,  alas,  I  am  not  without  my  apprehen- 
fions  of  the  caufe  of  this  behaviour  towards  me, 
and  in  this,  I  perceive,  we  agree  5  I  mean  my 
conftant  zeal  for  an  impartial  liberty  of  confcience. 
But,  if  that  be  it,  the  caufe  is  too  good  to  be  in 
pain  about.  I  ever  underftood  that  to  be  the  na- 
tural right  of  all  men;  and  that  he  that  had  a  re- 
ligion without  it,  his  religion  was  none  of  his  own. 
For  what  is  not  the  religion  of  a  man's  choice,  is 
the  religion  of  him  thatimpofes  it:  So  that  liberty 
of  confcience  is  the  firft  flep  to  have  a  religion. 
This  is  no  new  opinion  with  me.  I  have  writ 
many  apologies,  within  the  lail  twenty  years,  to 

defend  ' 


326  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1688.    defend  it,  and  that  impartially.     Yet  I  have  as 
^^VN^  conftantly  declared,  that  bounds  ought  tobe.fet 
JJw^nnt**to  this  freedom,  and  that  morality  was  the  beft  ; 
tf,  Popple,  and  that  as  often  as  that  was  violated,  under  a  pre- 
tence of  confcience,  it  was  fit   the  civil  power 
fhoukl  take  place.     Nor  did  I  ever  once  think  of 
promoting  any  fort  of  liberty  of  confcience,  for 
any  body  which  did  not  preierve  the  common  pro- 
leftancy  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  ancient  rights  of 
the  government.    For,  to  fay  truth,  the  one  cannot 
be  maintained  without  the  other. 

<c  Upon  the  whole  matter,  I  muil  fay,  /  love 
England;  I  ever  did  fo;  and  that  I  am  not  in  her 
debt.  I  never  valued  time,  money,  or  kindred, 
to  ferve  her  and  do  her  good.  No  party  could 
ever  biafs  me  to  her  prejudice,  nor  any  perfonal 
intereft  oblige  me  in  her  wrong.  For  I  always 
abhorred  difcounting  private  favours  at  the  public 
cqft. 

"  Would  I  have  made  my  market  of  the  fears 
and  jealoufies  of  the  people,  when  this  King  came 
to  the  crown,  I  had  put  twenty  thoufand  pounds 
into  my  pocket,  and  an  hundred  thoufand  into  my 
province;  for  mighty  numbers  of  people  were 
then  upon  the  wing :  But  I  waved  it  all  ;  hoped  for 
better  'times ;  expected  the  eff eels  of  the  King's 
word,  for  liberty  of  confcience,  and  happinefs  by 
it:  And  till  I  faw  my  friends,  with  the  kingdom, 
delivered  from  the  legal  bondage,  which  penal 
laws,  for  religion,  had  fubjecled  them  to,  I  could, 
with  no  fatisfaction,  think  of  leaving  England; 
though  much  to  my  prejudice  beyond  lea;  and  at 
my  great  expence  here;  having,  in  all  this  time 
never  had  either  office  or  penfion,  and  always  re- 
fufing  the  rewards,  or  gratuities,  of  thofe,  I  have 
been  able  to  oblige. 

"  If,  therefore,  an  univerfal  charity,  if  the  af- 
ferting  an  impartial  liberty  of  confcience,  if  doing  to 
others  as  one  would  be  done  by,  and  an  of  en  avowing, 

and 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

and  fleady  prafljfing  of  thefe  things ^  in  all  times,    1688. 
to  all  parties,  will  juflly  lay  a  man  under  the  re-  v-xw^ 
fle&ion  of  being  a   Jefuit.   or  a   P  apt  ft,   of  any  w/  Pcnn's 

IT  °         •  //'•!•  t          ,2         n  ,          anfwer     to 

rank,  I  mult  not  only  iubmit  to  the  character,  but  \y.  Popple, 
embrace  it  too;  and  I  care  not  who  knows  that  I 
can  wear  it  with  more  pleafure,  than  it  is  poflible 
for  them,  with  any  juflice,  to  give  it  me.  For 
thefe  are  corner-itones  and  principles  with  me; 
and  I  am  fcandalized  at  all  buildings,  that  have 
them  not  for  their  foundations.  For  religion 
itfelf  is  an  empty  name  without  them,  a  whited 
wall,  a  painted  fepulchre,  no  life  or  virtue-  to  the 
foul;  no  good,  or  example,  to  one's  neighbour. 
Let  us  not  flatter  ourfelves,  "  We  can  never  be 
the  better  for  our  religion,  if  our  neighbour  be  the 
worfe  for  it."  Our  fault  is,  we  are  apt  to  be 
mighty  hot  upon  fpeculative  errors,  and  break  all 
bounds,  in  our  refentments;  but  we  let  practical 
ones  pafs  without  remark,  if  not  without  repen- 
tance: As  if  a  miftake  about  an  obfcure  proportion 
vf  faith ,  were  a  greater  evil,  than  the  breach  of 
an  undoubted  precept.  Such  a  religion  the  devils 
themfelves  are  not  without;  for  they  have  both 
faith  and  knowledge;  but  their  faith  doth  not 
work  by  love,  nor  their  knowledge  by  obedience. 
And,  if  this  be  their  judgment,  can  it  be  our 
blefling?  Let  us  not  think  religion  a  litigious  thing; 
nor  that  Chrift  came  only  to  make  us  good  difpu- 
tants;  but,  that  he  came  alfo  to  make  us  good 
livers.  Sincerity  goes  farther  than  capacity.  It 
is  charity,  that  defervedly  excels,  in  the  Chriftian 
religion;  and  happy  would  it  be,  if,  where  unity 
ends,  charity  did  begin,  inftead  of  envy  and  rail- 
ing, that  almoft  ever  follow.  It  appears  to  me  to 
be  the  way,  that  God  has  found  out  and  appoin- 
ted, to  moderate  our  differences,  and  make  them, 
at  leaft,  harmlefs  to  fociety;  and,  therefore,  I 
confefs,  I  dare  not  aggravate  them  to  wrath  and 
blood.  Our  difagreemcnt  lies  in  our  affrehenfion^ 

or 


328  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  or  belief  of  things;  and  if  the  common  enemy  of 

v^rv^  mankind  had  not  the  governing  of  our  affe&ions 

a^werennto  *n^  Paffi°ns,  that  difagrcement  would  not  prove 

w.  Popple,  fuch  a  canker,  as  it  is,  to  love  and  peace,  in  civil 

focieties. 

"  He  that  fuffers  his  difference  with  his  neigh- 
bour, about  the  other  world,  to  carry  him  beyond 
the  line  of  moderation,  in  this,  is  the  worfe  for 
his  opinion,  even,  though  it  be  true.  It  is  too 
little  confidered  by  Chriflians,  that  men  may  hold 
the  truth  in  unrighteoufnefs  ;  that  they  may  be  ortho- 
dox, and  not  know  what  fpirit  they  are  of:  So 
were  the  Apoftles  of  our  Lord;  they  believed  in 
him,  yet  let  a  falfe  zeal  do  violence  to  their  judg- 
ment, and  their  unwarrantable  heat  contradict  the 
great  end  of  their  Saviour's  coming,  love. 

"  Men  may  be  angry  for  God's  fake,  and  kill 
people  too.  Chrift  faid  it,  and  too  many  have 
pra&ifed  it.  But  what  fort  of  Chriftians  muft  they 
be,  I  pray,  that  can  hate  in  his  name,  who  bids 
us  love;  and  kill  for  his  fake,  that  forbids  killing 
and  commands  love,  even,  to  enemies. 

"  Let  not  men,  or  parties,  think  to  fhift  it  off 
from  themfelves.  It  is  not  this  principle,  or  that 
form,  to  which  fo  great  a  defection  is  owing,  but 
a  degeneracy  of  mind  from  God.  Chriftianity  is 
not  at  heart.  No  fear  of  God  in  the  inward  parts : 
No  awe  of  his  divine  omniprefence.  Self  prevails, 
and  breaks  out,  more  or  lefs,  through  all  forms, 
but  too  plainly;  (pride,  wrath,  luft,  avarice)  fo 
that  though  people  fay  to  God,  Thy  will  be  done; 
which  mews  them  to  be  true  heathens,  under  a 
mafk  of  Chriftianity,  that  believe  without  works, 
and  repent  without  forfaking ;  bufy  for  forms,  and 
the  temporal  benefits  of  them,  while  true  religion, 
which  is,  To  vijtt  the  father  lefs  and  the  widow,  and 
to  keep  ourfelves  unfpotted  from  the  world,  goes  bare- 
foot, and,  like  Lazarus,  is  defpifed.  Yet  this 
was  the  definition  the  Holy  Ghofl  gave  of  religion, 

before 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  329 

before  Synods  and  Councils  had  the  meddling  with    1688. 
it,   and   modelling  of  it.     In  thofe  days,  bowels  ^w-x^rv/ 
were  a  good  part  of  religion,  and  that  to  the  fa-  w-  Penn's 
therlefs   and  widow,    at  large.     We  can  hardly 
now  extend  them  to  thofe  of  our  own  way.     It 
was  faid  by  him,  that  could  not  fay  amifs,  Becaufe 
iniquity   abounds,    the   love   of  many   waxeth    cold. 
Whatfoever  divides  man's  heart  from  God,  fepa- 
rates  it  from  his  neighbour;    and  he,    that  loves 
felf  more  than  God,  can  never  love  his  neighbour 
as    himfelf.     For,  as   the  Apoftle  faid,    "  If  we 
do  not  love  him,  whom  we  have  feen,  how  can 
we  love  God,  whom  we  have  not  feen?" 

"  O,  that  we  could  fee  fome  men  as  eager  to 
turn  people  to  God,  as  they  are  to  blow  them  up, 
and  fet  them  one  againft  another.  But,  indeed, 
thofe  only  can  have  that  pure  and  pious  zeal,  who 
are  themfelves  turned  to  God,  and  have  tafted  the 
fweetnefs  of  that  converfion,  which  is  to  power, 
not  form ;  to  godlinefs,  not  gain.  Such  as  thofe 
do  bend  their  thoughts  and  pains  to  appeafe,  not 
increafe,  heats  and  animofities;  to  exhort  people 
to  look  at  home,  fweep  their  own  houfes,  and 
weed  their  own  gardens.  And,  in  no  age,  or  time, 
was  there  more  need  to  fet  men  at  work,  in  their 
own  hearts,  than  this  we  live  in,  when  fo  bufy^ 
wandering,  licentious  a  fpirit  prevails.  For  what- 
ever fome  men  may  think,  "  The  difeafe  of  this 
kingdom  is  fin ;  impiety  againft  God,  and  want  of 
charity  to  men."  And  while  this  guilt  is  at  our 
door,  judgment  cannot  be  far  off. 

"  Now,  this  being  the  difeafe,  I  will  briefly 
offer  two  things,  for  the  cure  of  it. 

"  The  firft  is  David's  clean  heart,  and  right 
fpirit,  which  he  afked  and  had  of  God:  without 
this  we  muft  be  a  chaos  ftill.     For  the  diftemper 
is  within;  and  our  Lord  faid,  All  evil  comes  from 
thence.     Set  the  inward  man  right 9  and  the  out- 
ward 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

'Ward  man  cannot  be  wrong:  That  is  the  he,  in,  that 
governs  the  human  veflel :  And  this  nothing  can 
do,  but  an  inward  principle,  the  light  and  grace, 
that  came  by  Chrift;  which  the  fcripture  tells  us, 
enlightens  every  one,  and  hath  appeared  to  all  men." 
It  is  prepofterous  to  think,  that  He,  who  made 
the  world,  fhould  fhew  lead  care  of  the  bed  part 
of  it,  our  fouls.  No,  he,  that  gave  us  an  outward 
luminary,  for  our  bodies,  hath  given  us  an  in- 
ward one,  for  our  minds,  to  act  by.  We  have 
it;  and  it  is  our  condemnation,  that  we  do  not 
love  it,  and  bring  our  deeds  to  it.  It  is  by  this 
we  fee  our  fins,  are  made  fenfible  of  them,  forry 
for  them,  and  finally  forfake  them.  And  he, 
that  thinks  to  go  to  Heaven  a  nearer  way,  will,  I 
fear,  belate  his  foul,  and  be  irreparably  miftaken. 
There  are  but  go  *ts  and  Jheep,  at  laft,  whatever 
fiiapes  we  wear  here.  Let  us  not,  therefore,  dear 
friend,  deceive  ourfelves.  Our  fouls  are  at  flake: 
w  God  will  not  be  mocked ;  what  we  fow  we  mufl 
expect  to  reap.  There  is  no  repentance  in  the 
grave;"  which  fhews,  that,  if  none  there,  then 
no  where  elfe.  To  fum  up  this  divinity  of  mine; 
it  is  the  light  of  Jefus,  in  our  fouls,  that  gives  us 
a  true  fight  of  ourfelves,  and  that  fight  that  leads 
us  to  repentance;  which  repentance  begets  humi- 
lity, and  humility,  that  true  charity,  that  covers 
a  multitude  of  faults;  which  I  call  God's  expedi- 
ent againft  man's  infirmity. 

"  The  fecond  remedy  to  our  prefent  diflemper,  is 
this;  fince  all,  of  ail  parties,  profefs  to  believe  in 
God,  Chriil,  the  Spirit,  and  Scripture ;  that  the  foul 
is  immortal,  that  there  are  eternal  rewards  and  pu- 
nifhinents;  and  that  the  virtuous  fhall  receive  the 
one,  and  the  wicked  fuffer  the  other;  I  fay,  fince 
this  is  the  common  faith  of  Chriitendom,  let  us 
all  refolve,  in  the  ftrength  of  God,  to  live  up  to 
what  we  agree  in,  before  we  fall  out  fo  miierably, 
about  the  reft,  in  which  we  differ.  I  am  peri  wa- 
ded 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  331 

£ed   the  change  and  comfort,  which  that  pious  1688. 
courfe  would  bring  us  to,  would  go  very  far  to  v-xv*^ 
difpole  our  natures  to  compound  eafily  for  all  the  w/  Penn*« 

,  -11  r       i  anlwer     to 

reft ;  and  we  might  hope  yet  to  fee  happy  days,  w. 
in  poor  England;  for  there  I  would  have  fo  good 
a  work  begun.  And  how  it  is  poffible  for  the 
eminent  men  of  every  religious  perfwafion  (efpe- 
cially  the  prefent  minifters  of  the  parijhes  of  En* 
gland}  to  think  of  giving  an  account  to  God,  at 
the  laft  day,  without  uiing  the  utmoft  of  their  en- 
deavours to  moderate  the  members  of  their  refpec- 
tive  communions  towards  thofe,  that  differ  from 
them,  is  a  myftery  to  me!  But  this  I  know,  and 
muft  lay  it  at  their  doors,  I  charge  alfo  my  own 
foul  with  it,  "  God  requires  moderation  and  humi- 
lity from  us;"  for  he  is  at  hand,  who  will  not 
fpare  to  judge  our  impatience,  if  we  have  no  pati- 
ence for  one  another.  The  eternal  God  rebuke, 
I  befeech  him,  the  wrath  of  man,  and  humble  all 
under  the  fenfe  of  the  evil  of  this  day;  and  yet, 
unworthy  as  we  are,  give  us  peace,  for  his  holy 
Name's  fake! 

"  It  is  now  time  to  end  this  letter;  and  I  will 
do  it  without  faying  any  more  than  this:  Thou 
feeft  my  defence  againft  popular  calumny;  thou 
feeft  what  my  thoughts  are,  or  our  condition, 
and  the  way  to  better  it;  and  thou  feeft  my  hearty 
and  humble  prayer  to  Almighty  God,  to  incline 
us  to  be  wife,  if  it  were  but  for  our  own  fakes. 
I  mall  only  add,  that  I  am  extremely  fenfible  of 
the  kindnefs  and  juftice,  intended  me  by  my  friends, 
on  this  occafion,  and  that  I  am,  for  that,  and  ma- 
ny more  reafons, 

<c  Thy  obliged  and  affectionate  Friend, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN. 

y  Teddington,  Oftober  the  ztfh.  1688." 

CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

CHAPTER     IX. 

The  Proprietary's  prefence  much  needed  in  the  pro- 
vince.— His  letter  to  the  CommiJJloners. — Thomas 
Lloyd. — Falfe  alarm  of  an  Indian  infurrecJion. — 
Names  of  the  Members  of  Affembly,  in  1687. — 
,     Caleb  Pufey. — Captain  John  Dlackwell  appointed 
Deputy  Governor. — The  Proprietary's  inftruttions 
to  him. — He  meets  the  Afjembly,  difagrees  with  the 
Council^  and  returns  to  England. — Names  of  fomc 
Members  of  Council,  on  whom  the  adminiftration 
devolved ; — with  the.  caufe  and  defign  of  Black- 
well^s  appointment. — Why  William  Penn  may  juftly 
be  called  the  Father  of  his  country. — Two  of  his 
epiftles  to  his  Friends,    the  fet tiers  there ;    with 
one  to  the  Council. — Inftitution  of  the  firft  public 
Grammar -fchool  in  Pennfylvania,  with  its  dejign, 
&c.-~-George  Keith,  &c* 

1688.     VV  HILE  William  Penn  was  thus  varioufly  and 

Vx-w^  importantly  employed  in  England,  his  province,  as 

w.  Penn  before  obferved,  needed  his  prefence ;  and  Thomas 

hlTrovrace  ^)'^>  wn°  evtr  ^ince  tne  Proprietary's  departure, 
C  had  chiefly  prefided  in  the  public  affairs,  and  fuf- 
tained  the  weight  and  care  of  them,  under  the  dif- 
ferent appointments,  excepting  two  fhort  inter mif- 
fions,    wherein  Thomas  Holme  and  William  Clark 
T.  Lloyd  fupplied  his  abfence,  wanted  to  be  difcharged  from 
requefb  to  the  burden ;  and,  before  this  time  had  folicited  to 
from'pubHc  be  releafed,  by  the  appointment  of  another  per- 
affair*.       fon  in  his  room :  But  a  iuitable  perfon  for  fuch  an 
appointment  was  not  eafy  to  be  found;  and  the 
Proprietary  appears  to  have  been  fenfible  of  it,  by 
his  manner  of  writing,  at  different  times,  to  his 

friends 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  333 

lends  in  the  province,*  expreffing  his  ardent  de-    1688. 
fire  for  its  profperity,  and  to  refide  in  it  himfelf ; 

in 

*  On  this  and  fome  other  things  the  Proprietor  writ  to  the  CommifTi- 
oners  in  the  following  manner,  dated  the  zjth.  of  the  Tenth-month, 
1687,  viz. 

"  William  Penn,  Proprietor  and  Governor, 

*'  To  my  truly  and  well-beJoved  friends  Thomas  Lloyd,  Robert  Turner, 
John  Etkle,  John  Simcockand  Arthur  Cook,  commifli oners  of  Hate, 
for  the  province  of  Pe*njylvaniat  or  any  three  of  them: — 

"  I  falute  you  all  with  unfeigned  love,  and,  in  Chrift  Jefus,  wifh  you 
health  and  happinefs. — 

"  My  laft  is  by  the  fame  hand,  this  being  fent  to  the  Doii-ns  aft:;r  him, 
upon  the  receipt  of  Thomas  Lloyd's  and  William  Markham's  letter: 
But  I  am  heartily  forry  that  I  had  no  letter  from  the  government:  in- 
deed I  have  hardly  had  one  at  all :  and  for  private  letters  though  from 
public  perfons,  I  regard  them  but  little;  I  mean  as  to  taking  my  public 
meafures  by :  for  I  find  fuch  contradictions,  as  well  as  diverfity,  that  I 
believe,  I  may  fay,  I  am  one  of  the  unhappieft  Proprietaries,  with  one 
of  the  beft  people.  If  this  had  not  been  complained  of  in  mine  by  Ed- 
ward Blackfan,  I  fliould  have  been  lefs  moved  at  this  vifible  incompla- 
cency  and  neglect. — Had  the  government  figned,  I  mean  thofe,  who  arc 
the  mofl  eminent  in  authority,  by  confent  of  the  reft,  it  had  given  me  fome 
eafe  and  fatisfaction;  but,  as  it  is,  'tis  controverfy  rather  than  government, 
which  ftands  and  lives  and  profpers  in  unity,  at  lead  of  the  governing 
part,  whatever  be  their  affections;  for  men  may  agree  in  duty,  that  dif» 
Jike  one  another's  natural  tempers.— I  fhall  henceforth,  therefore,  ex- 
peel  letters  from  the  government,  recounting  the  affairs  of  it,  that  they 
may  be  authoritative  to  me;  and  as  many  private  ones  as  you  pleafe  be- 
fides;  for  that  I  alfo,  rejoice  in,  and  any  particular  advice,  that  may  in- 
form me,  as  to  the  public,  or  remedy  what  may  be  amifs,  or  meliorate 
what  is,  in  itfeif,  well,  will  alfo  be  very  acceptable  to  me, 

"  Now  I  have  faid  this,  I  cannot  but  condole  the  lofs  of  fome  ftand- 
ards,  in  the  province,  honeft  men,  and  ef  good  underflandings,  in  their 
kind,  The  Lord  avert  his  judgments,  and  conftrain  all,  by  his  vifita- 
tions.  to  amend,  be  it  in  converfation,  or  be  it  in  peace,  concord  and 
charity;  they  that  live  near  to  God,  will  live  far  from  themfelves;  and 
from  the  ienfe  they  have  of  his  nearnefs  and  majefty,  have  a  low  opinion 
of  themfelves;  and  out  of  that  low  and  humble  frame  of  fpirit  it  is,  that 
true  charity  grows;  the  moft  excellent  way; — Ah!  what  fhall  I  fay, 
there  can  be  no  union,  no  comfortable  fociety  without  it:  Oh,  that  the 
people  of  my  province,  and  parts  annexed;  felt  this  gracious  quality 
aboum  ing  in  them,  my  work  would  be  done,  and  their  praife  and  my 
joy  unfpeakably  abound  to  us;  wherefore,  in  the  name  and  fear  of  God, 
let  sll  old  lores  be  forgotten,  as  well  as  forgiven:  fhut  out  the  remem- 
brance of  them,  and  preach  this  doctrine  to  the  people,  in  my  name, 
yea,  in  the  king's  name,  and  his  that  is  greater  above  all,  -viz.  God  Al- 
mighty's name. 

"•  I  am  forry  that  Thomas  Lloyd,  my  efteemed  friend,  covets  a  ^uit~ 
tus,  that;  is  young,  active  and  ingenious;  for  from  fuch  it  is,  that  1  ex- 
pect h«4p;  and  fuch  will  not  fow,  I  hope,  in  vain;  but  fmce  'tis  his  de- 
fire,  T  do  hereby  fignify  his  difmlfs  from  the  trouble  he  has  borne,  (for 
fome  time  of  reit  and  eafe,  at  leaft)  and  do  nominate,  to  be  commifli- 
onated  in  my  name,  under  thp  great  feal,  till  further  order.  Samuel  Car- 

fcntert 


•334  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  in  one  of  which  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  about  this  time, 
are  the  following  expreflions,  viz. — "  No  honour, 
intereil,  or  pleafure,  in  this  part  of  the  world, 
fliall  be  able  to  check  my  delires  to  live  and  die 
among  you ;  and,  though  to  rny  grief,  my  flay  is 
yet  prolonged,  on  private  and  public  accounts, 
yet,  depend  upon  it,  Pennsylvania  is  my  worldly 
delight,  and  end  of  all  places  on  the  earth. 

"  Now,  though  I  have,  to  pleafe  thee,  given 
thee  a  quietus  from  all  public  bufmefs,  my  inten- 
tion is  to  conftitute  thee  Deputy  Governour,  and 
two,  in  the  character  of  afliftants ;  either  of  whom 
and  thyfelf,  to  be  able  to  do  all  as  fully  as  I  my 
felf  can  do;  only  I  wait  thy  confent  to  the  em- 

ployment; 

f  enter,  who,  I  hope  will  accept,  and  induftrioufly  ferve  that  ftation,  elfe 
Thomas  Ellis;  who  has  an  office,  tha-t  requires  his  attendance,  having  one 
in  my  eye,  that  may  fee  you  fliortly,  as»  a  man  richly  qualified  for  that 
ftation :  Robert  Turner,  of  courfe  has  the  Chair,  for  the  firft  month  alter 
the  receipt  of  this,  and  the  reft  alternately,  monthly,  if  you  find  that 
convenient,  as,  I  believe,  it  will  be  moft  eafy,  eife  let  the  fenior  com- 
miflioner  have  it  always. 

"  I  have  only  to  recommend  to  you,  the  due  execution  of  the  divers 
good  laws,  among  you,  impartially  and  diligently,  not  neglecting  the 
erder,  from  hence  fent,  efpecially  for  peace  and  concord. — Government 
is  not  to  make,  but  to  do  and  difpatch  bufinefs;  in  which  few  words, 
and  a  quiet,  but  a  brifk  execution  does  beft;  wherefore  confider  well 
what  is  juft  and  fit,  the  one  in  law,  the  other  in  prudence  (where  yon 
have  room  to  ufe  it)  purfue  in  all  cafes;  and  no  matter  what  any  fay,  or 
object. 

*'  I  writ  to  you  about  my  Quit-rents:  I  am  forced  to  pay  bills  here,  te 
fupport  my  family  there,  while  I  have  4  or  500  pounds  per  annum  in 
<j>uit-  rents  there;  you  may  remember  the  votes  of  Council,  to  pay  my 
charges  in  this  expedition:  I  could  draw  a  large  bill  upon  the  provincial 
council,  in  that  reflect;  I  am  fure  I  need  it,  but  have  forebore;  though 
it  is  none  of  the  endearingefl  eonfiderations,  that  I  have  not  had  the 
prefent  of  a  fkin,  or  a  pound  of  tobacco  fince  I  came  over:  though 
they  are  like  to  have  the  moft  advantage  by  it,  and  promifed  me  fo 
much! — 

"  Pray,  prevent  people's  withdrawing  freni  us,  what  you  can;  they 
cannot  mend  themfelves;  and  they  that  go  will  find  it  fo,  in  a  while; 
for  I  believe,  God  has  blcjfed  that  poor  place;  and  the  reafon  of  my  flay 
here,  and  the  fervice  I  am,  and  have  been  of,  to  the  confcientious,  fhall 
be  rewarded  on  my  folitary  province. — Remember  me  to  the  people,  and 
let  them  know,  my  heart's  defire  towards  them;  and  fhall  embrace  the 
firft  opportunity  to  make  my  abode  with  them. 

"  Once  more,  let  me  hear  from  you,  and  have  a  copy  of  the  laws,  as 
my  other  letter  directs,  and  yon  fliall  foon  hear  from  me  to  your  con- 
tent; fo  I  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 

"  Given  at  Holland-fanfe,  this  27th.  of  the  Tenth-month,  1 6  &£• 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


335 


ployment;  of  which  advife  me,"  &c. "  by  all    1688. 

that  is  reverent,  tender  and  friendly,  I  befeech  thy  \^*~^ 
care,  condefceniion  and  help,  for  that  poor  pro- 
vince.    I  am  here  ferving  God  and  friends,  and  the 
nation;  which  I  hope  God  will  reward  to  mine  and 
you,"  &c. 

Nofwithftanding  the  ftricl:  friend/hip,  and  good 
difpofition,  which,  from  the  beginning,  had  been 
wifely  cultivated  and  eftablifhed  by  the  Proprietary 
and  inhabitants,  or  firfl  fettlers,  of  the  province, 
xvith  the  Indians,  and,  afterwards  purfued  in  fuch 
manner,  as  to  leave  no  reafonable  caufe  for  fears 
and  fufpicions  between  them;  yet,  as  in  all  coun- 
tries wickedly  difpofed  perfons  are  found,  whofe 
-delight  is,  if  poffible,  to  diflurb  the  public  tran- 
quillity; fo  we  find,  in  the  infancy  of  this  colony, 
xvhen  juftice,  peace  and  harmony  fo  univerfally 
predominated,  it  was  poffible,  neverthelefs,  for 
idle  reports,  and  vain  rumours  to  take  place,  and 
gain  fo  far  on  unguarded  minds,  as  to  create  very 
alarming  apprehenfions,  refpecting  the  Indians-, —  of  an  in- 
the  consideration  of  their  large  numbers,  at  that  dian  alarm* 
time,  in  proportion  to  the  fewnefs  of  the  European 
fettlers,  rather  favouring  fuch  apprehenfions;  of 
which  we  have  the  following  inflance. 

In,  or  about,  the  year  1688,  the  inhabitants  of 
Philadelphia,  and  places  adjacent,  were  alarmed 

with 


In  1687,  Third  month, 

For  Philadelphia. 
Humphrey  Morrey, 
William  Salway, 
John  Bevan, 
Lafle  Cock, 
Daniel  Paftoriu*, 
Jofeph  Paul, 

For  New  Cafile. 
Johannes  Dehaes, 
Edward  Blake, 
Valen.  Hollingfworth, 
John  Wh-ite    Speaker, 
John  Darby, 
Richard  Noble. 


— the  names  of  the  Members  of  Affembly  were, 


For  Bucks, 

For  Cbejler, 

Thomas  Langhorne, 

John  BluniVon, 

Robert  Hall, 

George  Maris, 

Nicholas  Walne, 

Bartholo.  Coppock, 

Robert  Lucas, 

Caleb  Pufey, 

Henry  Baker, 

Edward  Bezar, 

Edward  Bennet, 

Randel  Vernon. 

For  Ketifr. 

For  SuJJex-t 

John  Brinkloe, 

Luke  Watfon, 

William  Berry, 

Henry  Smith, 

Richard  Wilfon, 

Henry  Moieftine, 

Thonias  Pemberton, 

Henry  Bowman, 

William  Freeland, 

Samuel  Gray, 

Bciwni  Biihop, 

Henry  Stretcher- 

336  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  with  the  report  of  an  intended  infurrection  of  the 
V*V^K>  Indians,  to  cut  off  all  the  Englifo..  on  a  certain 
An  Indian  appointed  day.  This  was  communicated  by  two 

alarm,  &c.    rr  J      r  ^     r  .  J      . 

Indian  women  or  Weft-jcrfey,  to  an  old  Dutch  in- 
habitant, near  Chefter,  to  be  on  the  next  fourth 
day  of  the  week.  Several  Friends  or  .^uakcrs^ 
upon  hearing  this  report,  being  confcious  of  their 
juft  conduct  towards  the  Indians •,  and  fenfible  of 
nothing  that  could  reafonably  difguft  them,  endea- 
voured to  appeafe  the  people's  fears.  The  faid 
fourth  day  being  come,  about  ten  o'clock,  in  the 
night,  a  rneffenger  arrived  at  Chejier,  out  of  the 
woods,  and  told  the  people,  that  three  families, 
about  nine  miles  diftant,  which  he  named,  were 
all  cut  off  by  the  Indians. — This  report  coming  to 
a  Friend^  then  at  Cheftcr,  about  midnight  he  took 
with  him  two  young  men,  on  horfeback,  to  the 
place,  in  order  to  examine  into  the  truth  of  the 
affair. — They  found  the  three  houfes,  but  no  body 
in  them,  and  yet  nofigns  of  murder; — their  inha- 
bitants, alarmed  in  a  fimilar  manner,  had  fled  to 
the  houfes  of  their  parents,  at  Ridley  creek,  about 
a  mile  from  thence.  The  matter  of  one  of  thefe 
families,  being  from  home,  had  been  informed 
five  hundred  Indians  wefe  actually  collected  at 
Naaman's  creek,  in  purfuit  of  their  defign,  to  kill 
the  Englijh;  and  as  he  was  haftening  to  his  houfe, 
he  thought  he  heard  his  boy  crying  out,  and  faying, 
"  What  jh  all  I  do,  my  Dame  is  killed!  Upon  which, 
inflead  of  going  home,  to  know  the  certainty  of 
the  affair,  he  ran  off,  to  acquaint  the  government, 
at  Philadelphia;  but  being  met  by  a  perfon  of 
more  prudence  than  himfelf,  before  he  got  to  the 
city,  he  was  perfwaded  by  him  to  return. — 

The  report  notwithflanding  foon  arrived  at  the 
city;  and  was  told  with  fuch  alarming  circum- 
flances,  that  a  meffenger  was  immediately  dif- 
patched  to  Marcus  Hook,  near  the  faid  Naaman's 
creek  to  enquire  the  truth  of  it,  He  quickly  re- 
turned 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  337 

turned  and  confirmed  the  report,  but  with  this    1688. 
variation;  that  it  was  at  Erandywine  creek,  at  an  ^y^r^J 
Indian  town,  where  the  five  hundred  Indians  were  f  "Jn<1^ 
alTcmbled;  and,  that  they,  having  a  lame  king, a* 
had  carried  him  away,  with  all  their  women  and 
children.     Thefe  circumftances  rendered  the  affair 
{till  more  alarming,  and,  with  many,  amounted 
to  a  certainty. 

The  Council  were,  at  that  time,  fitting  at  Phi? 
laddphia  on  other  affairs,  when  one  of  them,  a 
Friend,  fuppofed  to  be  Caleb  Pufey*  who  lived  in 
Ckcfter  county,  voluntarily  offered  himfelf  to  go 
to  the  place,  provided  they  would  name  five  others 
to  accompany  him,  without  weapons;  which  being 
foon  agreed  on,  they  rode  to  the  place;  but,  in- 
ilead  of  meeting  with  five  hundred  warriors,  they 
found  the  old  king  quietly  lying,  with  his  lame  foot 
along  on  the  ground,  and  his  head,  at  eafe,  on  a 
kind  of  pillow,  the  women  at  work,  in  the  field, 
and  the  children  playing  together. — 

When  they  had  entered  the  wigwam,  the  king 
prefently  afked  them  very  mildly,  "  What  they  all 
came  for?'9  They  told  him  the  report,  which  the 
Indian  women  had  raifed';  and  afked  him,  whether 
the  Indians  had  any  thing  againft  the  Englifh?  He 
appeared  much  difpleafed  at  the  report  and  faid, 
"  The  women  ought  to  be  burnt  to  death;  and 
that  they  had  nothing  againft  the  Englifh ;" — ad- 
ding, "  'Tis  true  there  are  about  fifteen  pounds  yet 

behind 

[43] 

*  Caleb  Pitfey  came  from  London  to  Pennfylvama)  with  his  family,  ill 
1682;  and  from  that  time  till  his  death,  near  45  years,  was  a  very  ufe- 
ful  and  valuable  member  of  fociety,  both  religious  and  civil.  He  was 
long  one  of  the  Provincial  and  Governor's  council;  and  divers  times  in  the 
Afiembly: — He  is  faid  to  have  been  a  man  of  good  example,  both  in 
public  and  private  life;  and  efteemed  a  worthy  Elder  among  his  friends 
the  Quakers. — By  his  care,  part  of  the  materials,  from  which  this  hif- 
tory  of  Pennsylvania  is  compofed,  were  preferved; — being  a  man  of 
good  understanding  and  abilities,  in  divers  refpetfts;  and  iu  the  relation 
of  a  neighbour,  hufbaml,  parent,  mafter  and  friend,  had  particularly  an 
amiable  character.  He  lived  in  defer  county;  and  died  in  the  Twelfth 
month,  1725,  in  the  76th.  year  of  his  age. 


338  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1688.  behind  of  our  pay  for  the  land,  which  William 
^xvx->  Penn  bought,  but  as  you  are  (till  on  it,  and  im- 
An  Indian  proving  it.  to  your  own  ufe,  we  are  not  in  ha  fie 

alarm,  &c.    £  i  t  t       7-      ,-/i  r     * 

tor  our  pay;  but  when  the  tnglijh  come  to  fettle 
it,  we  expeft  to  be  paid." — This,  the  rneiTengers, 
thinking  very  reafonable,  told  him,  they  would 
undoubtedly  be  paid  for  their  land. — 

One  of  the  company  further  exprelTed  himfelf 
to  the  Indian  king,  in  the  following  manner; 
"  That  the  great  God,  who  made  the  world,  and 
all  things  therein,  confequently  made  all  mankind, 
both  Indians  and  Englifh;  and  as  he  made  all,  fo 
his  love  was  extended  to  all;  which,  was  plainly 
fhewn,  by  his  caufmg  the  rain  and  dews  to  fall  on 
the  ground  of  both  Indians  and  Eng/ifli  alike ;  that 
it  might  equally  produce  what  the  Indians,  as  well 
as  what  the  Englijh  fowed  or  planted  in  it,  for  the 
fuftenance  of  life;  and  alfo  by  his  making  the  fun 
to  (hine  equally  on  all,  both  Indians  and  Englifh^ 
to  nourifh  them;  and  that  feeing  the  great  Being, 
which  made  them  all,  extended  his  love  thus  to 
all,  fo  they  were  mutually  bound  to  love  one 
another." — 

The  king  anfwered,  "  What  they  had  faid  was 
true;  and  as  God  has  given  you  corn,  I  would  ad- 
"  vife  you  to  get  it  in;  (it  being  then  harveft  time) 
for  we  intend  you  no  harm." — They  parted  ami- 
-cably;  and  the  meflengers,  returning,  put  an  end 
to  the  people's  fears. 

Appoint-  ^n  c°nfequence  of  Thomas  Lloyd's  requefl,  to  be 
ment  of  releafed  from  the  public  affairs  of  the  government, 
Governor'  *n  ^  latter  part  of  the  year  1688,  he  was  accor- 
Biackweii.  dingly  fucceeded  by  Captain  John  Black*well;*  who 

arrived 

*  Black™ 'ell 's  wife  was  general  Lambert's  daughter;  (he,  coming  to 
William  Penn  on  other  bniinefs,  foon  after  he  received  this  application 
from  Thomas  Lloyd,  was  aflced  by  him,  whether  fhe  thought  her  hufband 
(who  was  then  m  Nfiv  England,  and  for  whom  William  A-»«,-hy  fome 
of  his  letters,  ferms  to  have  had  a  great  efteem)  would  accept  of  the 
government  of  P&iafyJvattia ? — She  anfwered,  "  He  nvould."  A  com- 
miffion  was  therefore  fent  him,  with  the  following  instructions,  viz-. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  339 

atrived  in  the  Tenth-month  this  year;  whom  the    1688. 
Proprietary  had  commiflioned  to  be  his  Lieutenant 
Governor.     He  was  a  perfon.,  whom  William  Penn 
feems  to  have  highly  efteemed ;  and,  at  the  time  of 
his  appointment,  was  in  New  England. 

Blackwell 

ST     c    )  "  Inftruclions  for  Lieutenant  Governor  Blackivull,  or  whom 
(  *-"  ^'s  elfe  they  may  concern. 

I.  "  THAT  things  be  traafaded  in  my  name,  by  the  ftyle  of  my 
patent  only,  viz.  Abfolute  Proprietary  of  Pennfylvania,  tSV.  if  not  con- 
trary to  the  charter  '^nd  laws  of  the  Province,  as  I  fuppofe  not. 

II.  "  That  commiflions  figned  and  fealed  by  me  here  fhall  be  fufficicnt 
warrants  and  directions  to  pafs  them  under  the  great  feal. 

Ill  "  To  collect  the  laws,  that  are  in  being,  and  fend  them  over  to 
me,  in  a  ftitched  book,  by  the  very  firft  opportunity;  which  I  have  hither- 
to often,  and  fo  much,  in  vain,  defired. 

IV.  "  To  be  careful  that  fpeedy,  as  well  as  thorough  and  impartial 
juftice  be  done;  and  virtue,  in  all,  chcrifhed,  and  vice,  in  all,  punifhed. 

V.  *<  That  fines  be  in  proportion,  both  to  the  fault  and  ability  of  the 
party,  that  fo  they  may  be  paid. 

VI.  "  That  feuds  between  perfwafions,  or  nations,  or  countries,  be 
fupprefTed  and  extinguifhed,  if  any  be;  and,  if  none,  that  by  a  good 
conduct,  they  may  be  prevented. 

VII.  "  That  the  widow,  orphan,  and  abfent  may  be  particularly  re- 
garded, in  their  rights;  for  their  cry  will  be  loudeft  in  all  ears;  but,  by 
abfent,  I  mean  fuch  as  are  fo  of  neceflity. 

VIII.  "  To  countenance  the  Commifiioners  of  property,  where  land 
is  unfeated,  or  people  are  unruly  in  their  fettlements,  or  comply  not 
with  reafonable  obligations,    about  bounds,   banks,    timber,  &c.     For 
though  we  come  to  a  wildernefs,  it  was  not  that  we  fhould  continue 
it  fo. 

IX.  "  That  the  Sheriffs  of  their  refpective  counties  be  charged  with 
the  receipt  of  my  rents,  fines,  &c.  a*  they  do  in  England^  and  give  fe- 
curity  to  the  Receiver  General,  for  the  fame. 

X.  "  To  have  a  fpecial  care,  that  Sheriffs  and  clerks  of  the  peace  im- 
pofe  not  upon  the  propie;  and  that  the  magiftrates  live  peaceably  and 
foberly; — for  I  could  not  endure  one  ioofe,  or  litigious  perfon  in  autho- 
rity.— Let  them  be  men  having  fome  fear  of  God,  and  hating  covet- 
oufnefs,  whatever  be  their  ptrfwafion :  to  employ  others  is  to  profane  an 
erdinaBce  of  God. 

XI.  "  That  care  be  taken  of  the  roads,  and  high  ways,  in  the  coun- 
try; that  they  may  be  ftraight  and  commodious  for  travellers;  for  I  un- 
derftand,  they  ere  turned  about  by  the  planters;  which  is  a  mifchief,  that 
muft  not  be  endured. 

XII.  "  Conuder  by  what  means,  or  methods,  the  good  and  profperity 
of  the  plantation  may  be  promoted;  what  laws,  in  being,  are  unnecef- 
fary,  or  defe&ive,  and  what  are  wanting;  and  in  each  particular  hereof, 
let  me  have  advice  as  diftin<£tly,  and  as  fpeedily  as  may  be. 

XIII.  "  Rule  the  meek  meekly;  and  thofe  that  will  not  be  ruled,  rule 
with  authority;  and  God  Almighty  profper  all  honeft  and  prudent  en- 
deavours. 

«{  Given  at  London,  this  ajth,  of  the  Seventh-month,  1688. 


34Q  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1689.        Blackwcll  met  the  Affembly  in  the  Third-month 

v-x-\/~v^  1689;  but,  by  reafon  of  fome  mifunder Handing, 

Governor  or  diflenfion,  between  hirn  and  fome  of  the  Coun- 

Blackwell        M        i  i  T         rr  •  t       •  i 

degrees  clh  tne  public  affairs  were  not  managed  with  the 
with  the  defired  harmony  and  fatisfa&ion ;  and  but  little; 
murns  to  done  during  his  administration,  which  continued 
England,  only  till  the  Twelfth-month  this  year,  when  he 
returned  to  England;*  and  the  government  of  the 
province,  according  to  charter,  devolved  again  on 
1690.  the  Council,  Thomas  Lloyd,  Prefident. 

Reafonsfor      The  appointment  of  Blackwell,   who  was  no 
Biackweii's  Ouaker,  to  be  Deputy  Governor,  appears,  by  the 

appoint-       IN*        .  .  J  ,  .     r  .        i        •       i  • 

mcnt,  &c.  Proprietary  s  letters  to  his  friends,  in  the  province, 
to  have  been,  becaufe  no  fuitable  perfon,  who  was 
of  that  fociety,  would  undertake  the  office;  that 
his  views  thereby  were  more  for  the  public  good, 
than  his  own  private  intereft;  which,  he  declares, 
he  was  forry  were  not  anfwered  according  to  his 
expectation;  and  that  notwithstanding  he  was  ap- 
prehenfive  occafion  had  been  given  by  fome  par- 
ticulars, in  the  province,  for  this  mifunderflanding, 
yet,  that  he  had  duly  regarded  their  complaints^ 
and  afforded  them  fuitable  relief. 

Cicero 

*  William  Penn,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  friends  in  Pennfylvania,  da- 
ted the  3Oth.  of  the  Tenth-month,  1689,  refpedting  the  appointment., 
&c.  of  Governor  Black-well,  declares, 

— — "  Since  no  Friend  would  undertake  the  Governor's  place,  I  took 
one  that  was  not,  and  a  ftranger;  that  he  might  be  impartial,  and  more 
reverenced:  He  is,  in  England  and  Ireland,  of  great  repute,  for  ability, 
integrity  and  virtue;  I  thougkt  I  did  well;  it  was  for  good;  the  Lord 
knows  it,  and  no  end  of  my  own.  You  fee  what  I  have  done  upon  the 
complaints;  but  I  muft  fay,  I  fear  his  peevifhnefs  to  fome  Friends  has 
not  rifen  out  of  the  dull,  without  occafion,  if  any  where,  let  it  be  fearch- 
ed  out  and  judged:  the  Lord  keep  us  all  in  the  gentle  mind  that  is  eafy 
to  be  entreated,'  &c. — "  Bear  with  me,  God  knows,  if  I  love  you,  or  no, 
or  defire  my  lot  to  be  with  you;" — "  I  have  fought  the  province  more 
than  myfelf,"  &c. 

Of  the  active  members  of  Council,  about  the  time  of  Blackrwell''s  ad- 
miniflration,  appear  the  following  names,  viz. 

John  Simcock,  Samuel  Richardfoa 

William  Clark,  Griffith  Jones, 

Arthur  Cook,  Thomas  Duckett, 

William  Stockdale,  Griffith  O  »ven, 

William  Yardly,  John  Brinkloe, 

Luke  Watfon,  Johannes  Dehaes. 

John  Cann, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  341 

Cicero  \vasjultly  called  the  father  of  his  country,    1689. 
for  preferring  it  from  the  defigns  of  a  mod  de- 
teftable    rebellion,    but    William    Penn,    with    ftill 
greater  propriety,  may  be  flyled  the  parent  of  his:  ™eay 
In  that  he  not  only  planted  it  with  induftry  and  F.ather 
virtue,  and  endowed  it  with  a  generous  and  ex- 
cellent  conftitution,  but  with  unremitted  care  and 
afliduity,  he  alfo  cherifhed  it  with  the  bed  and 
moil  affectionate  advice  and  inftru&ion;*  tending 

more 

*  The  following,  which  he  writ  them  this  year,  are  fpecimens  of  this 
kind,  viz. 

"   My  dear  Friends  and  Brethren, 

"  IF  it  be  with  you,  as  I  can  fay  it  is  with  me,  in  the  prefence  of  God, 
then  are  we  one  in  him;  for  neither  length  of  days,  nor  diftance  of  place, 
nor  all  the  many  waters,  between  us,  can  feparate  my  heart  arid  affection 
from  you:  but  my  love,  yea,  the  love  of  God,  my  Father,  and  your  Fa- 
ther, abounds  towards  you,  with  endeared  falutations  to  you  all,  and  an 
holy  kifs  in  Chriji:  and  for  you,  and  the  blelling  of  you  and  yours,  with 
grace,  peace  and  profperity,  are  my  knees  bowed  to  the  God  of  all  our 
mercies  and  prefervations;  that  an  holy,  blamelefs  people,  without  guile 
and  wrath,  brawling  and  felfifhnefs,  you  may  be  made  and  kept,  in  all 
things;  that  God  may  fpread  his  great  Name  over  you,  and  a  make  wall 
of  defence  about  you,  and  create  a  glory  upon  the  fame,  to  your  uafpeak- 
able  joy,  and  the  renown  of  his  own  great  power.  For  thi  .  my  eyes  have 
beheld  under  the  fun,  that  all  is  vanity,  in  companion  of  him;  and  that 
happy  and  blefled  is  that  people,  whofe  God  is  the  Lord  :  for  the  nation, 
or  province,  upon  the  earth,  that  will  not  reverence  him,  and  call,  in 
righteoufnefs,  upon  him,  and,  in  all  their  undertakings,  have  his  glory 
ilrft  in  their  eye,  (hall  be  cut  off:  He  will  vex,  vifit  and  trouble  that  peo- 
ple, that  they  may  know  he  ruleth  in  the  kingdoms  of  men.  Wherefore, 
the  Lord  guide  you,  by  his  own  fpirit,  and  preferve  you  a  lively,  greeo 
and  favory  people  to  his  praife. 

"  Great  revolutions  have  been,  of  late,  in  this  land  of  your  nativity; 
and  where  they  may  period,  the  Lord  knows.  It  can  be  no  new  thing 
for  us,  to  meet  with  exercifes.  Europe  looks  like  a  fea  of  trouble.—-  Wars 
nil  over  it  like  to  be  this  Summer.  —  I  ftrongly  defire  to  fee  you,  before  ifc 
lie  fpent,  if  the  Lord  will;  and  I  can  fay  in  his  fight,  that,  to  improve 
:ny  intereft  with  King  James,  for  tender  confciences,  and  that  a  Cbrif- 
ijan  liberty  might  be  legally  fettled,  though  again/I  my  own  inter  ejl,  was  that 
which  hasfeparated  me  from  you  chiefly  —  I  defire  your  remembrance  be- 
fore the  Lord;  as  you  are  not,  and  cannot  be,  forgotten,  in  my  addreffes  / 
and  approaches  to  him;  who  reft  in  his  unchangeable  love,  dear  friends 
and  brethren,  your's  unalterably,  in  the  communion  of  the  blefled  truth, 

"  WJILIAM  PENN. 
"  The  Id.  of  the  F  irji-month  ,  1689." 


b,  the  $Otb.  of  the  Tenth-month, 
"   Dear  Friends, 

"  I  cannot  flip  this  opportunity;  but  fend  you  the  endeared  falutations 
«>f  my  love,  that,  in  the  truth,  gives  me  frequent  occafions  to  remem- 
ber you,  and  earneftly  defirs  your  preservation  to  God,  as  well  as 

your 


342  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1689.    more  effedually  to  fix  and  confirm  that  bond  of 
love  and  affection,  between  him  and  his  people, 

upon 

your  comfort  and  profperity  in  outward  things;  about  which  have  a 
care,  that  they  grow  not  too  fa  ft  upon  you,  nor  tco  many  for  you;  I 
mean,  as  to  the  care  and  concerns,  that  attend  them,  in  the  exercife  oi 
your  fpirits:  for  it  is  a  blcffed  flute,  to  cnjor  and  life  of  the  world,  in 
the  dominion  of  his  life  and  po'.ver,  that  has,  quickened  us,  by  his  light 
and  fpirit  a  people  to  himielf :  i'or,  in  fhis  itai'as  nil  our  peace  and  blelTed- 
nei's.  that  God  be  eyed,  in  the  lirll  place,  that  we  fet  him  on  our  right 
hand;  that  we  fet  him  continually  before  our  eyes;  and  that  our  eye  be 
directed  towards  him,  in  all  things,  as  the  eye  ef  a  handmaid  to  her  mif- 
trefs;  that  we  may  be  able  to  fay,  in  truth  and  rightcoufneis,  we  have 
none  in  Heaven,  but  him,  nor  any  on  earth,  bciides  him.  This  it  is, 
that  keeps  God's  people  every  where;  for  hereby  they  pv-t  on  Chiift,  in 
all  his  bleffed  teachings  and  leadings,  and  make  no  provision  for  the  (lefh, 
to  fulfil  the  lufts  thereof:  Friends,  they  are  deep  words,  and  d'etpt)  things. — 
I  know  you  under/land  me,  and  1  hope  you  feel  me,  who  have  your  eyes 
to  the  mark,  and  look  to  the  joy  before  you,  that  is  above  a'l  things,  in 
tills  momentary,  trouhlefome  and  bufy  world. — .And,  now,  friends,  I 
have  a  word  more  to  you;  and  that  is  this,  th;:t  frith,  hope  and  churity 
are  the  great  helps  and  marks  of  true  Cbriflhns;  but  above  all  charity  is 
the  love  of  Goii,  or  divine  love; — bkffed  are  they,  thst  are  come  to  it 
and  hold  the  truth  in  it,  and  work  and  act  in  it;  for  they.  poo.  <ndretl 
in  fpirit.  of  their  own.  but  rich  in  GooV, —  they  are  ir.ec^; — they  inhe- 
rit;— all  other  ftates  are  a  brangle,  in  comparison;  but  this  enjoy?; — this 
poffeffes;  this  reigns!  O,  come  into  this  love  more  and  more;  for  to  this 
fliall  ail  gifts  and  operations  give  place;  and  they  do  fo,  in  the  hearts  of 
thofe,  that  are  come  to  know  Charity  greatefl  in  diem  -«-lt  will  preferve 
peace  ir  the  church ; — peace  in  the  ftate; — peace  in  families,  aye,  and  peace 
in  particular  bofoms.  God  Almighty  draw,  I  befeech  him .  all  your  hearts 
into  this  heavenly  love  more  and  more,  and  that  the  work  of  it  may  fliine 
out,  to  God's  glory  and  your  comfort. 

"  For  matters  here; — as  to  myfelf,  I  am  well  and  free; — and  for  the 
church  of  God,  liberty  continues.  But,  in  the  nations  of  Europe,  great 
wars,  and  rumours  of  wars,  fuch  ashr-ve  not  been  almoft  from  the  begin- 
ning. Suns  are  turning  into  darknefs,  and  moons  into  blood ;  for  the  noteablc 
4ay  is  at  the  door-— It  could  not  he  born  for  fome  of  you,  when  you 
•went  for  America^  that  fuch  a  clay  fhould  come;  but  coming  it  is;  for 
almoft  every  eye  fees  it,  .md  tongue  fays  it;  fome  thoufands,  alas!  have 
already  felt  it.  Sanclify,  therefore,  the  Lord,  in  your  hearts;  be  fatif- 
fied  in  him,  in  your  lot;  and  walk  worthy  of  his  daily  mercy  and  attend- 
ance upon  you,  and  care  over  you,  and  the  Lord  keep  you  to  the  end. 
I  am,  in  truth,  that  makts  us  near  to  God,  and  one  to  another, " 
"  Your  faithful  friend  and  brother, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN." 

In  this  year  likewife  I  find  the  following  copy  of  a  letter  from  the 
JProprietor,  faid  to  be  read  in  Ccuncil,  dated,  London^  the  lath,  of  the 
Sixth-month,  1689,  vlZt 
"  Friends, 

"  I  heartily  wifh  you  all  well,  and  befeech  God  to  guide  you  in  the 
ways  of  righteoufneis  and  peace.  I  have  thought  fit  upon  my  further 
flop,  in  thcie  parts,  to  throw  all  into  your  hands;  that  you  may  all  fee 
the  confidence  I  have  in  you,  and  the  deiire  I  have  to  give  you  all 
poffiblc  contentment,  I  do  earneftly  prefs  your  coultant  attendance  upon 

'the 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  343 

upon  the  mofl  certain  and  lafting  foundation;  1689. 
which  is  the  bed  prefervative  againfl  all  difor- 
ders : — He  treated  them  as  beloved  children ;  while 
they  regarded  him  as  a  tender  father:  This,  in 
part,  appears,  by  his  various  epiftles  of  this  na- 
ture, befides  thofe  refpecting  the  more  temporal 
concerns  of  the  province;  which,  from  time  to 
time,  he  writ  to  them,  during  his  life;  and  in  a 
language  more  pathetic  and  endearing,  it  is  im- 
poilible  for  the  moil'  affectionate  parent  to  addrefs 
his  beloved  offspring;  of  thefe  that  are  yet  extant, 
I  find  feveral  this  year;  a  fpecimen  of  which  ap- 
pears below,  in  the  notes. 

The  year  1689  gave  rife  to  the  Friends9  public 
fchool,  in  Philadelphia;  which  afterwards,  in  the 
year  169  7,  upon  the  petition  of  Samuel  Carpenter , 
Edward  Shippen,  Anthony  Morris,  James  Fox,  Da- phia' 
•uid  Lloyd,  William  Southby  and  John  Jones,  in  be- 
half of  themfelves  and  others,  to  Deputy  Mark- 
ham,  was  fir  ft  incorporated  by  charter ;  and,  after 
that,  confirmed  by  a  frefh  patent  from  William 
Perm,  dated  the  25th.  of  October  1701;  and  alfo 
by  another,  dated  the  22d.  of  the  Fifth-month 
1708;  whereby  the  corporation  was,  "  Forever 
thereafter  to  conjtft  of  ff teen  difcreet  and  religious 

perfonS) 

the  government,  and  the  diligent  purfuit  of  peace  and  virtue;  and  God 
Almighty  ftrengthen  your  hands,  in  fo  good  a  work.  I  alfo  recommend 
to  you  the  particular  discipline  of  that  town  you  meet  in :  that  fobriety 
and  gravity  be  maintained,  and  authority  kept  in  refpeft. — As  it  comes 
in  your  way,  countenance  my  officers  in  collating  my  fmall  revenue — 
Let  the  laws,  you  pafs,  hold  fo  long  only  as  1  ihaii  not  declare  my  dif- 
fent;  that  fo  my  lhare  may  not  lye  excluded,  or  finally  concluded,  with- 
out my  notice;  in  fine,  let  them  be  confirmable  by  me,  as  you  will  fee  by 
the  commiflion  I  left,  when  I  left  the  prevince. — And  if  you  defire  a  De- 
puty Governor,  rather  name  three,  or  five,  and  I  fhall  name  one  of  them; — 
fo  as  you  confider  of  a  comfortable  fubfiftence;  that  the  government  may 
not  go  a  begging. — I  do  not  do  this,  to  lye  a  binding  precedent,  but  to 
give  you,  and  the  people  you  reprefent.  the  fblleft  pledges  I  am  able,  at 
this  diftance,  of  my  regard  to  them.  Whatever  you  do,  I  defire,  befeech 
and  charge  you  all  to  avoid  factions  and  parties,  whifperings  and  report- 
ings,  and  all  animofities;  that,  putting  your  common  flioulders  to  the 
public  work,  you  may  have  the  reward  of  good  men  and  patriots;  and 
fo  I  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 

"  WILLIAM  PENN, 
"  Given  at  London,  this  1 2th.  of  the  Sixth-month,  1689." 


344  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1689.  perfons,  of  the  people  called  Quakers,  by  the  name  of  •, 
v^v-^  The  Overfeers  of  the  public  fchool,  found  in  Philadel* 
si Fr/eud3  ph'ta<>  at  t/je  requeft,  coft  and  charges  of  the  people 
called  Quakers ;"  but  its  laft  and  prefent  charter, 
from  William  Penn,  confirming  all  the  preceding 
charters,  and  further  extending  the  corporation, 
with  larger  powers  and  privileges,  &c.  is  dated 
the  29th.  of  November,  1711;  wherein  the  Over- 
feers, nominated  and  appointed,  were  Samuel  Car- 
penter, the  elder,  Edward  Shippen,  Griffith  Given, 
Thomas  Story,  Anthony  Morris,  Richard  Hill,  Ijaac 
Norris,  Samuel  P  reft  on,  ^Jonathan  Dickinfon,  Na- 
than Stanbury,  Thomas  Majlers,  Nicholas  Wain, 
Caleb  Pufey,  Rowland  Ellis  and  James  Logan;  by 
which  charter  the  Overfeers  were  afterwards  to  be 
cholen  by  the  corporation. 

itsdrfign.  This  was  the  firfl  inftitution  of  the  kind,  in 
Pennfyhama,  intended  not  only  to  facilitate  the 
acquisition  of  the  more  generally  ufed  parts  of 
learning,  among  all  ranks,  or  degrees,  of  the 
people,  (the  poorer  fort  being  taught  gratis,  and 
the  rich,  or  more  wealthy,  ftill  paying  a  proportion 
for  their  children's  inftru&ion)  but  allb  the  better, 
and  more  extenfively  to  promote  a  virtuous  and 
learned  education,  than  could  be  affected  by  any 
other  manner,  was  the  end  of  the  defign:  Which, 
in  the  preamble  to  the  faid  prefent  charter,  is 
thus  exprefled,  viz. — 

"  Whereas,  the  profperity  and  welfare  of  any 
people  depend,  in  great  meafure,  upon  the  good 
education  of  youth,  and  their  early  introduction 
in  the  principles  of  true  religion  and  virtue,  and 
qualifying  them  to  ferve  their  country  and  them- 
felves,  by  breeding  them  in  reading,  writing,  and 
learning  of  languages,  and  ufeful  arts  and  fciences, 
fuitable  to  their  fex,  age  and  degree;  which  can- 
not be  affected,  in  any  manner,  fo  well  as  by  erect- 
ing public  fchooh,  for  the  purpofes  aforefaid."  &c. 

For 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

For  thefe  laudable  purpofes,  therefore,  a  num- 
ber of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia, 
being  Quakers ^  in  the  Fifth-month  this  year,  agreed 
with  George  Keith,  who  then  refided  at  Freehold 
(now  called  Monmouth}  in  New  ^erfey,  to  under- 
take the  charge.  He  accordingly  removed  to  Phi- 
ladelphia, and.  was  the  firft  matter  of  that  fchool; 
but  continued  only  about  one  year.* 


*  "  Gtorge  Keith  was  a  native  of  Aberdeen,  in  Scotland,  a  man  of  learn- 
ing, and  had  been  of  note  among  the  Quakers^  &c.  (of  which  fee  more 
hereafter.)  He  came  to  Eafl  Jerfi\  divers  years  before  this  time;  was 
afterwards  Surveyor- general  of  that  divifion;  and,  in  1687,  he  afcertained 
and  marked  the  line  of  divifion  between  Eaft  and  Weft  Jerfey.  His  fa- 
lary  for  officiating  in  this  fchool,  was  fifty  pounds  per  annum,  with  a 
houfe  for  his  family  to  live  in,  a  fchool-houfe  provided,  and  the  profits 
of  the  fchool  befide,  for  one  year.  For  two  years  more  his  fchool  was  to 
be  made  worth  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  per  annum,  if  he  thought 
fit  to  flay  fo  long;  he  was  to  teach  the  poor  gratis.  He  continued  in 
this  ftation  about  one  year,  and  then  his  ufher,  Thomas  Makin,  was,  at 
his  defire,  appointed  to  fucceed  him,  &c. 

Note. — The  terms  for  teaching,  &c.  here,  in  early  time,  appear  by 
the  following  extract  from  the  journals  of  Council,  viz. 

"  Tench-month  a6th.  1683,  Enoch  Floiver  undertakes  to  teach  fchool 
in  the  town  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  following  terms,  viz. 

"  To  learn  to  read  Englljb,  four  {hillings  by  the  quarter;  to  write,  fix 
(hillings  by  ditto;  to  read,  write  and  caft  accounts,  eight  {hillings  by  the 
quarter:  boarding  a  fcholar,  that  is  to  fay,  diet,  lodging,  walhing  and 
fchooling,  ten  pounds  for  one  whole  year." 

Nets. — Enoch  Flower  is  faid  to  have  come  from  Corflaam  in  Wildhire; 


CHAPTER 

[44] 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


CHAPTER    X. 

William  Penn's  troubles  and  difficulties  after  the  re- 
volution in  England. — He  is  prevented  by  bis  ene- 
mies from  vt/iting  and  affifiing  the  province  in  a 
time  of  its  greatefl  need. — Extraft  from  bis  letter 
fo  Thomas  Lloyd. — His  cpiftle  to  his  friends  in  Lon- 
don.— Dif agreement  between  the  province  and  ter- 
ritories.— Declaration  of  the  Council ',  and  other 
proceedings  relating  to  the  difference. — Names  of 
the  members  of  A/Tembly,  in  1690. — Two  Deputy 
Governors. — The  Proprietor's  concern  at  this  diffe- 
rence.— Extraft  from  one  of  bis  letters,  refpefting 
it. — Further  proceedings  of  the  province. — A  pro- 
mulgated bill. — Names  of  fome  members  of  Coun- 
cil.— A  letter  of  the  two  Deputies  and  their  Coun- 
cils to  the  Proprietary,  &c. 

w.  Penn's  -*  T  has  already  been  obferved,  that,  during  moft 

dfai?mb°of  °^  ^e  ^me  ^mce  t^le  Pr°Prietary's  return  to  En- 
the  rTvoiu-  gland,  in  1684,  much  of  his  public  a&ion  and 
tionini688fervice  were  in  that  nation;  and  that  his  intimacy 
at  court,  and  friendfhip  with  King  James  the  Se- 
cond, which  his  great  obligation  to  that  royal  fa- 
mily, and  the  fituation  of  his  own  affairs  may, 
both  from  gratitude  and  intereft,  eafily  account 
for,  expofed  him  to  many  unjufl  cenfures;  but  in 
the  year  1688,  upon  the  change  of  government, 
the  flate  of  his  affairs  there  began  to  have  a  very 
different,  and  more  unfavourable  afpecl : — For  the 
attempts  which  had  been  made  by  the  King,  in 
favour  of  popery  and  arbitrary  power,  had  occa- 
lioned  the  meafures  of  the  revolution,  which  now 
began  to  take  place  in  the  government  there,  by 

means 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  347 

means  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  "  who  landed  at  w.  Penn'» 
Yorbay,  in  Devon/hire,  on  the  fifth  of  November,  affi»« 

-^nn  "  i  •  r    t-        r-        t'/>  •  »/r  t"6 

|688,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  Engfijh  nation.    Many  the 
of  King  James's  officers  and  army  foon  joined  thelio 
Prince;  and  the  King,  perceiving  the  hearts  of  the 
people  alienated  from  him,  withdrew  himfelf,  and 
went  over  to  France.    Hence  by  a  Convention,  called 
fhortly  after,  the  faid  Prince  of  Orange,  and  the 
Princcfs  Mary,  his  confort,  King  "James's  daugh- 
ter, were  declared  King  and  Queen  of  England,  &c» 
and  were  proclaimed  on  the  thirteenth  of  February, 
1688-9. 

"  Upon  this  turn  of  the  times,  William  Penn's 
late  friendfliip  at  court  having  rendered  him  fuf- 
pected  of  difaffeclion  to  the  prefent  government, 
on  the  tenth  of  December,  1688,  when  he  was 
walking  in  White-Hall,  he  was  fent  for  by  the  Lords 
of  the  Council,  then  fitting;  and  though  nothing 
appeared  againft  him,  and  himfelf  allured  them,— 
"  That  he  had  done  nothing,  but  what  he  could 
anfwer  before  God,  and  ail  the  princes  in  the 
world;  that  he  loved  his  country,  and  the  Pro- 
teftant  religion  above  his  life,  and  never  afted 
againft  either;  that  ail  he  ever  aimed  at,  in  his 
public  endeavours,  was  no  other  than  what  the 
Prince' himfelf  had  declared  for;  that  King  James 
was  always  his  friend,  and  in  gratitude,  he  was 
the  King's,  and  did  ever,  as  much  as  in  him  lay," 
influence  him  to  his  true  intereft." — Notwithftand- 
ing  they  obliged  him  to  give  fecurities  for  his  ap- 
pearance the  firft  day  of  the  next  term,  which  he 
did;  and  then  he  was  continued,  on  the  fame  fe- 
curity,  to  Eafter-term  following;  on  the  laft  day 
of  which,  nothing  having  been  laid  to  hi&  charge, 
he  v/as  cleared  in  open  court. 

"  In  the  year  1690,  he  was  again  brought  be- 
fore the  Lords  of  the  Council,  upon  an  accufation 
of  holding  a  correfpondence  with  the  late  King 
James;  and  they  requiring  fureties  for  his  appear- 
ance, 


34§  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

w.penn'sance,  he  appealed  to  King  William  himfelf;  who, 
tfe  T^of  a^ter  a  conference  of  near  two  hours,  inclined  to 
the  revolt  -  acquit  him,  but,  to  pleafe  fome  of  the  Council, 

tjonini688  he    wa§  hejd  upQn  ^    for  a  whjje;    ^    m  ^ 

nity-term,  the  fame  year,   was  again  difcharged. 

"  He  was  attacked  a  third  time,  and  his  name 
inferted  in  a  proclamation,  dated  July  the  i8th. 
1690;  wherein  he,  with  divers  others,  to  the  num- 
ber of  eighteen,  were  charged  with  adhering  to 
the  kingdom's  enemies;  but  proof  failing,  re- 
fpecling  him,  he  was  again  cleared  by  order  of  the 
Kings-bench  Court,  at  Weftminfter,  in  the  laft  day 
of  Michaelmas -term,  1690. 

"  Being  now  again  at  liberty,  he  propofed  to 
go  a  fecorul  time  to  Pennfyfoawa,  and  publifhed 
proposals  iv<  ;)rmt,  for  another  fettlement  there. 
He  had  fo  far  prepared  for  this  tranfportation  that 
an  order  for  a  convoy  was  granted  him  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  when  his  voyage  was  preven- 
ted by  a  frefh  accufation  againft  him,  backed  with 
the  oath  of  one  William  Fuller,  a  wretch,  after- 
wards by  Parliament  declared  a  cheat  and  impoftor; 
and  a  warrant  was  thereupon  granted,  for  his  ap- 
prehenfion;  which  he  narrowly  efcaped,  at  his 
return  from  the  funeral  of  George  Fox,  the  firft 
preacher  among  the  Quakers,  on  the  i6th.  of 
January,  1690-1."* 

Though 

*  W.  Penn,  in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  dated,  "  England,  the  I4th, 
of  the  Fourth-month,  1691,"  writes  on  this  fubje<5l,  as  follows:— 

"    Dear  Friend^ 

"  My  love,  in  the  unchangeable  truth,  falutes  thee  and  thine,  and  the 
friends  and  family  of  God,  in  thofe  parts,  defiring  your  temporal  and 
everlafting  welfare,  with  an  unfeigned  affection. 

"  By  this  time  thou  wilt  have  heard  of  the  renewal  of  my  troubles, 
the  only  let  of  my  return,  being  in  the  midft  of  my  preparations,  with 
a  great  company  of  adventurers,  when  they  fell  upon  me. — The  jealoufies 
of  fome,  and  unwor'hy  dealing  of  others  have  made  way  for  them;  but 
tinder  and  over  it  all,  the  ancient  rock  has  been  my  fheitcr  and  comfort; 
and  I  hope  yet  to  fee  your  faces,  with  our  ancient  fatisfa&ion. — The  Lord 
grant,  if  it  be  for  h''s  glory,  whofc  I  defire  to  be,  in  all  conditions;  for 
this  world  paffeth  away,  arid  the  form  and  beauty  of  it  fadtth;  but  there 
are  eternal  habitations  for  the  faithful;  among  whom  I  pray  that  my  lot 
may  be,  rather  than  among  the  princes  of  the  earth. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  349 

Though  William  Penn  had  hitherto  defended  1690. 
himfelf  before  the  King  and  Council,  yet  he  now  ^s*'~*J 
thought  it  more  prudent  to  retire,  than  to  hazard  ™-  fcnn 

i_        r        •/»    •  r   i  •  i  /  r        obliged     to 

the  Facrmcmg   or  his  innocence  to  the  oaths   or  a  retire  in  pri- 
profligate  villain;  accordingly  after  an  expen live  vate>  &c- 
preparation  for  a  large  embarkation  of  frefh  colo-      TO  the 
nifts  for  America,  he  was  not  only  obliged  to  defifl  sreat  dlfad~ 
therefrom,  and,  at  a  moil  critical  and  neceffitous  h^TfTair's, 
time,  in  the  affairs  of  his  young  country  to  decline  ^dthofeof 
furniming  a  large  increafe  to  its  inhabitants,  and  &&cfr° 
thofe  means,  for  its  further  regulation,  eilablifh- 

ment 

"  I  hope  I  need  not  urge  my  circumfhnces,  to  excite  thy  love,  care 
and  concern  for  me  and  my  fuffering  intereft,  in  that  country.  I  know 
thou  haft  better  learned  Cbrijl  and  Cato,  if  I  may  fo  fay,  and  wilt  em- 
brace fuch  an  opportunity  to  chufe  to  exprefs  thy  friendlhip  and  iince- 
rity;  nor  is  uncertainty  and  changeahlenefs  thy  fault;  wherefore  I  will 
fay  no  more,  but  defire  that  my  afflictions  may  ceafe,  if  not  cure  your 
animofities,  or  difcontents,  within  yourfelves,  if  yet  they  have  conti- 
nued; and  that  thou  wilt  both  in  government,  and  to  my  Commiffion- 
ners  of  property,  yield  thy  afiiftance  all  thou  carift. — By  all  this  God 
may  prepare  me  to  be  fitter  for  future  fervice,  even  to  you  there  I  aik 
the  people  fcrgivenefs  for  my  long  (lay;  but  when  I  confider  how  much 
it  has  been  my  great  Icfs,  and  for  an  ungrateful  generation,  it  is  punilh- 
ment! — It  has  been  20,000  pounds  to  iny  damage,  in  the  country,  and 
above  10,000  pounds  here,  and  to  the  province  500  families;  but  the  wife 
God,  that  can  do  what  he  pleafes.  as  well  as  fee  what  is  in  man's  heart, 
is  able  to  requite  all;  and  I  am  perfwaded,  all  fiiall  yet  work  together  for 
good,  in  this  very  thing,  if  we  can  overlook  all,  that  {lands  in  the  way 
of  our  views  Godward,  in  public  matters. — See  that  all  be  done  prudently 
and  humbly;  and  keep  down  irreverence  and  loofenefs,  and  chcrilh  induf- 
try  and  fobriety.  The  JLord  God  Almighty  be  with  you,  and  among/I 
you.  to  his  praife  and  your  peace.  Salute  me  to  John  Simcock,  R.  Tur- 
ner, A.  Cook,  T.  Janny,  Ph.  Pemherton,  S.  Richardfon,  W.  Yardly, 
the  Welch  Friends,  and  Plimouth  Friends,  indeed  to  all  of  them. 

"  1'hou  hail  heard  of  our  great  lofs  of  dear  Jobn  Biirnyeat,  and  Ro- 
bert Lodge,  one  in  Ireland,  and  t'other  in  England,  in  about  the  fame 
week;  and  Rdert  Barclay,  Tb.  Saltloufc,  and  dearly  beloved  George  Fox 
fince: — He  died  at  Henry  Gouldneyi,  by  Graclous-Jlrect  meeting-houfe; 
where  he  preached  his  farewell  the  Firft-day,  and  departed  the  Third, 
at  N;ght,  between  nine  and  ten. — I  was  with  him;  he  earnellly  recom- 
aiended  to  me  his  love  to  you  all;  and  faid,  William ,  mind  poor  Friends  hi 
America;  he  died  triumphantly  over  death,  very  eafily  forefaw  his  change,; 
he  was  buryed  on  the  Sixth-day;  like  a  general  meeting;  2000  people 
at  his  bunal,  Firends  and  others: — I  was  never  more  public  than  that 
day;  I  fcjt  myfelf  eafy;  he  was  got  into  his  Inn,  before  the  ftorm  that 
is  coming  overtook  him;  and  that  night,  very  providentially  I  efcaped 
the  meffenger's  hands: — I  ihall  add  only,  that  Fricn ds  have  had  an  extra- 
ordinary time,  this  General  Meeting;  fo  that  God  fupplied  that  viable 
lofs  with  his  glorious  prefence.  R.  Davits  there,  but  not  thy  brother. 
.In  fincere  love  I  bid  thee,  thy  wife  and  family,  and  fronds,  farewell, 

"  Thy  true  friend, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1690.  merit  and  happinefs,  which,  it  was  moil  probable 
^-/*v-s^  fuch  an  addition,  with  his  prefence,  would  have 
adminiftered,  but  he  alfo  appeared  very  little  in 
public,  for  two  or  three  years  afterwards ;  and  the 
great  difadvantage  and  embarraflfment,  which  this 
difappointment  occafioned,  both  in  his  private 
affairs,  and  thcfe  of  his  colony,  at  this  time,  ap- 
pear, in  its  effe&s,  the  more  considerable,  on  ac- 
count of  the  diforder,  or  diiTenlion,  between  the 
province  and  territories;  and  alib  the  religious 
difturbance,  in  the  affair  of  George  Keith;  both 
which  began  about  this  time;  which,  it  is  mofc 
probable,  his  long  wanted  prefence  and  abilities 
there  would  have  prevented,  or,  at  leafc,  fome  of 
the  confequences  of  them. 

He  writes  Yet  the  product  of  this  retirement  was  feveral 
inhisretire-  vaiuable  treatifes,  on  divers  fubjefts,  which,  both 
for  his  own  amufement,  and  the  common  good  of 
the  prefent  and  future  times.,  he  writ,  during  this 
reftraint  upon  his  liberty,  till  the  latter  end  of  the 
year,  1693;  which,  as  they  are  extant  in  his 
printed  works,  the  world  would  otherwife,  pro- 
bably, never  have  feen,  ncr  had  the  advantage  of 
them.  But,  fir  ft,  refpecting  his  retirement,  left  his 
Friends,  the  Quakers  y  mould  entertain  any  fmiiler 
thoughts  of  him,  he  fent  the  following  epiille  to 
their  Tearly-mcetiiig,  in  London.,  viz. 

"  The  3oth.  of  the  Third-month,  1691* 

"  My  beloved,  dear  and  honoured  brethren? 

w.  Perm's      "  M  Y    unchangeable  love  falutes  you;    and 

j^Fricnds  tnougn  I  am  abfent  from  you,  yet  I  feel  the  fweet 

in  London,  and  lowly   life  of  your  heavenly  fellowfhip,   by 

» l69J-     which  I  am  with  you,  and  a  partaker  among!!:  you, 

whom  I  have  loved  above  my  chiefeft joy:  Receive 

no  evil  furmifmgs,  neither  fuffer  hard  thoughts, 

through  the  infmuations  of  any,  to  enter  your 

minds   agamfl  me,  your  affiifted,  but  no!  forjaken 

friend  and  brother.     My  ...ncmies  are  yours,  and, 

in 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  351 


in  the  ground,  mine  for  your  fakes;  and  that  God 

feeth  in  fecret,  and  will  one  day  reward  openly.  EPillle.    ^ 

•nr  •  •  r  /  -  *         r      his  Friends 

My  privacy  is  not,  became  men  have  fvvorn  truly,  -m  London, 
butfa/feiy,  againft  me;  "  For  wicked  men  have  laid  in  l69I- 
in  wait  for  me,  and  faJfe  witneffes  have  laid  to  my 
charge  things  that  I  knew  not;"  who  have  never 
fought  inyfelf,  but  the  good  of  all,  through  great 
exercifes;  and  have  done  fome  good,  and  would 
have  done  more,  and  hurt  no  man;  but  always 
defired  that  truth  and  righteoumefs,  mercy  and 
peace  might  take  place  amongft  us.  Feel  me  near 
you,  my  dear  and  beloved  brethren,  and  leave 
me  not,  neither  for  fake,  but  wreftle  with  him, 
that  is  able  to  prevail  againft  the  cruel  defires  of 
fome,  but  we  may  yet  meet  in  the  congregations 
of  his  people,  as  in  days  paft,  to  our  mutual 
comfort:  The  everlafling  God  of  his  chofen,  in 
all  generations,  be  in  the  midfl  of  you,  and 
crown  your  mod  folemn  affemblies  with  his  bleffed 
prefence!  that  his  tender,  meek,  lowly  and  hea- 
venly love  and  life,  may  flow  among  you,  and 
that  he  would  pleafe  to  make  it  a  feafoning  and 
fruitful  opportunity  to  you,  defiling  to  be  remem- 
bered of  you  before  him,  in  the  neareil  and 
frefheft  acceffes,  who  cannot  forget  you,  in  the 
nearefl  relation, 

"  Tour  faithful  friend  and  brother, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN." 

Though  the  Proprietary  had,  both  by  charter 
and  otherwife,  endeavoured  to  connect  the  pro- 
vince and  territories  of  Pennfyfaama,  in  legiflatioii 
and  government,  fo  as  to  form  one  General  Affem- 
bly,  yet  the  jealoufies,  and  difference  of  fentiment, 
in  fome  cafes,  which  afterwards  arofe  between  the 
Reprefentatives  of  each  part,  in  their  legiflative 
capacity,  tending  to  create  feparate  interests,  and 
a  rupture  between  them,  were  frequently  the  oc- 
cafion  of  great  uneafmefs  to  him  ;  whofe  view  was 
always  to  keep  them  united,  judging  it  rnofi  for 
the  intereft  of  them  both,  as  well  as  his  own,- 


352  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1690.        Hence,  after  BlackweWs  departure  for  England, 
v^v>^  in  the  year  1690,  the  irregularities,  which  enfued, 
or  were  attempted,  in  conlequence  of  this  diffe- 
rence,   appear,    by  the   following   declaration    of 
the   Council,  and  other  public  proceedings,  viz. 

(L,  S.)  "  By  the  Prcfidcnt  and  Council  of  Pennfyl- 
vania  and  counties  annexed* 

"  Prefent, 

<c   Thomas  Lloyd,  Prefident. 
"  John  Simcock,  Samuel  Richardfon^ 

"  William  Clark,  Griffith  Jones, 

"  Arthur  Cook,  Thomas  Duckett, 

"  William  Stockclale,      Griffith  Owen. 
"  William  Yardly, 

Declaration      «  WHEREAS,  the  Provincial  Council,  accord- 
fide™  ^nd  'mg  to  tne  Powers  of  the  prefent  commiflion  of 
Council,  in  government,   have,  at  their  firft  fitting,  chofen  a 
1690.         Prefident,*  and  have  fmce,  in  a  legiflative  coun- 
Iw'xith  c^'  continued  him,  till  they  fhould  fee  caule  to 
of  the  amo!  alter  their  choice ;  and  having  likewife  ordered  the 
1689-90.     fucceeding  councils  to  be   called  by  him,  or,  in 
his  abfence,  by  notice  fent  by  fix  members  from 
this  place;  yet,  notwithftanding,  thefe   members, 
William  Clark,  Luke  Watfon,  Griffith  Jones,  John 
Brinkloe,  John  Cann^  Johannes  D'Haes,   did  pri- 
vily meet  together,  in  the  council-room,  upon  the 
twenty-firft  inftant,    without  fignifying   the    leafl 
fyllable  of  their  intentions,  of  having  a  council, 
either  to  Thomas  L/oyd,  the  elecled  and  continued 
Prefident,    or    to    any    member   of  the  province; 
and  there,   in  an  irregular  and  undue  manner, 
have  prefumed  to  a£l,  as  a  council,  and  have  ifiu- 
ed  forth  pretended  commiffions,  for  conftituting 
Provincial  Judges,  contrary  to  the  exprefs  letter 
of  the  laws,  and  have  nominated  fome  therein, 
who,  under  their  prefent  circumftances,  are  un- 
qualified for  that  ftation;  as,  upon  occafion,  fhall 
be  made  appear  5  and  have  voted  extravagant  and 

contradictory 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  353 

contradictory   orders.     This  board,   having  well    1690. 
confulered  their  diforderly  and  unprecedented  way  ^~s\^*J 
of  meeting,  cannot  but  entirely  difallow  and  dif-  Declaration 

i     •      r        i        i    n-  •  of  Council. 

own  their  fo  clandeihne  meeting,  to  be  a  coun- 
cil; for  fhould  fuch  a  proceeding  be,  in  the  leaft 
countenanced,  the  confequence  thereof  would  un- 
avoidably introduce  a  rupture  and  confulion,  in 
the  prefent  frame  of  government:  For,  by  the 
fame  reafon,  that  any  fix  members  privately  met, 
without  notice  had  from,  or  given  to,  any  of  the 
reft,  may  reprefent  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil, in  this  place,  by  the  fame  methods,  two  other 
fix  members  elfewhere  may  reprefent  two  Go- 
vernors and  Councils  more,  at  the  fame  time, 
in  this  government;*  which  is  an  abfurdity,  not  *  Note,  the 
to  be  tolerated.  And  further,  this  Council,  being  ^wri. 
under  an  obligation  of  aflerting  the  Governor's  3  for  each 
power  and  authority,  lodged  in  a  regular  Provin-  county* 
cial  Council,  and  for  the  undeceiving  of  many 
well  minded  perfons,  who  otherwife  may  be  abu- 
fed  by  their  late  fitting,  have  unanimoufly,  by  this 
inftrument,  in  writing,  declared  this  to  be  our 
fenfe  and  judgment,  that  all  entries,  orders  and 
comirmTions  made  and  given  forth  by  the  aforefaid 
fix  members,  at  the  council-room,  upon  the  twen- 
ty-firft  inftant,  are  hereby  deemed  null,  and  of  no 

force* 

[45] 

Note. — Third  month,  1690,  the  names  of  the  members  of  Aflembly 
•were: — 

For  Chejler. 
John  Brirtow, 
William  Jenkins, 
Robert  Pile, 
Jofhua  Fern, 
George  MariS| 
Caleb  Pufey. 

For  Suffix* 
John  Hill, 
Samuel  Gray, 
Robert  Clifton, 
Henry  Smith, 
Baptirt  Newcomb, 
Thomas  Branfctjiv 


for  Philadelphia. 

For  Sucks. 

William  Salway, 

Jofeph  Grow  don,  Speakei 

Humphrey  Morrey, 

Henry  Paynter, 

Thomas  Fitzwater, 

Richard  Hough, 

Charles  Pickering, 

Henry  Baker, 

Paul  Saunders, 

Edmund  Bennett, 

Abraham  Updegrave. 

John  Cook. 

For  Nt'iu  Cajlle. 

For  Kent. 

Edward  Blake, 

John  Barnes, 

Henry  Williams, 

John  Betts, 

Richard  Halliwell, 

Daniel  Brown, 

John  Darby, 

Ezekiel  Needham, 

William  Grant, 

Richard  Curtis, 

John  Donaldfon. 

William  Fre.eland; 

354  HISTORY  6p  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1690.  force.     Whereof  all  Magiftrates,  officers  and  other 
v^vx^  perfons    concerned,   in  this  government,   are  to 

take  notice  accordingly. 

"  Given  at  Philadelphia,   26th.  of  the  Ninth- 
month,  1690. 

"  THOMAS  LLOYD,  Prefident" 

This  difagreement  appears  afterwards  to  have 

1691.  increafed,  and,  in  the  fore  part  of  the  year  1691, 
Three  proceeded  to  greater  extreme.*     The  Proprietary, 

modes    of  whether  to  gratify,  or  indulge  the  humor  of  the 
govern^    colony,  and  thereby  induce  a  coalefcence  of  the 
mem  offer-  two  parties,  or  with  whatever  other  defign,  (which, 
?enn.     "" no  doubt,   was  well  intended,)   had  left  to  the 
choice  of  the  Council,  three  different   methods, 
or  modes,  of  the  executive  part  of  government, 
viz.  either  that  of  the  Council,  of  five  commiffi- 
oners,   or  of  a  Deputy   Governor :    This  affair, 
with  other  matters,  being,  about  that  time,  agita- 
ted in  Council,  and  the  province,  or  the  majority, 
inclining  to  the  lafl  of  thefe  methods,  feven  mem- 

,  bers, 

*  The  following  propofals,  faid  to  be  made  to  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil, by  Griffith  'Jones  and  William  Clark^  in  behalf,  and  for  the  eale  and  fa- 
tisfaclion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  three  lower  counties,  or  the  territo- 
ries, may  further  fhew  the  views  of  the  members  for  the  faid  counties, 
in  this  affair,  vis. 

I.  "  That  tttere  be  forthwith  a  writ  iffued  forth,  for  chufing  a  mem- 
ber of  Council,  for  the  county  of  Sujftx,  in  the  room  of  Thomas  Clifton, 

II.  "  That  the  commiflions  given  out,  by  both  Councils,  for  judges, 
be  wholly  laid  afide;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  three  lower  coun- 
ties may  recommend  to  the  council  two  perfons  to  be  coxnmiiTionated, 
for  judges,  to  ad;  the  next  Spring,  and  that  to  continue  no  longer. 

III.  "  That,  at  the  next  legiflative  council,  a  bill  be  propofed  by  the 
council,  to  enable  the  nine  members  of  the  lower  counties,  or  any  fix 
of  them,  to  appoint  three  judges,  to  act  in  that  flation,  in  the  faid  three 
counties,  and  that  there  be  alib  three  for  the  province,  always  provided ; 
that  the  judges  do  act  by  the  laws  of  Pf/utfyivaaia. 

IV.  "  That  for  the  eafe  of  the  charge,  there  be  a  difpenfing  with  tKe 
meeting  of  the  Aflembly,  unlefs  it  be  for  the  confirming  of  thefe  al- 
terations. 

V.  '•  That  all  other  officers  be,  from  time  to  time,  appointed  by  the 
faid  nine  members  of  the  three  lower  counties,  or  any  fix  of  them,  to  act 
there;  and  that  no  other  officers  may  be  impofed  upon  them. 

VI.  "  That  the  iairs  for  New  cajlle  be  confirmed  unto  them.     All 
which  being  by  you  granted,  we  hope,  may  be  a  meat's  to  keep  things 
quiet;  which  Ihall  be  diligently  endeavoured  by  your  real  friends,  although 
gtherwife  reprefented,  or  fufpected." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  355 

bers,  for  the  lower  counties,  viz.  William  Clark,  1691. 
John  Cann,  John  Brinkloe,  John  Hi/I,  Richard 
Halliivell,  Albertus  Jacobs  and  George  Martin  drew 
up  and  figned  a  formal  proteft,  or  declaration,  di- 
rected to  the  members  of  Council,  of  the  province 
of  Pcnnfyfoania;  dated,  Philadelphia,  the  firft  of 
the  Second-month,  1691. 

In  this  they  declared, — 

Firft,  "  That  the  mode  of  the  five  commiffi-  Declaration 
oners  was  the  moil  agreeable  to  them,  or  to  the 
counties,  which  they  reprefented. 

Secondly,  "  That  the  commiffion  of  the  Council 
was  the  next,  though  much  lefs  convenient,  than 
that  of  the  five  commiffioners ;  on  account  of  the 
encroachments  thereby  made  upon  their  rights  and 
privileges,  by  the  province,  in  impofing  officers 
upon  them,  without  their  confent,  or  approbation. 

"Thirdly,  "  That  the  method  of  a  Deputy  Go- 
vernor was  the  mod  difagreeable  and  grievous  of 
any ;  on  account  of  the  choice  of  all  officers  being 
placed  in  a  fingle  perfon,  and  the  expence,  or 
charge,  of  his  fupport:  therefore  they  would  not 
agree  to  accept  of  that  commiffion, 

Fourthly,  "  But  that,  rather  than  the  country 
fhould  be  without  government,  they  would  confent 
-to  that  of  the  Council ;  provided  no  officers  what- 
ever were  impofed  upon  any  of  the  three  lower 
counties,  without  the  confent  of  the  refpeclive 
members  of  Council  for  thefe  counties. 

Fifthly,  "  That  they  defired  to  excufe  them- 
.elves  for  not  agreeing  to  have  thefe  things  put  to 
the  vote;  which,  they  faid,  they  had  experienced, 
the  members  for  the  province  would  fcarce  ever 
do,  till  they  were  fure  it  would  go  againfl  them. 

Sixthly,  "  That  they,  in  behalf  of  the  lower 
counties,  protefted  againft  the  acceptance  of  any 
commiffion,  but  that  of  the  five  perfons,  and  re* 

folded. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

folved,  that  fhould  the  province  aft  otherwife,  they 
would  govern  themfelves  by  the  commiffion,  then 
in  force,  till  the  Proprietary's  pleaiure  fhould  be 
known  therein:" — And  thereupon  they  immedi- 
ately withdrew  their  attendance. 

What  juft  or  fufficient  caufe,  they  had  for  this 
conduft,  doth  not  clearly  appear:  it  gave  many  of 
the  members  of  the  Provincial  Council,  as  well 
as  the  Proprietary  himfelf,  much  concern  and  un- 
eafmefs;  and  great  endeavours  were  ufed,  and 

conciie°  r£  niuch  pains   taken  by  both,  to   reconcile  them; 

them,  &c.  but  not  with  all  the  defired  fuccefs :  for  their 
greateil  oflenfible  objection  againft  this  commiffion 
of  a  Deputy  Governor,  which  the  province  moft 
inclined  to,  appearing  to  be  the  expence  of  his 
fupport,  and  their  jealoufy  of  having  their  officers 
removed,  fo,  to  relieve  their  apprehenfions,  in 
thefe  refpefts,  &c.  at  Prefident  Lloyd's  requeft, 
John  Simcock)  John  Briftow,  John  Delavall,  with 
David  Lloyd,  went  after  them,  to  New-Co/lle,  to 
endeavour  their  return,  &c.  but  in  vain.* 

Hence, 

*  The  Prefident  writ  to  them  by  thefe  perfons,  as  follows,  -viz.  "  John 
Cann^   John  Brink'oe,  George  Martin,  William  Clark,  R.  Halliivell,  John 
Hill,  Albert  Jacobs. 
"  friends, 

"  1  am  forry  for  this  breach,  which  you  have  made  upon  the  laws, 
charter  and  council  procedure;  you  have  withdrawn  your  attendance, 
without  any  juft  caufe;  lay  afide  obftinacy,  wilful  neglect  and  felf  in- 
tereit,  I  cannot  conceive  what  can  fupport  you,  at  laft,  but  the  abfurd 
lenity  of  the  Government.  Recollect  yourfeives;  confider  well  the  con- 
fuiion,  to  which  thus  yo;ir  rafhnels  may  expofe  you,  and  many  in- 
nocent inhabitants  oi  the  lower  counties;  and  return  unto  your  duty, 
and  repetcntative  fervice  here,  and  we  fhall  lovingly  receive  you, 
jind  fo  difpatch,  I  hope,  in  a  fhort  time,  the  prefent  emergencies  before 
us.  And  I  do  further,  for  your  encouragement,  allure  you,  and  faith- 
fully promile  unto  you,  that  the  charge  ol  the  Chair,  and  fupport  of  me 
under  this  prefent  commijjion,  fhall  not  prefs,  nor  burthen  you,  or  them, 
whom  you  reprefent,  one  penny ,  unlefs  you  jointly,  and  at  your  volun- 
tary accords  not  only  offer,  but  requert  the  acceptance  of  your  benevolence, 
through  the  method  of  a  General  Afftmbly. — I  have  not  further  at  this, 
time,  but  requeit  you  to  be  ferious,  and,  if  you  defire  to  be  apart,  let  it 
he  done  with  the  fame  folemnity,  whereby  you  were  united  to  us.  Your 
officers,  duly  qualified,  fhall  continue  till  our  Proprietary's  pleafure  be 
further  known,  and  not  to  be  removed,  without  your  refpe&ive  concur- 
rence. I  expeii  to  fee  you  foon  up  with  us. 

"  Your  abufed  Friend  and  Chairman^ 
*'*  Council-room,  the  tyh.  vf  the  Second-month,  1691." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  357 

Hence,  upon  the  province  preferring  the  choice    1691. 
of  a  Deputy  Governor,  contrary  to  the  mind  of 
the  territories,  and  Thomas  Lloyd  being  preferred 
to  that  office,  (which  he  appears  to  have  accepted  Of  the  Pro- 
with  fome    reluctance)  the  Proprietary  commiffi-  ^nacr^a^* 
onated  him   Governor  of  the  province,  and  the  Of  the  Ter- 
Secretary,  William  Markham^  who  appears  to  have  ntories- 
joined  and  retired  with  the  protecting  members,  in 
their  abrupt  feparation,  was,  in  like  manner,  ap- 
pointed over  the  lower  counties,  under  certain  re- 
ilriclions. 

This  divifion  of  the  Legiflature  appears  to  have     w.  Penn 
been  much  againil  the  Proprietary's  mind;  who 
feems  to  have  apprehended  dangerous,  if  not  fatal,  &c. 
confequences  from  it.'*     He  blamed,  or,  at  lead, 

appeared, 

*  The  Proprietary's  fentiments  and  grief,  o»  this  occafion,  appear,  in 
part,  in  the  following  extradt  from  one  of  his  letters  to  a  friend,  viz. 

lyth  of  the  Fourth-month,  1694. 
"  Loving  friend, 

"  I  have  thine  of  the  1 3th.  inftant,  thy  love  and  good  intention  to- 
wards me  I  receive  and  accept.  But,  pray,  confider  how  little  I  am  in 
fault;  and  how  ill  I  am  rewarded  by  ibme  in  that  Province. — I  left  it 
quiet,  and  the  government  in  the  council.  Thomas  Lloyd  grew  weary 
of  this  form;  writ,  and  got  others  to  write,  to  change  it  to  a  deputyfhipj 
I  fent  to  know,  if  he  would  have  it;  in  the  meanwhile  writ  to  me,  he 
•would  not  meddle,  and  defired  z.  quietus,  or  difmifs: — Upon  this  captain 
Blackiveirs  wife,  general  Lambert's  daughter,  coming  to  me  about  pre- 
fenting  fomethiug  of  her  hufband's  to  the  King;  and  remembering  him 
to  be  a  man  of  fobriety  and  parts,  alked  for  him,  then  in  Neiv  England; 
and  if  he  would  accept  of  the  government  of  Pennfylvania,  &c. — This 
difpleafed: — I  altered  and  left  it  to  them,  to  chufe  either  the  government 
of  the  council,  or  five  commiffioners,  or  a  deputy:  What  could  be  ten- 
derer? Now  I  perceive  'Thomas  Lloyd  is  chofen  by  the  three  upper,  but 
not  the  three  lower  counties;  and  fits  down  with  this  broken  choice:  This 
has  grieved  and  wounded  me  and  mine,  I  fear  to  the  hazard  of  all!  What- 
ever the  morals  of  the  lower  counties  are,  it  was  embraced  as  a  mercy, 
that  we  got  and  united  them  to  the  province;  and  a  great  charter  ties  them; 
and  this  particular  ambition  has  broken  it;  for  the  ftriving  can  arife  from 
nothing  elfe;  and  what  is  that  fpirit  that  would  fooner  divide  the  child, 
than  let  things  run  in  their  own  channel,  but  that  which  facrifices 
all  bowels  to  wilfulnefs!  Had  they  learned  what  this  means,  /  will 
have  mercy,  and  not  facrifice,  there  had  been  no  breaches  nor  animofities 
there  till  I  had  come,  at  leaft.  I  dtfire  thee  to  write  to  them;  which  they 
will  mind  now  more,  than  upon  the  fpot;  and  lay  their  union  upon  them; 
for  elfe  the  Governor  of  Ne-w  York  is  like  to  have  all;  if  he  has  it  not 
already.  The  Lord  forgive  them  their  unlpeakable  injury  to  me  and 
mine.  I  have  fent,  nine  months  ago,  to  J.  Gootfon  a  commiflion,  if  my 
letter  prevails  not,'  that  was  to  unite  them,  that  Thomas  Lloyd  be  Cover- 

nor 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1691.  appeared  difpleafed  with  Thomas  Lloyd's  conduct, 
in  accepting  of  a  partial  choice,  or  that  of  the 
province  only,  as  if  it  were  in  his  power  to  have 
prevented  this  divifion ;  but  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil excufed  him  in  a  letter  thereon  to  the  Propri- 
etary and  entirely  exculpated  him  from  being  ac- 
ceffary  thereto,  or  in  any  manner  promoting  this 
difagreement,  throwing  the  whole  blame  on  the 
territory  men:  they  declared,  that,  inftead  of  be- 
ing a  gainer  by  any  public  offices,  which  he  had 
held,  Thomas  Lloyd  had  •wafted^  or  confiderably 
worfted  his  eftate  thereby;  that,  as  he  was  well 
known  to  be  a  lover  and  promoter  of  concord  and 
union,  and  preferred  a  private  life,  fo,  "  He  never 
accepted  of  that  commijjion^  but  by  the  importunity  of 
his  friends,  or,  at  the  earneft  requcft  of  the  pro- 
vince itfelf.  This  letter  was  figned  by  Arthur 
Cook,  'John  Simcock,  Samuel  Richardfon^  'James  Fox9 
George  Murrie  and  Samuel  Carpenter. 

Iteration  The  province  and  territories  continued,  in  this 
of thlo^e°rn!  manner'  %bout  two  years;  or,  till  the  arrival  of 
,  &C.  Governor  Fletcher  of  New-Tork,  in  April,  1693; 
and  though  they  managed  better,  in  this  iituation, 
than  the  Proprietary,  at  firft,  feems  to  have  ex- 
pecled  from  it,  and  with  more  harmony  than  they 
had  done,  for  fome  time  before;  neverthelefs,  it 
will  hereafter  appear  that  the  continued  refra&ori- 
nefs  of  the  territories,  in  their  refufmg  to  accept 
of  the  new  charter,  in  1701,  was,  at  length,  the 
occafion  of  their  total  feparatiori  from  the  province,, 
in  legiflation. 

The 

nor  above,  and  captain  MarkLam^  below,  under  fuch  and  fuch  rcftric- 
tions,  &c — but  hear  not  a  word  of  this.  I  was  going  the  Second-month 
at  fartheft,  all  things  preparing,  as  friends  of  London  know,  when  this 
trouble  broke  out  upon  me,  in  the  Eleventh:  and  fuch  have  been  my  hard- 
fhips,  could  not  get  clear  without  fnares,  &c.  fo,  wait  God's  time,  who 
lias  a  hand  in  all  this;  and,  I  believe,  in  the  end,  every  way,  for  good; 
/b,  in  true  love  to  thee  and  thine,  and  earneft  defires  to  fee  their  laces, 
I  conclude 

"  Thy  real  friend, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN," 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  359 

The  revolution  and  meafures,  taken  by  the  pro-    1 69 1 . 
vince,    in    confequence    of  this    conducl    of    the  \~s\~^j 
territories,  with  the  form   of  the  legillative  pro-    T.  Lloyd, 
ceeding,  in  the   Deputyfhip  of  Governor  Lloyd,  Vernor%« 
which  commenced  about  the  Third-month,   1691, 3»«o.  *oth. 
and  under  the  charter  then  in  force  are,  in  part,  l6s>1' 
exhibited  by  the  following  promulgated  bills ;  which 
appear  to  have  been  parted  into  laws,  in  the  fame 
year,  viz. 

"  The  Deputy  Governour  and  Freemen  of  the 
province  of  Pennfylvania,  in  Council  met  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  feventeenth  day  of  the 
Sixth-month,  1 69 1 ,  have  prepared  and  pub- 
limed,  according  to  law  and  charter,  thefe  fol- 
lowing bills,  for  the  notice  and  concurrence 
of  the  Freemen,  in  Aflembly  to  meet,  the 
tenth  day  of  the  Seventh-month  next,  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, aforefaid,  in  the  form  and  flyle  of 
laws,  then  and  there  to  be  confirmed,  amend- 
ed, or  reje&ed,  as  the  General  Aflembly,  in 
their  wifdom,  fhall  fee  meet. 

tc  At  an  Aflembly  held  at  Philadelphia,  the  tenth 
day  of  the  Seventh-month,  anno  dom.  1691- 

"  WHEREAS,  by  an  aft  of  General  Aflembly  A  prom*!* 
held  at  Chejier,  alias  Upland,  in  the  Tenth-month, 
1682,  it  is,  among  other  things,  ena&ed  by  the 
Proprietary  and  Governor  of  this  province  of  Penn~ 
fyhania,  with  the  advice  and  content  of  the  Depu- 
ties of  the  Freemen  of  the  fame  province  and  coun- 
ties annexed,  in  the  faid  Aflembly  met,  that  the 
counties  of  New-CaJtie,  *fones  and  Whorekllls,  alias 
Deal,  fhould  be  annexed,  and  are  thereby  annexed, 
unto  the  province  of  Pennfylvania,  as  of  the  pro- 
per territory  thereof;  and  the  people  therein  fhould 
be  governed  by  the  fame  laws,  and  enjoy  the  fame 
privileges,  in  all  refpecls,  as  the  inhabitants  of 
Pennfyfoania  did,  or  mould,  enjoy  from  time  to 
time,  as  by  the  fame  aft,  more  at  large  appears: 

But, 


360  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1691.  But,  left  the  faid  Proprietary  and  Freemen  of  the 
faid  province  fhould  by  the  faid  union,  be  deprived 
of  the  immunities  and  powers  then  before  in- 
vefted  in  them,  apart  from  the  faid  annexed  coun- 
ties, by  virtue  of  the  King's  letters  patent,  and 
firft  charter  of  liberties,  or  fhould  otherwife  be 
impeded  or  obftructed,  in  any  act  of  government, 
which  might  relate  to  the  public  good,  juilice, 
peace  and  fafety  of  the  faid  province,  which 
might  not  fo  immediately  concern  the  territories, 
it  was,  at  the  fame  General  AiTembly,  further 
enacled,  that  all  matters  and  things,  not  therein 
provided  for,  which  fhould,  or  might,  concern 
the  public  good,  juftice,  peace  and  fafety  of  the 
faid  province,  and  the  raifmg  and  impofing  taxes, 
cufloms,  duties,  or  charges  whatfoever,  mould  be, 
and  are,  thereby  referred  to  the  order,  prudence 
and  determination  of  the  Governor  and  Freemen 
of  the  faid  province,  from  time  to  time;  which 
faid  laws  have  been  fithence  continued  in,  and  by, 
the  fucceeding  General  Aflemblies:  Now,  for  as 
much  as  the  prefent  ftate  and  emergency  of  this 
government  requires  fome  fpeedy  provifion,  for  the 
lupport  and  fafety  thereof,  and  for  the  better  efta- 
b  liming  the  juftice  and  peace  of  the  fame,  by  rea- 
fon  of  the  breach,  that  the  Reprefentatives  of  the 
faid  annexed  counties  have  lately  made,  in  wil- 
fully abfenting  themfelves  from  their  charteral  at- 
tendance, in  the  laft  legiflative  Council  and  Aflem- 
bly,  and  declining  their  other  incumbent  duties 
and  fervices  to  the  prefent  conftitutions  of  this 
province;  as  alfo,  in  oppofing  and  tumultuoufly 
preventing  the  election  of  new  members,  to  iup- 
ply  the  neglect  of  the  faid  abfenting  Reprefen- 
tatives, withftanding  all  provincial  acts  of  govern- 
ment, and  denying  the  powers  of  the  fame:  There- 
fore, for  preventing  all  doubts  and  fcruples  con- 
cerning the  meeting,  fitting  and  proceeding  of 
this  prefent  General  Aifembly,  Be  it  declared  and 

enatted, 


HISTORY  or  PENNSYLVANIA.  361 

enattcd,    and  it  is   declared  and  enabled,    by  the   1691.  ; 
Deputy  Governor,  with  the  affent  of  the  Repre- 
fentatives  of  the  Freemen  of  the   faid  province, 
in  General  Affembly  met,  by  the  King  and  C)ueen's 
authority,  that  the  meetings  of  Council,  fince  the 
diffent  and  refufal  aforefaid,  of  the  Reprefentatives 
of  the  faid  annexed  counties,  and  the  meetings  of 
the  Deputy  Governor  and  Reprefentatives  of  the 
province,   in   Provincial    Council   and    Affembly 
met,  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  Third-month   laft 
pad,  at  Philadelphia ,  and  now  fitting,  in  this  pre- 
ient  General  Affembly,  are  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil and  Affembly  of  this  province  of  Pennfyfoania ; 
and  are  hereby  declared,  enacted  and  adjudged  fo 
to  be,  to  all  intents,  conflructions  and  purpofes, 
notwithstanding  the  abfence  of  the  Reprefentatives 
of  the  laid   counties  annexed: And^  for   re- 
moving all  objections,  that  may  arife  concerning 
the  validity,  force  and  continuation  of  the  laws  of 
this  government,  Be  it  further  enaded,  by  the  au- 
thority aforefaid^  That   all   thefe  laws,  that  were 
made,  continued  and  flood  unrepealed  at  the  laft. 
General    Affembly,    held   at   New-Cqftle,   in  the 
year    1690,  are  hereby  declared  and  enacted  to 
iland  in  force  and  be  continued  refpectively,  un- 
till  the  publication  of  other  laws,  which  mall  be 
made  by  the  next  General  Affembly  of  this  pro- 
vince. 

"  Ex  per 

"  DAVID  LLOYD,  Cl.  Council." 

As  this  divifion  had  occafioned  much  anxiety  to 
the  Proprietary,  of  which  both  parties  were  fenfible, ' 
[46]  fo 

In  the  minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council,  in  the  Summer  of  the  year 
1691,  appear  the  following  names  of  the  adive  members  of  that  board^ 
viz. 

John  Simcock,  John  Curtis, 

John  Delavall,  Thomas  Duckett, 

William  Stockdale,  John  Briltow,  » 

Arthur  Cook,  Thomas  Janny, 

Jofeph  Growdoiij  William  Jenkins. 

Griffith.  Owen, 


362  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 692.  fo  to  relieve  him,  at  lead  in  part,  from  his  apprehen- 
v^-v>^  fions  and  uneafmefs,  on  that  account,  in  the  fore- 

Both  par-  part  of  the  year  jgo^,  the  two  deputies  and  their 
^"t^the  Councils  unitedly  writ  him  the  following  letter,  viz. 
Proprietor.  From  ^  Council-room  at  Philadelphia,  the  6th. 
of  the  Second-month,  1692. 

"  Worthy  Governor, 

Their  letter  "  THESE  few  lines,  we  hope,  may  much  eafe 
to  him.  thy  jnind,  in  reference  to  thy  exercifes,  concerning 
the  affairs  of  thy  government  here,  by  informing 
thee,  that,  with  unanimous  accord,  we  reft  fatisfied 
with  thy  two  deputations,  fent  for  executive  govern- 
ment of  the  province,  and  counties  annexed:  and 
thy  deputies  concurring  amicably,  at  this  time, 
to  acl  as  one  general  government,  in  legiflation, 
we  have  proceeded  in  the  preparing  jointly  fome 
few  bills;  that  thereby  our  prefent  united  actings 
may  be  as  well  publifhed,  as  the  refpeftive  fervices 
of  the  government  anfwered. — What  particular 
tranfa&ions  of  moment,  which  have  occurred  upon 
our  calm  debates  of  the  choice  of  three,  we  refer 
to  the  minutes  for  thy  fatisfa&ion :  We  heartily 
wifh  thee  well;  and,  with  longing  expeftations, 
defire  thy  fpeedy  return  unto  us;  where,  we  doubt 
not,  but  thou  wilt  find'  a  moft  grateful  reception, 
and  better  face  of  affairs,  than  may  feem  to  thee 
there,  at  this  diftance;  fo,  bidding  thee  adieu,  at 
this  time,  we  remain, 

"  Thy  faithful  and  well-wifhing  friends, 
"  THOMAS  LLOYD. 
"  WILLIAM  MARKHAM. 

"  Arthur  Cook,  John  Briftow, 

"  Jno.  Cann,  Albertus  Jacobs, 

"  Jos.  Growdon,  Hugh  Roberts, 

"  John  Delavall,  Sa.  Gray, 

"  Rich.  Halliwell,  Samuel  Lewis, 

"  Griffith  Owen,  Richard  Wilfon, 

"  George  Martin,  William  Biles. 
"  Wm.  Jenkins.'" 

CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  363 


CHAPTER     XL 

Schifm  and  feparation  between  George  Keith  and  the 
Quakers. — Their  teftlmony  of  denial  againft  him. — 
His  conducl  afterwards. — So?ne  judicial  proceedings 
againft  him,  &V. — The  Mogiftrates*  declaration  of 
the  reafons  for  thefe  proceedings. — This  affair,  and 
the  difference  between  the  Province  and  Territories, 
give  William  Penn  great  concern  and  trouble.  He  is 
deprived  of  the  government  by  King  William  and 
Queen  Mary. — Their  commijfion  to  Fletcher,  Gover- 
nor of  New  Tork. — Fletcher's  letter  to  Deputy 
Lloyd. 

1  N  the  year  1691,  an  affair  happened  among  the 
Quakers,  in  this  part  of  the  world,  which  gave 
them  much  uneafinefs  and  trouble,  in  their  religi-  Thefchifn* 
ous  capacity,  more  efpecially  in  this  Province,  and 
the  neighbouring  places.  This  was  the  difference 
and  feparation  between  them  and  George  Keith, 
before  mentioned.  He  had  been  an  eminent 
preacher  and  writer  among  them,  for  many  years; 
and  had  publifhed  feveral  well-written  treatifes,  in 
defence  of  their  religious  principles,  yet  extant. 
He  was  a  man  of  quick  natural  parts,  and  confi- 
derable  literary  abilities;  acute  in  argument,  and 
very  ready  and  able  in  logical  difputations,  and 
nice  diftindlions,  on  theological  fubjecls;  but,  faid 
to  be,  of  a  brittle  temper,  and  over-bearing  difpo- 
fition  of  mind;  not  fufficiently  tempered  ard  qua- 
lified with  that  Chriflian  moderation  and  charity, 
which  give  command  over  the  human  paflions ;  the 
diftinguifhing  characleriftic  of  true  Chriftianity: 
of  which  he  himfelf  had  not  only  made  high  pro- 
feffion,  but  alfo,  in  his  younger  years,  as  appears 

by 


364  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.. 

1691.    by  his  writings,  had  a  good  underftanding.     His 
great  confidence  in  his  own  fuperior  abilities  feems 


r?-rKdtch's  to  have  been  one,  if  not  the  chief,  introductory 

IChllin,  &C.  r  r     l    •  l  ff  TTTI 

cauie  of  this  unhappy  difputc;  —  When  men  fet  too 
high  a  value  yon  themfelves,  and  others  will  not 
come  up  to  their  price,  then  they  are  difcontented. 
He  is  faid  to  have  had  too  much  life  in  argument 
and  difputation,  on  religious  points  of  controverfy, 
and  fometimes  to  have  exhibited  an  unbecoming 
vanity  on  viclory  thereby  obtained  over  his  oppo- 
nents, even,  prior  to  the  fchifm  between  him  and 
his  friends  :  for  having,  fome  time  before,  been  on 
a  vifit  to  New  England,  he  is  reprefented  as  having 
indulged  his  natural  propenfity  this  way,  among 
the  preachers  and  inhabitants  there,  in  a  very  ex- 
travagant manner:  Which  difpofition  of  mind, 
from  that  time  forward,  appeared  to  have  fo  far 
got  the  afcendancy  over  him,  that,  on  his  return, 
he  began  to  exhibit  the  fame,  even,  among  his 
friends,  beginning  with  finding  fault,  propofing 
and  urging  new  regulations,  in  the  fociety,  in  re- 
fpeft  to  the  discipline  of  it,  and  complaining, 
"  There  was  too  great  a  Jlacknefs  therein"  —  -Upon 
his  friends  not  readily  joining  with  him  and  his 
propofals,  in  the  manner  he  expected,  he  became 
ftill  more  captious,  and  more  difpofed  to  feek  mat- 
ters of  reproach  and  offence  againfl  divers  in  the  fo- 
ciety, and  to  make  the  worll  of  them  ;  charging 
fome  of  his  friends,  who  were  generally  well  ef- 
His  ailega-  teemed  and  approved  miniflers,  with  preaching 
&M*e  dodrine;  and,  it  is  faid,  even,  in  points  con- 
trary to  what  himfelf  had  formerly  held  and  de- 
clared, in  his  writings,  in  defence  of  the  Quakers, 
and  their  principles.  He  found  fault  with  his 
friends  being  in  the  magiftracy,  and  their  execut- 
ing the  penal  laws  againft  malefactors,  as  being  in- 
confiftent  with  their  religious  profeffion;  and,  in 
fhort,  contended  that  he  and  luch  as  joined  with 
him,  were  the  true  Quakers  ,  and  all  the  reft,  who 
oppofed  him,  were  apoftates. 

Thefe 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  365 

Thefe  were  the  principal  allegations,  which,  in  1691. 
the  beginning  of  the  difpute,  he  appears  to  have 
made  againfl  the  Quakers.  The  principal  things, 
if  not  the  whole,  with  which  I  find  him  charged 
by  them,  at  that  time,  appear  to  be  his  over-bear- 
ing temper,  and  unchriilian  difpofition  of  mind, 
in  grofsly  vilifying  and  difparaging  divers  members 
of  the  fociety,  who  were  univerfally  and  highly 
approved  among  them,  and  entirely  rejecting  their 
advice  and  judgment,  in  the  affair;  the  confe- 
quence  of  an  overheated  and  intemperate  zeal: 
which,  at  lad,  proceeded  fo  far  as  to  occafion  fuch 
a  breach,  that,  on  the  2oth.  day  of  the  Fourth- 

month,   1602,  a  declaration-  or  teftimonj  of  denial,  owned,  &c. 

.   n    i  •  •         r  ^u    in  1692. 

was  drawn  up  agamft  him,  at  a  meeting  ot  the 

miniflers  of  the  fociety  at  Philadelphia:  wherein 
both  he  and  his  conduct  were  publicly  difowned 
by  them. 

This  declaration,  which  was  confirmed  at  the 
next  following  General  Tearly  Meeting,  held  at  Bur- 
lington, the  feventh  of  the  Seventh-month,  exhibits 
more  fully  the  charges  againft  him,  and  may  fur- 
ther elucidate  the  cafe  to  the  more  inquifitive: 
Which  Teftimony,  as  it  may,  probably,  be  curious 
to  fome,  if  not  inftruclive,  is,  therefore,  placed  in 
the  notes.* 

He 

*  The  Declaration,  or  Teflimony,  of  Denial  againft  George  Keith,  was 

exprelfed  as  follows,  viz. 

"  To  the  feveral  Monthly  and  Quarterly  Meetings  in  Pennfylvania,  .Eafl 
and  We/I  Jerfey,  and  elfewherc,  as  there  may  be  occafion. 

"  Beloved  Friends^ 

"IN  tender  love,  and  with  fpirits  bowed  down  before  the  Lord,  is 
this  our  fdlutation  unto  you;  earneftly  defiring  your  growth,  and  daily 
prefervation,  in  the  ancient  truth,  and  in  the  fimplicity  of  the  gofptl  of 
our  Lord  Jefus  CbriJI;  and  our  hope  and  breathings  are,  that  no  iniinu- 
ations,  or  wiles,  of  the  enemy  fhall  prevail,  to  turn  you  afide  from  your 
fteadfaftnefs,  or  caufe  you  to  efteem  lightly  of  the  rock  and  way  of  God's 
falvation  unto  you,  but  that  you  may  be  kept  in  the  light  and  life,  which 
was,  and  is,  the  juft  man's  path,  to  the  end  of  our  days,  Amen! 

"  Now,  dear  Friends,  it  is  with  forrow  of  fpirits  and  grief  of  fouls, 
that  we  Tignify  unto  you  the  tedious  exercife,  and  vexatious  perplexity, 
we  have  met  with,  in  our  late  friend,  George  Keith  ^  for  feveral  months 
paft.  With  mourning  and  lamentation  do  we  fay,  How  is  this  mighty 

man 


366  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1692.     *  He  drew  off  a  large  number  of  people  with  him, 
fome  of  confiderable  account,  in  the  fociety;  and 

fet 

man  fallen !  Kow  is  his  fliield  caft  away,  as  though  he  had  not  known 
the  oil  of  the  holy  Ointment!  Kow  fhall  it  be  told  in  Gath,  and  publ'. fil- 
ed in  the  ftreets  of  AJlalon!  Will  not  the  daughters  of  the  uncircumcifcd 
triumph,  when  they  hear  that  he  is  fallen  upon  the  foaring  mountains, 
and  from  the  high  places  of  Ifrael?  While  thou  walkedft  in  the  counfel 
of  God,  and  wert  little  in  thy  own  eyes,  thy  bow  did  abide  in  ftrength; 
thy  fword  returned  not  empf  y  from  the  fac  of  the  enemies  of  God — thy 
bow  returned  not  back.  His  enemies  were  then  vile  unto  thee,  and  his 
followers  honourable  in  thy  efteem.  Oh,  how  lovely  wert  thou,  in  that 
day,  when  his  beauty  was  upon  thee;  and  when  his  comelinefs  covered 
thee!  Why  ihould  his  ornaments  exalt  thee,  which  were  given  to  hum- 
ble thee  before  him  ?  And  how  art  thou  fallen  from  thy  frji  love,  and 
art  become  treacherous  to  tie  fponfe  of  thy  youtk.  Confider  where  thou  art 
fallen,  and  repent,  and  do  thyjtrji  tvorks 

"  But  fo  it  hath  happened,  Friends,  left  any  flcfli  fhould  glory,  but 
become  filent  before  the  Lord,  that  this  once  eminent  man,  and  in/lrument 
ef  renown,  in  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  while  he  kept  his  firft  habitation, 
and  knew  the  government  of  Truth  over  his  own  fpirit;  and  witneffcd 
the  fame  to  be  a  bridle  to  his  tongue,  was  then  ferviceable,  both  in  pen 
and  ipeech,  to  the  churches  of  Chrijl.  But  now,  and  of  late,  it  is  too 
obvious  and  apparent,  that,  being  degenerated  from  the  lowly,  meek  and 
peaceable  fpirit  of  Chrifl  "jefus,  and  grown  cool  in  charity  and  love  towards 
his  Brethren,  he  is  gone  into  a  fpint  of  enmity,  wrath,  and  felf-exalta- 
tion,  contention  and  janglings;  and,  as  a  perfon  without  the  fear  oi  God 
before  his  eyes,  and  without  regard  to  his  Chriftian  brethren,  and  letting 
locle  to  aw  txtravagant  tongue,  he  hath  broken  out  into  many  ungodly 
fpeeches,  railing  accufations,  and  paflionate  threatenings  towards  many 
of  h;s  brethren  and  ciders;  and  that+ipon  flender  occafions.  And  when 
feme,  in  Chriftian  duty,  have  laid  before  him  his  unfavory  words,  and 
abufive  language,  as  a  perfon  of  common  civility  would  loath,  it  hath 
been  too  frequent  with  him,  and  that,  in  a  traufport  of  heat  and  pafficn, 
fo  call  fomc  of  his  brethren,  in  the  miniftry,  and  other  elders,  and  that 
upon  fmall  provocations,  (if  any)  fools,  Ignorant  Heathens,  Infidels,  filly 
Souls;  Lyers,  Heretics,  rotten  Ranters,  Muggletonians,  and  other  names  of 
that  infamous  Ih-ain;  thereby  to  our  grief,  foaming  out  his  own  fhame. 
Arid  further,  his  anger  and  envy  being  cruel  againil  us,  and  not  content- 
ing himfelf  with  his  harfhnefs  againtt  perfons,  he  proceeded,  in  bittcr- 
nefs  of  fpirit,  to  charge  our  meetings  with  being  come  together  to  cloak 
herefy  and  deceit;  and  publifhing  openly  fevers.1  times,  that  there  were 
more  doctrines  of  devils,  and  damnable  hereiies,  amoKg  the  9ua&erst 
than  in  any  profeffion  among  the  Proteftants.  He  hath  long  objected 
againft  our  Difciplir.e,  even,  foon  after  his  coming  among  us,  and  having 
prepared  a  draught  of  his  own,  and  the  fame  net  finding  the  expeded 
reception,  he  feemed  difgufted.  Since  he  hath  often  quarrelled  with  us 
about  ConfeJJion,  declaring,  "  'That  he  inciv  none  given  forth  by  the  body  of 
Friends,  to  his  fatisfa&ion;"  and  often  charged  moil  of  us  with  being  un- 
found  in  the  faith.  We  have  offered,  in  feveral  meetings,  for  his  fatis- 
fidlion,  and  to  prevent  ftrife  among  us,  and  for  preferving  the  peace  of 
the  church,  to  deliver  a  Confeffon  of  our  Chrifiian  faith,  in  the  worcis 
of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  'Jefus  Chrift,  the  Author  of  our  Chriftian  faitli, 
.and  in  the  words  of  the  Apoftles  and  Difciples,  his  fa!th:ul  followers; 
or  we  would  concur,  and  agree  upon  a  ConfeJJion,  and  have  it  tranfrnittecl 
for  approbation  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  here,  or  the  Yearly  Meeting  in 


eting  in 

Londwig 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

fet  up  feparate  meetings,  in  divers  places:  Thefe 
called  themfelves  Chnftlan  Quakers  and  Friends^ 

boafted 

London;  yet,  it  was  offered  unto  him,  at  the  fame  time,  that  a  Confejfion, 
concerning  the  main  matters  of  controverfy,  fhould  be  given  out  of  a 
book  of  his  own;  but  al!  was  flighted,  as  inefficient.    The  Lord  knows 
the  trouble,  which  we  have  had  with  this  unruly  member;  and  the  open- 
nefs  of  our  hearts,  and  well-wilhes  towards  him,  notwithftanding  his 
rage  and  violence  againft  us:  and  of  the  endeavours  of  many  in  this 
place,  to  have  gained  upon  him  by  a  friendly  converfe,  and  by  other 
means,  not  inconftderable  to  a  brotherly  freedom;  but  our  labour  hitherto 
feems  to  be  as  water  fpilt  upon  a  rock.   And  this  meeting,  having  orderly 
and  tenderly  dealt  with  him,  for  his  abufive  language,  and  diforderly 
behaviour,  he  hath  not  only  flighted  all  applications  of  gaining  him  to  a 
fenfe  ot  his  ill-treatment  and  mifcarriages,  but,  in  an  infulting  manner, 
laid  t«>  the  friends  appointed  by  the  meeting,  to  admonifh  him,  "  That 
be  trampled  the  judgment  of  the  JMecti,n$r  under  his  feet ,  as  dirt.       And  hath, 
of  late,  fet  up  a  feparate  meeting  here;  where  he  hath,  like  an  open 
oppofer,  not  only  reviled  feveral  friends,  by  expefing  their  religious  re- 
putations, in  mixt  auditories  of  fome  hundreds,  endeavouring  to  render 
them  and  friends  here,  by  the  prel's  and  otherwife,  a  fcorn  to  the  profane, 
and  the  fong  of  the  drunkard;  but  he  hath  traduced  and  vilified  our  wor- 
thy travelling  friends,  James  Dickinfon  and  Thomas  Wilfon,  in  their  pow- 
erful and  favory  minijiry,  whofe  fervice  is  cot  only  here,  but,  in  moft 
meetings  in  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland,  well  known  to  have  a  feal  in 
the  hearts  of  many  thoufands  of  the  Ifrael  of  God.    He  hath  alfo  within 
a  few  weeks,  appeared  in  oppofition,  as  it  were,  to  the  body  of  Friends, 
by  putting  on  his  hat,  when  our  well-received  and  recommended  friend, 
James  Dick'mfon,  was  at  prayer;  and  that,  in  a  meeting  of  near  a  thoufand 
Friends  and  others;  and  fo  going  out  of  the  meeting,  to  the  great  difquiet 
thereof,  and  to  the  drawing  fome  fcores  into  the  fame  oppofitioa  with 
him,  by  his  ill  example.     And  he  thus  perfifting  in  his  repeated  oppofi- 
tion, hard  fpeeches,  and  continued  feparation,  and  labouring  like  an  un- 
•wearyed  adverfary,  to  widen  the  breach,  made  by  him,  and  fo,  abufing 
fome  of  the  neighbouring  meetings,  by  being,  as  yet,  under  that  cover- 
ing of  being  owned  by  us;  we  are  hereby  brought  under  a  religious  con- 
ftraint,  and  to  prevent  other  meetings  from  being  further  injured  by  him, 
to  give  forth  this  Te/limony,  {trained,  as  it  were,  from  us,  by  his  many 
and  violent  provocations,  V!K.  That  we  cannot  own  him,  in  fuch  ungodly 
fpeeches,  and  diforderly  behaviour,  or,  in  his  feparate  meetings;  and  that 
we  difown  the  fame,  as  proceeding  from  a  wrong  fpirit,  which  brings 
into  diforder  inwardly,  and  leads  into  diftraction  and  confufion  outwardly. 
And,  until  he  condemn  and  decline  the  fame,  we  cannot  receive  him,  in 
his  public  mmiftry,  and  would  have  him  ceafe  to  offer  his  gift,  as  fuch, 
among  us,  or  elfewhere  among  Friends,  till  he  be  reconciled  to  his  offend- 
ed brethren.    And  as  thofe  few  of  our  brethren,  in  the  gift  of  the  mini- 
ilry,  who  are  gone  out  with  George  Keith,  into  his  uncharitable  and  divid- 
ing fpirit,   (the  miferable  effects  whereof  many  of  us  have  fufficiently 
known,  in  Old  England,  and  other  parts)  our  judgment  is,  that,  while 
they  continue  fuch,  they  become  unqualified  to  the  work  of  the  Gofpel, 
as  degenerating  from  the  guidance  ot  God's  bleffed  and  peaceable  fpirit; 
in  their  hearts,  (from  whence  proceeds  the  effectual  New  Teftament  mi- 
niftry)  and  being  turned  from  the  peaceable  fruits  thereof,  are  gone  to 
«B-charity  and  contention. 

"  And 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

boafled  of  their  large  numbers,  and  looked  upon 
the  reft  as  Apoftates;  many  books  were  written, 

and 

"  And  now,  all  you,  who  have  walked  in  fellowfhlp  and  communion 
with  us,  and  are  drawn  afide,  through  inconfiderat<on,  or  otherwife.  into 
the  fpirit  of  feparation  and  prejudice  a  gain  ft  our  meetings,  orderly  efta- 
blifhed;  and  wherein  we  have  of  ten  l:cvn  mutually  refr«0ied  together;  we 
cannot  but,  in  the  *  tar  of  God,  and  in  love  to  your  fouls,  admermh  you 
alfo  of  the  infecurity  of  your  prefent  ftate,  and  that,  therein  we  cannot 
have  unity  with  you;  and  unlc-is  you  return  from  under  that  fpirit,  cry- 
nefs  and  barrenncfs.  from  the  Lord,  will  be  your  reward. 

"  And  lo,  dear  Friends,  we  exhort  you  all  to  behave  your  felves,  in 
the  Spirit  of  meeknefs,  and  pea-  cable  truth,  upon  all  occufions,  but  more 
cfpecially  upon  any  difcouru.  or  conference,  with  any  of  them,  who  are 
discontented  among  you,  or  darted  afide  from  you;  and  avoid  all  heats 
and  contentions  in  matters  of  faith  and  worfhip;  and  let  not  the  fair  of 
the  covenant  be  wanting  in  your  words  and  actions:  for,  thereby  the 
favour  of  your  converfation  will  reach  the  witnefs  of  God  in  them.  The 
Grace  of  our  Lord  Jefu&  Chrift  be  with  you  all,  Amen. 

"  Given  forth  by  the  Meeting  of  Public  Friends,  in  Philadelphia, 
the  twentieth  of  the  Fourth-month,  1692. 

"  Thomas  Lloyd,  Jomi  Blunllon, 

"  John  Willsford,  William  Cooper, 

"  Nicholas  Wain,  Thomas  Thackary, 

«  William  Watfon,  William  Biles, 

"  George  Man's,  Samuel  Jen  ings, 

"  Thomas  Duckett,  John  Delavall, 

"  Jofhua  Fearne,  William  Yartlly, 

"  Evan  Morris,  J.Jeph  K.'rkbride, 

"  Richard  Walter,  Walter  Fawcit, 

K  John  Simcock,  Hugh  Roberts, 

"  Griffith  Owen,  Robert  Owen, 

"  John  Brown,  William  Walker, 

"  Henry  Willis,  J°hn  Lynam, 

*'  Paul  Saunders,  George  Gray." 

In  confirmation  of  this  Teftimony  and  Declaration  againfl  George  Keith  > 
the  Yearly  Meeting  at  JBurlin^ton,  on  the  feventh  of  the  Seventh-month, 
1692,  fay  thus, — 

"  WE  find  it  our  duty  to  join  with  our  brethren,  in  their  TeuVmony 
againft  that  fpirit  of  railing,  lying,  flandering,  and  falfely  accufing,  which 
hath  rifen.  and  acted,  notorioufly  in  George  K,>ith,  and  his  adherents; 
which  tiath  led  them  into  a  mifchievous  and  hurtful  feparation.  And 
we  do  hereby  declare,  that  we  have  not,  nor  can  have,  unity,  in  fpirit, 
•with  any  of  them,  until  they  return  and  repent  of  their  evils  aforefaid," 
&c. 

Extrafled from  their  Teftimony  on  the  occafion,  figned  by  214  Names. 

The  Yearly  Meeting  in  London,  In  the  Third-month,  1694,  unani- 
moufly  declared  it  to  be  their  fenfe  and  judgment, — "  That  thefaid  George 
Keitl  was  gone  from  the  bleffed  unity  of  the  peaceable  fpirit  of  our  Lord 
Jefus  Chriftj  and  hath  thereby  lepar  .ted  hiinfelf  from  the  holy  fellowfhip 
of  the  church  of  Chrii!;  and  that,  while  he  is  in  an  unreconciled  and 
uncharitable  ftate,  he  ought  not  to  preach,  or  pray,  in  any  cf  Friends* 
meetings,  nor  be  owned,  or  received  as  one  of  us,  until  by  a  public  and 

hearty 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  369 

and  much  altercation  and  difpute  enfued,  on  both    1692. 
fides.  V^TN^; 

He    appealed,    or  complained,   to   the  Yearly  H?.  appeals 
Mee'dn^  of  the  fociety,    in  London,    againft  the;othe(^a- 

^       i  c    r>         /- /         •  I.      i.     i    j-r  j  u«         kersmhn- 

Quakers  or  Penn/ylvania,  who  had  diiowned  him,  giand. 
and  appeared  there  in  perfon;  where  he  was  con- 
fronted by  divers  from  the  province.  But,  in  this 
place,  it  is  faid,  his  paflion  and  wrath  fo  far  pre- 
vailed over  him,  and  his  demeanour  was  fo  unrea- 
fonable  and  outragious,  and  fo"rnuch  difpofed  for 
contention  and  difpute,  that  notwith (landing  all 
pofftble  endeavours  for  a  reconciliation,  and  heal- 
ing meafures  taking  place  between  them,  his  de- 
nial was  there  finally  confirmed. 

He  thenceforward  became  a  public  and  bitter  He  becomes 
«nemy,  as  far  as  in  him  lay,  againft  the  Quakers,  Jj 
in  general;  preaching   and   writing  againft  them  Quakers, 
with  all  imaginable  virulency:  In  which  he  appear- 
ed afterwards  to  be  employed  by  their  adverfaries, 
for  that  purpofe;  for  having  joined  with  the  Epif- 
[47]  copal 

hearty  acknowledgement  of  the  great  offence,  he  has  given,  and  hurt  he 
hath  done,  and  condemnation  of  Inmfelf  therefor,  he  gives  proof  of  his 
unfeigned  repentance,  and  doth  his  endeavours  to  remove  and  take  off  the 
reproach  he  huth  brought  upon  Truth  and  Friends;  which,  in  the  love 
of  God,  \ve  heartily  defire,  for  his  foul's  fake." 

Refpedling  divers  of  the  perfons,  who  figned  the  preceding  paper  of 
Den<ii  aga.nft  George  Keith,  fee  in  other  places  of  this  hiftory,  viz.  of 
Thomas  Lloyd,  John  Simcock,  Griffith  Owen,  William  Biles,  Samuel 
Je  lings,  John  Delavall,  Jofeph  Kirkbride,  Hugh  Roberts,  Robert  Owen, 
&c. 

J ?!.'< n  L»nnm  came  from  D^rbyfliire;  was  a  preacher  and  writer  among 
the  Qj -Jeers;  <Vied  in  Pennfyivania  and  was  buried  in  Philadelphia,  in 
the  Jviord  mo^th.  1698. 

Willl •''--•  Stoclfa!?  came  from  Ireland;  was  a  writer  and  preacher  among 
the  Q_  r>;  died  in  Pc-nnfylvania,  and  was  buried  at  Philadelphia,  in 
the  ':'•>"  •>  ;: tii-month,,  1693. 

DJ  !>•    Wills,  from  Northampton,  in  England,  removed  to  New  Jer- 
T677,  aivl  died  'n  Barbadoes; — a  preacher  among  the  Quakers. 
-•:  Wil'sford,  irom  L/eicefterftiire;  a  preacher  and  writer  among  the 
Qv  kei  s;  removed  to  New  Jerfcy,  and  died  at  Burlington  in  that  province, 

Note,  Some  of  the.  principal  perfons  who  adhered  to  Keith,  and  were 
ntn  of  rank,  character  and  reputation,  inthefeprovinr.es,  and  divers  of 
then  great  preachers  and  much  followed,  were,  Thomas  Budd,  George 
Hutchinfon,  Robert  Turner,  Francis  Rawle,  John  Hart,  Charles  Reaie, 

&c. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1692.    copal   Clergy,  in  England  r,  and  ferved  there  for 

v>-v>^  fome  time,  as  a  Vicar,  ordained  by  the  Bifliop  of 

He  becomes  London,  he  afterwards  returned  to  America;  where, 

MdrggTv«  as  a  Clergyman^  in  orders,  he  officiated  in  his  new 

theQuakcrs  function  for  about  twelve  months;  and,  having 

We  in  Ame-  there  given  the  Quakers  all  the  trouble  in  his  power, 

*ica,  &c.     he  returned  again  to  England  by  way  of  Virginia. 

In  this  vifit,  it  is  faid,  he  was  generally  flighted, 

both  by  thofe,  who  before  had  been  his  adherents, 

and  others:  And  that  his  conduct  was  fo  glaringly 

inconfiflent  with  his  former  pretenfions  ;  and  his  be- 

haviour towards  the  Quakers  fo  manifeftly  arifing 

from  a  malignant  difpofition  of  mind,  and  difap- 

pointed  malice,  not  with  (landing  all  the  fuperior 

abilities,  which  he  pofieffed,  and  made  ufe  of,  he 

ft  generally  was   univerfally  defpifed  by   iober  and  thinking 

defpifed.       eole  Of  an  focieties. 


After  his  return  to  England,  he  was  fixed  in  a 
benefice,  in  St/ffex;-  and  continued  to  write  againfl 
his  former  Friends,  as  a  bitter  enemy;  but,  as  far 
as  appears,  with  a  finking  reputation.  At  laft,  on 
his  death-bed,  from  a  well  authenticated  account, 
Account  of  it  is  avTerted,  he  thus  exprefTed  himfelf  ;  "  /  wtfh  I 
bed  eTrefl  ^a^  died  when  I  was  a  Qyaker;  for  then  I  am  fur  e 
ions,  &c.  //  would  have  been  well  with  my  foul"  —  This  is  an 
inflance  of  the  weaknefs  of  the  human  mind,  even, 
when  aided  with  the  acquirements  of  fcience  and 
fuperior  knowledge;  it  mews  how  far  from  their 
real  intereft  and  true  happinefs,  ftrong  pamons  and 
unruly  tempers  may  fometimes  hurry,  even,  men 
of  underftanding  ;  and  how  widely  different  things 
appear,  in  times  of  ambition,  rage  and  revenge, 
from  what  they  really  are,  in  our  cool  and  reflecl- 
ing  moments. 

This 


.  —  "  In  the  year,  1692,  the  Quakers,  in  Pennfylvanla  made  a  col- 
le&ion  of  a  rum  of  money,  in  conjund.on  with  their  rriends.  in  England, 
for  the  relief  of  fome  of  their  fociety,  who  were  taken  pnfoners  by  the 
Sa!lte-ment  to  Marquenefs,  in  Turkey;  and  in  fuffering  there:  which  was 
fent  to  the  fociety  in  Landont  lor  th^m  to  difpoi'e  of  for  that  purpofeJ* 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  371 

This  fchifin  made  a  great  difturbance,  in  the  pro-   1692. 

,  for  a  time,  and  in  fome  other  places,  among 
the  Quakers-;    yet  many,  or  the   major  part,  of 

It    r  r  L       i       i     T          r  iiri 

thole  perfons,  who  had  thus  feparated  themfelves, 
through  the  conduct  of  this  perfon,  are  faid,  to  kers* 
have  returned  foon  after  to  the  fociety. 

But  becaufe  Keith  had,  (as  accounts  fay)  by 
abufive  language  and  printed  publications,  vilified 
divers  perfons  in  the  Magiflracy,  tending  to  fub- 
vert  that  abfolutely  neceffary  inftitution  and  order 
in  civil  fociety,  and  thereby  had  drawn  upon  him-      judki4 
felf  fome  judicial  proceedings,  on  that  account,  proceedings 
fome  perfons  have  been  difpofed  to  charge  the  Qua- agaui 
kersy  if  poffible,  with  persecution  for  religion;  and 
as  this  appears  to  be  the  only  cafe,  in  which  their 
enemies  pretend  to  have  juft  ground  to  accufe  them 
of  this  evil,  I  mall,  therefore,  endeavour  here  to 
lay  before  the  reader,  that  part  of  this  tranfaclion 
as  circumflantially  as  the  accounts  remaining  of  it 
will  permit. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1691,  a  perfon, 
named  Babit,  with  fome  others,  ftole  afmall  floop, 
from  a  wharf,  in  Philadelphia;  and  in  going  down 
the  river  with  it,  committed  divers  robberies;  of 
which  intelligence  being  early  given  to  the  Magi- 
ftrates,  three  of  them  gave  out  a  warrant,  in  the 
nature  of  a  Hue  and  Cry,  to  take  them,  in  order 
to  a  legal  tryal  and  punimment;  by  virtue  of  which 
they  were  taken,  and  brought  to  juftice.  The 
Magiftrates,  who  granted  this  warrant,  being  £>ua- 
kers,  George  Keith -,  and  his  party,  foon  after  took  e.  Keith 
occafion  from  thence  to  reprefent  it  as  inconfiflent  cenfuresth^ 

•i         •!•  ••!  «n/~i»  -r-r  111    mayijtratet% 

with  their  principles  againlt  fighting. — He  called 
Thomas  Lloyd \  the  Deputy  Governor,  who  was  ac- 
counted a  perfon  of  a  mild  temper  and  deportment, 
good  fenfe,  and  unblemimed  character,  and  whofe 
unwearyed  endeavours,  to  ferve  him,  are  faid  to 
have  merited  a  different  treatment,  "  An  impudent  And  viiifi.e» 
y  andapityful  Governor;"  afking  him,  "  Why  he  them» &c- 

did 


372  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1692.  did  not  fend  him  to  jail?"  and  telling  him,  "  His 
v^v^o'  back  had  long  itched  for  a  whipping ;  and  that  be 
would  print  and  expofe  them  all  over  America ,  If  not 
over  Europe;"  and  one  of  the  Magiflrates,  who 
was  well  known  to  be  a  mod  eft  and  peaceable  man., 
he  opprobrioufly  called,  "  An  impudent  rafial" 
Such  his  conduct  is  reprefented  to  have  been. 

Befides,  being  much  enraged,  he  had  publifhed 

feveral  virulent  pieces;  bne   of  which  indecently 

Heuefle?s  refle&ing  on  the  above  mentioned  tranfaction,  ami 

on  the  Ma-  o  .       .  .        ,    '. 

gifrrates  in  on  feveral  or  the  principal  Magiitrates  in  tlieir  ju- 
priat,  &c.    Jicial   capacity,  and  thereby  leffening  the  lawful 
authority  of  rhe   magiftracy,  in  the   view  of  the 
baler  fort  of  the  people,  who  began  thereupon  to 
take  greater  liberties;  wherefore  the  printers,  Wil- 
liam Bradford  and  John  M'Comb,  who  had  publifh- 
ed  it,  were,  by  a  warrant,  from  five  Magiftrates, 
viz.  Arthur  Cook,  Samuel  °Jenings,  Samuel  Richard- 
fon^  Humphrey  Murray  and  Robert  Ewer,  taken  up, 
examined,    and    upon   their   contemptuous  beha- 
viour to  the  court  and  juftices,  in  their  examination, 
and  upon  their  refufal  to  give  fecurity,  to  anfwer 
at  court,  the  ufual  practice  in  all  fimilar  occafions, 
ThePrin-  they  Were  committed;  and  though  they  were  under 
taktedr&c".  no  confinement,  being  entirely  at  large,  on  their 
bare  word  only,  yet,  (which  feems  to  have  been 
done  by  them,  to  anfwer  fome  particular  defign) 
at  a  certain  time,  having  occafion  to  fign  a  paper, 
when  they  could  not  be  admitted  into  the  priibn 
They  %n  a  itfelf,  it  is  faid,  they  got  into  the  entry  of  it,  and 
paper  hom  there  dated,  and  figned  the  faid  paper,  as  from  the 
prifon: — But  they  were  foon  difcharged,  without 
being  brought  to  a  tryal. 

G  Keith  &      George  Keith  and  Thomas  Budd  were  alfo  pre- 
Tho  Budd  fentec[  fry  the  Grand  Jury  of  Philadelphia,  as  au- 

pre<enttd£y     .  r;  .  i         i  r     i        vi  i 

the  Grand  thors  or  another  book,   or  the  like  tendency,  in 

jury,  &c.    the  following  \vords,  viz.  "  We,  of  the  Grand 

Jury,  do  prefent  George  Keith  and  Thomas  Budd, 

as  authors  of  a  book,  entitled,  The  plea  of  the  in- 

nocentj. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  373 

nocenf9  where,  in  page  third,  about  the  latter  end    1692. 
of  the  fame,  they,  the  faid  George  Keith  and  Tho-  ^v^ 
mas  Bitdd,  defamingly  accufe  Samuel  Jenings,  he 
being  a  Judge  and  a  Magiftrate,  of  this  province, 
of  being  too  high  and  imperious  in  worldly  courts^ 
calling   him,    impudent,  prefumptuous  and  infolent 
man,  greatly  expofing  his  reputation,  and  of  an 
ill  precedent,  and  contrary  to  the  law,  in  that  cafe 
made  and  provided  " 

The  lenity  of  the  magiftracy  is  faid  to  have  been 
very  remarkable  towards  the  actions  and  behaviour 
of  divers  of  thefe  people,  when  compared  with 
the  provocations  given;  which,  by  apparent  defign, 
had  not  only  been,  but  alfo  {till  continued  to  be, 
fo  extremely  notorious  and  abufive,  as  well  as  de- 
rogatory to  the  principal  perfons  in  authority,  in 
their  judicial  capacity,  that,  it  is  faid,  the  rabble 
became  greatly  encouraged  thereby,  to  defpife  and 
inveigh  againft  the  a£ts  of  government,  and  to 
render  it  more  and  more  difficult  to  bring  offen- 
ders to  juftice;  it  was,  therefore,  thought  proper 
that  this  prefentrnent  mould  be  profecuted;  fo  the 
matter  was  brought  to  a  tryal,  and  the  parties  fined  Ther are 
five  pounds  each ;  but  the  fines  were  never  ex-  f^. 
acted. 

All  poffible  art  and  means  were  faid  to  be  ufed,  Thefe  pro. 
which  the  enemies  to  the  Quaker s,  the  difaffected  ceedingsre- 
to  the  adminiftration,  and  the  more  libertine  part  being"  o^a 
of  the  people,  in  the  province  were  capable  of,  to  religious  ac 
magnify  thefe  judicial  proceedings,  and  to  reprefent 
them,  as  being  on  a  religious  account;  and  with 
great  affiduity,  artifice  and  noife,  they  were  by 
thefe  propagated  as  fuch,  both  at  home  and  abroad ; 
upon  which  the  Magiftrates  publifhed  the  reafons 
of  their  conducl,  in  the  following  paper,  viz. 

"  At  a  private  feffions  held  for  the  county  of  Pbi- 
ladelphia,  the  25th.  of  the  Sixth-month,  1692, 
before 

"  Arthur 


374  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1692.  "  Arthur  Cook, 

Samuel  Jenings, 


Samuel  Richardfon, 
Humphrey  Murray, 
Anthony  Morris,  ' 


Juftices 

of  the 

county.'' 


"  Robert  Ewer, 
A  declare-      "  WHEREAS,  the  government  of  this  pro- 

^W»  beinS>  bY  the  late  KinS  °f.  England's  pecu- 
liar  favour,  vefted,  and  fmce  continued,  in  Gover- 
nor Penn,  who  thought  fit  to  make  his,  and  our 
worthy  friend,  Thomas  Lloyd,  his"  Deputy  Go- 
vernor, by,  and  under  whom  the  Magiftrates  do 
aft,  in  the  government;  and,  whereas,  it  hath 
been  proved  before  us,  that  George  Keith,  being  a 
refident  here,  did,  contrary  to  his  duty,  publicly 
revile  the  faid  Deputy  Governor,  by  calling  him 
an  impudent  man,  telling  him,  "  He  was  not  ft  to 
be  a  Governor,  and  that  his  name  would  ftink"  with 
many  other  flighting  and  abufive  expreffions,  both 
to  him  and  the  Magiftrates;  (and  he,  that  ufeth 
fuch  exorbitancy  of  fpeech  towards  our  faid  Go- 
vernor, may  be  fuppofed,  will  eafily  dare  to  call 
the  members  of  Council  and  Magiftrates  impudent 
rafcals,  as  he  hath  lately  called  one,  in  an  open 
aflembly,  that  was  conftituted,  by  the  Proprietary, 
to  be  a  Magiftrate)  and  he  alfo  charges  the  Magi- 
ftrates, who  are  minifters  here,  with  engroffing 
the  magifterial  power  into  their  hands,  that  they 
might  ufurp  authority  over  him;  faying  alfo,  "  He 
hoped  in  God  he  Jhould  Jhortly  fee  their  power  taken 
from  them;"  all  which  he  a&ed  in  an  indecent 
manner. 

"  And  further,  the  faid  George  Keith,  with  fe- 
veral  of  his  adherents,  having,  fome  few  days  fmce, 
with  unufual  infolence,  by  a  printed  (beet,  called, 
"  An  appeal"  &c.  traduced  and  vilely  mifrepre- 
fented  the  induftry,  care,  readinefs  and  vigilance 
of  fome  magiftrates  and  others  here,  in  their  late 
proceedings  againft  the  privateers,  Babit,  and  his 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  375 

crew,  in  order  to  bring  them  to  condign  punifti-  1692. 
merit;  whereby  to  difcourage  fuch  attempts,  for 
the  future;  and  have  thereby  alfo  defamed  and 
arraigned  the  determinations  of  the  principal  judi- 
cature,  againft  murderers;  and  not  only  fo,  but 
alfo,  by  wrong  infmuations,  have  laboured  to  pof- 
fefs  the  readers  of  their  pamphlet,  that  it  is  incon- 
fiftent  for  thofe  who  are  minifters  of  the  gofpel, 
to  acl:  as  Magiftrates;  which,  if  granted,  will  ren- 
der our  faid  Proprietary  incapable  of  the  powers^ 
given  him  by  the  faid  King's  letters  patent;  and  fo 
proftitute  the  validity  of  every  a6t  of  government, 
more  efpecially  in  the  executive  part  thereof,  to  the 
courtefy  and  cenfure  of  all  factious  fpirits,  and 
male-contents )  under  the  fame. 

"  Now,  forafmuch  as  we,  as  well  as  others,  have 
born,  and  dill  do  patiently  endure,  the  faid  George 
Keith^  and  his  adherents,  in  their  many  perfonal 
reflections  againft  us,  and  their  grofs  revilings 
of  our  religious  fociety,  yet,  we  cannot,  without 
the  violation  of  our  truft  to  the  King  and  govern- 
ment, as  alfo  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  govern* 
ment,  pafs  by,  or  connive  at,  fuch  part  of  the 
laid  pamphlet  and  fpeeches,  that  have  a  tendency 
to  fedition  and  difturbance  of  the  peace,  as  alfo  to 
the  fubverfion  of  the  prefent  government,  or,  to 
the  afperfion  of  the  Magiftrates  thereof. 

"  Therefore,  for  the  undeceiving  of  all  people, 
we  have  thought  fit,  by  this  public  writing,  not 
only  to  fignify,  that  our  procedure  againft  the  per- 
fons  now  in  the  Sheriff's  cuftody^  as  well  as  what 
we  intend  againft  others  concerned,  (in  its  proper 
place)  refpefts  only  that  part  of  the  faid  printed 
meet,  which  appears  to  have  the  tendency  afore- 
faid,  and  not  any  part  relating  to  differences  in  re- 
figion;  but  alfo  thefe  are  to  caution  fuch,  who  are 
well  affected  to  the  fecurity,  peace,  and  legal  ad- 
miniftration  of  juftice,  in  this  place,  that  they  give 
no  countenance  to  any  revilers,  or  contemners  of 

authority, 


376 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 


1692.  authority,  Magiflrates  or  magiftracy;  as  alfo,  to 
v-xwj  warn  all  other  perfons,  that  they  forbear  the  fur- 
ther publishing  and  fpreading  of  the  faid  pamphlets, 
as  they  will  anfwer  the  contrary  at  their  peril. 

"  Given  under  our  hands,  and  feal  of  the  coun- 
ty, the  day,  year  and  place,  aforefaid." 

w.  Penn      This  affair  of  George  Keith  gave  much  concern 
at  firft  dif-  to  wniiam  Penn.  who  appeared,  at  nriL  rather  to 

pleas  dwiih  .  .     '  rir  v  •    n. 

partofthefe  have  cemured  part  or  theie  proceedings  againit 
proceedings  }^m .  whom  he  regarded  as  his  old  friend,  more 
efpecially  his  trial;  at  which  by  fome  of  his  letters, 
he  appeared  to  be  much  difpleafed:*  but  after  he 
was  made  fully  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  whole  tranf action,  and  was  con- 
vinced of  George  Keith's  great  change,  he  appears 
to  have  been  as  ready  and  aclive  as  any  others,  in 
endeavouring  to  clear  the  fociety  from  the  imputa- 
tion of  being  the  caufe  of  the  unhappy  fchifm.  But 
the  difference  between  the  province  and  territories 
continued  flill  much  to  affecl  him,  and  to  increafe 
his  apprehenfions  of  very  difagreeable  confequen- 
ces;  as  appears  by  his  manner  of  writing  to  iome 
of  the  principal  perfons,  in  the  administration, 
about  this  time.f 

It 

*  In  a  letter,  dated,  Tenth-month,  1693,  (fee  hereafter)  W.  Penn 
mentions  this  trial  of  George  Keith,  in  thefe  words,  -viz. 

*'  The  trial  of  Geo.  Keith  has  been  induflriouily  fpread  all  about  the 
nation,  efpecialiy  at  London^  at  the  Court.  Wejlminjler  Hall,  and  the  Par- 
liament Houfe;  the  odium  it  has  confra6ted  in  fome,  ftirred  up  in  others; 
the  advantage  the  cifaffedled  among  us  make  by  it,  againft  unity,  againft 
Friends  having  power,  againft  me  and  you  in  particular,  are  great  and 
lamentable;  the  Lord  put  a  holy  Mop,  by  his  wife  power,  to  this  evil 
work,  and  bring  that  which  is  wrong  under  his  righteous  judgment." 

f  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  dated,  Fourth-month,  1692,  (fee  page  357) 
fpeaking  on  this  divifion,  he  fays, — "  I  defire  thee  to  write  to  them;  which 
t.hey  will  mind  now  more  than  upon  the  fpot;  and  lay  their  union  upon 
them;  for  elfc  the  Governor  of  Netv  York  is  like  to  have  all;  if  he  has  it 
not  already.  The  Lord  forgive  them  their  unfpcakable  injury  to  me  and 
mine,"  &c. 

In  another  letter  to  the  principal  perfons  in  the  adminidration,  in  the 
Seventh  month,  1693,  he  fays, — kc  I  writ  you  per  Samuel  Jeninvs  of  vhat 
was  like  to  enfue  upon  the  differences  there,  and  the  conduit  I  thought 
fit  to  be  taken,"  &c.. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  377 


It  cannot  reafonably  be  imagined  that  the  court 
of  King  William  could  be  very  favourably  difpofed 
to  a  perfon,  who  had  been  fo  much  in  friendmip 
with  the  late  King  James,  as  William  Penn  had  w-  Penn'3 
been;   though  King  William  himfelf  feems  to  have  after  there- 
had  a  great  regard  for  him,  and  his  known  gene-  volution. 
ral  great  humanity  and  catholic  fpirit  towards  all, 
without  diftinction  of  party,  rendered  him  refpeft- 
ed  among  men  of  oppolite  principles  both  in  reli- 
lion  and  politics;  yet  his  enemies,  more  efpecially 
in  the  latter  of  thefe  characters,  never  had  a  fairer 
opportunity  againfl  him,  than  at  this  time;  hence, 
when  his  young  colony  moil  needed  his  prefence 
and  afliftance,  they  not  only  effectually  prevented 
his  giving  it  that  aid,  as  before  mentioned,  but  alfo 
now  fo  far  mifreprefented,  or  magnified,  thefe  dif- 
orders  in  it,*  which,  in  great  meafure,  arofe  from 
his  too  long  abfence  from  it,  thus  occafioned  by 
themfelves,  or,  that,  in  confequence  thereof,  he    w.  penn 
was,  in  the  year,  1692,  deprived  of  the  govern-  dePrived  of 
ment  of  Pennfyhania  and  the  territories,  by  King  ° 


vernment 


William  and  Queen  Mary  ;  who  granted  a  commif-  of 
fion  to  Benjamin  Fletcher  ,  Governor  of  New  Tork,  ™ 
dated  October  the  21  ft.  in  the  fourth  year  of  Wil-  conferred 
Ham  and  Mary,  anno   1692,  to  take  them  under  ^2JT 
his  government;    which  commiflion  arrived,   in  Governor 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1693,  and  is  as  follows, 


«  William, 
[48] 


*  The  patent  of  King  William^  dated,  Auguft,  1694,  by  which  Wil- 
liam Penn  was  reftored  to  his  government,  mentioning  the  caufes  of  the 
refumption  of  it,  at  this  time,  by  the  crown,  begins  in  this  manner, 

•JIZ. 

"  WHEREAS,  upon  information,  that  by  reafon  of  great  mifcar- 
ria^es  in  the  government  of  our  province  of  Penjll-vania^  in  America^ 
and  the  abfence  of  the  Proprietor,  th«  fanie  wai  jjajlejj  iflto  ^tfordfr  Mid 
ronfufion,"  &c. 


378  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1693.  "  WMiam  and  Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King 
and  Queen  of  England,  Scotland,  France  and 
Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 

"  To  our  trufty  and  well-beloved  Benjamin  Fletcher, 
Efquire,our  Captain  General  and  Commander 
in  Chief  of  our  province  of  New-York,  and 
the  territories  depending  thereon,  in  America, 
Greeting: 

«  WHEREAS,  by  our  commiffion,  under  our 
great  feal  of  England,  bearing  date  the  eighteenth 
day  of  March,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign, 
we  have  conftituted  and  appointed  you,  the  faid 
Benjamin  Fletcher,  to  be  our  Captain  General,  and 
Governor  in  chief,  in  and  over  our  province  of 
New-York,  and  the  dependences  thereon  in  Ame- 
rica; and  have  thereby  granted  unto  you  full  power 
and  authority,  with  the  advife  and  confent  of  our 
Council,  as  need  (hall  require,  to  funimon  arid 
call  General  Affemblies  of  the  inhabitants,  being 
freeholders,  within  the  faid  province,  according 
to  the  ufage  of  the  province  of  New-York;  and 
that  the  perfons  thereupon  duly  elected  by  the  ma- 
jor part  of  the  freeholders  of  the  refpe&ive  coun- 
ties and  places,  and  fo  returned,  and  having  be- 
fore their  fitting,  taken  the  oaths  appointed  by  ad 
of  Parliament,  to  be  taken  inftead  of  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  fupremacy,  and  fubfcribed  the  teft; 
and  without  taking  and  fubfcribing  whereof  none 
fhall  be  capable  of  fitting,  though  ele&ed,  fhall 
be  called  the  General  AiTembly  of  that  our  faid 
province,  and  have  thereby  granted  unto  you,  the 
faid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  by  and  with  the  confent  of 
jour  faid  Council  and  Affembly,  or  the  major  part 
of  them,  full  power  and  authority,  to  make,  con- 
flitute  and  ordain,  laws,  flatutes  and  ordinances 
for  the  public  peace,  welfare,  and  good  govern- 
ment  of  our  faid  province,  and  of  the  people  and 
inhabitants  thereof;  which  faid  laws,  ftatutes  and 
ordinances  are  to  be,  as  near  as  may  be,  agreeable 

tp 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  379^ 

to  the  laws  and  ftatutes  of  this  our  kingdom  of  En-    1693. 

gland;  provided  that  all  fuch   laws,  ftatutes  and  v>-v^s-/ 

ordinances  be,   within  three  months,  or  fooner,    Fletcher'* 

after   the  making  thereof,   tranfmitted  unto   us,  c° 

under  our  feal  of  New-Tork,  for  our  approbation, 

or  difallowance  of  the  fame;  and  in  cafe  any,  or 

all  of  them,  not  before  confirmed  by  us,  (hall,  at 

any  time,  be  difallowed,  and  not  approved,  and 

fo  fignified  by  us,  our  heirs  and  fuccelTors,  under 

our,  or  their  fign  manual,  or  fignet,  or  by  order 

of  our  or  their,  Privy  Council,  unto  you,  the 

faid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  or  to  the  Commander  in 

Chief  of  the  province  of  New-Tor  k,  for  the  time 

being,  then  fuch,  and  fo  many  of  them,  as  fhall 

be  fo  difallowed  and  not  approved,  fhall  from  thence 

forth  ceafe,  determine  and  become  utterly  void, 

and  of  none  effect:  And  to  the  end  that  nothing 

may  be  pafTed,  or  done,  by  our  faid  Council  and 

Aflembly  to  the  prejudice  of  us,  our  heirs  and 

fucceffors,  we  have  hereby  willed  and  ordained, 

that  you,  the  faid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  fhall  have  and 

enjoy  one  negative  voice,  in  the  making  and  pafling 

of  all  laws,  ftatutes  and  ordinances,  as  aforefaidj 

and  that  you  fhall  and  may,  from  time  to  time,  as 

you  fhall  judge  it  neceflary,   adjourn,  prorogue 

and  diflblve  all  General  Aflemblies  aforefaid. 

"  We,  therefore,  repofmg  fpecial  truft  and  con- 
fidence in  the  prudence,  courage  and  loyalty  of 
you,  the  faid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  to  be  our  Captain 
General,  and  Governor  in  Chief,  in  and  over  our 
province  of  Pennfyhania,  and  in  the  country  of 
Neiv-CaJile,  and  all  the  tracts  of  land  depending 
thereon,  in  America,  and  we  do  accordingly,  by 
thefe  prefents,  command  and  require  you  to  take 
the  faid  province  and  country  under  your  govern- 
ment, and  for  the  better  ordering,  governing  and 
ruling  over  faid  province  and  country,  and  the 
tracts  and  territories  depending  thereon,  we  do 
hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you,  the  faid  Benjamin 

Fletcher., 


380  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1693.    Fletcher,  all  and  every  the  like  powers  and  autho- 

\^^<^*s  rities,  as  in  our  faid  commiflion,  bearing  date  the 

Fletcher's  eighteenth  day  of  March,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our 

commimon.       .  .  J  j         j  •        j  r 

reign,  are  given,  granted  and  appointed  you,  for 
the  ruling  and  governing  our  province  of  New- 
Tork,  to  be  exercifed,  in  like  manner,  by  you, 
the  laid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  in  and  over  our  faid 
province  of  Pennfyfaania,  and  the  country  of  New- 
Cqftle,  and  the  territories  and  traces  of  land,  de- 
pending thereon  in  America" 

Governor  Fletcher,  upon  receiving  this  com- 
miflion, repaired  to  his  new  government,  after 
having  firfl  notified  his  intention  by  the  following 
letter,  directed, 

<c  To  the  honourable  Thomas  Lloyd,  Efquire,  De- 
puty Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  S  i  R, 
Governor      "  HAVING  received  their  Majefties'  commiflion, 

StertoGo  unc^er  tne  great  ^ea^  f°r  tne  government  of  Penn- 
Lloyd.  '  fyhania,  and  being  required  to  make  a  fpeedy  re- 
pair to  that  province,  I  think  fit  to  acquaint  you, 
that  I  propofe  to  begin  my  journey  from  home,  on 
Monday,  the  twenty-fourth  inflant,  and  defire  the 
Council,  and  principal  freeholders  may  have  notice; 
that  their  Majeflies'  commands  may  be  communi- 
cated to  them,  fo  foon  as  I  arrive,  which,  I  hope, 
may  be  the  twenty-ninth. 

"  I  am,  Sir,  your  very  loving  friend, 

"  BENJAMIN  FLETCHER. 

,  April  the  igth.  1693." 


CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  3^* 

CHAPTER    XII. 

Governor  Fletcher  arrives  at  Philadelphia.— Names 
of  the  members  of  Ajfembly  convened  by  him,  in 
1693. — Council's  addrefs  to  the  Governor. — Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Governor  and  Ajfembly,  &c. — The 
Queen's  letter  to  Governor  Fletcher,  refpecling  the 
defence  of  Albany. — Ajfembly' s  addrefs  to  the  Go- 
vernor, with  his  anfwer. — The  Affembtys  remon- 
ftrance,  with  other  proceedings. — A  law  for  the 
fupport  of  government,  &c. — AJJemblf  s  petition  to 
the  Governor. — Refolve  of  the  AJjembly,  and  pro- 
tejl  of  feme  of  its  members. — John  DelavalL — Go- 
vernor Fletcher  dijjolves  the  Ajfembly,  appoints 
William  Markham  his  Deputy,  and  departs  for 
New-Tork. — His  mejfage  to  the  Ajfembly  in  1694. 
Conclufion  of  Fletcher's  admini/iration,  &c. — 
Death  and  memorial  of  the  former  Deputy  Gover- 
nor^ Thomas  Lloyd. 

\^>  OLONEL  Fletcher  arrived  at  Philadelphia  with    1 693. 
more  pomp,   and  fplendid  attendance,  than  had  ^xw> 
been  ufually  feen  before  in  Pennfylvania;  and  the   Gov.Fiet- 
perfons  in  the  prefent  adminiflration  appear  to  have  " 
given  up  the  government  to  him,  without  any  noti- 
fication, or  order,  to  them,  either  from  the  crown, 
or  the  Proprietary;  for  which,  afterwards,  in  a  let-    The  pro 
ter  to  certain  of  them,  William  Penn  feems  to  Jjj^ jjj 
have  blamed  their  conduct,  efpecially  that  of  his  thetoohaf- 
Deputy  Lloyd;  but  yet  apprehending  their  view,  ^r  f"frr^c 
in  fo  doing,  to  have  been  intended  for  the  beft,  he 
excufed  them.     He  likewife  writ  to  Fletcher  him- 
felf,  cautioning  him  to  beware  of  meddling  with 


382  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1693.  it,  in  the  prefent  circumftances,  and  reminding 
him  of  his  particular  obligation  to  him.  This  the 
Proprietary  having  mentioned  in  the  abovefaid  let- 
ter, to  his  friends  in  the  province,  the  following 
anfwer,  refpefting  the  Governor  of  New-fork,  was 
returned  by  fix  of  them,  viz.  Arthur  Cooky  "John 
Simcock,  James  Fox9  Samuel  Richardfon^  George 
Murrie  and  Samuel  Car  pent  er^  in  a  letter  to  the 
Proprietary,  dated,  Philadelphia^  the  1  8th.  Eleventh- 
month,  1693-4,  viz.  "  That  if  the  faid  letter  (to 
Fletcher}  had  come  in  time  (as  we  are  informed)  he 
would  hardly  have  proceeded  fo  far,  in  taking 
this  government;  and,  therefore,  we  could  have 
\vimed  it  had  come  fooner,  if  haply  it  had  been 
a  means  to  prevent  fo  great  trouble  and  lofs  to 
thee  and  us;  who  are  fas  we  (land  related)  great 
iharers  with  thee,  in  all  things  tending  to  the  hurt 
of  the  province."  — 

Governor  Fletcher,  foon  after  his  arrival,  cal- 
led an  AiTembly:  prior  to  which,  a  difpute,  arif- 
ing  between  him  and  the  Council,  refpecting  the 
mode  of  electing  and  convening  them,  occafioned 
the  following  addrefs  to  him,  from  the  members 
of  the  Council,  delivered  on  the  spth.  of  April, 


" 


Note.—- In  the  Third- month,  1693,  the  Names  of  the  Members  of 
Aflembly,  convened  by  Governor  Fletcher,  on  the  fixteenth,  were— 


For  Bucks,                          For  Chefler, 

For  Kent. 

Jofeph  Growdon,  Spcaler,  John  Simcock, 
John  Swift,                           George  Maris, 
Henry  Paynter.                   David  Lloyd. 

John  Brinkloe, 
John  Walker, 
William  Manioc, 

Fer  Philadelphia.                  For  Neiucajile, 

For  Sv/ex. 

Samuel  Carpenter,               Edward  Blake, 
Samuel  Richardfon,             Cornelius  Empfon, 
John  White,                          Henry  Williams, 
Janaes  Fox.                           Richard  Halwell. 

Albertus  Jacobs, 
Thomas  Pembertpft, 
Samuel  Prefton. 

HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  383 

••4e  To  Benjamin  Fletcher ,  Captain  General,  and  Go-   1693. 
vernor  in  chief,"  &c.  <^v^; 

-"  The  humble  addrefs  of  the  freemen  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Pennsylvania,  prefented  by  their  de- 
legates, Members  of  the  Provincial  Council, 
fheweth, 

"  THAT,  whereas,  the  late  King  Charles  the  TheCoun- 
the  fecond,  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his  reign,  cil'sad^fe 

i          i  r     i      c    r>       i        i   to  governor 

by  letters  patent,  under  the  great  leal  ot  England,  Fletcher- 
did,  for  the  confideration  therein  mentioned,  grant 
unto  William  Penn  and  his  affigns,  this  colony,  of 
trad  of  land,  creeling  the  fame  into  a  Province, 
calling  it  Pennfyhania,  and  conftituting  the  faid 
William  Penn,  abfolute  Proprietary  of  the  faid  Pro- 
vince, faving  (among  other  things)  the  fovereignty 
thereof,  with  power  aifo,  by  virtue  of  the  faid  royal 
charter,  to  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  deputies  and 
lieutenants,  to  make  laws,  with  the  advice  and  af- 
fent  of  the  freemen  of  the  faid  province,  or  the 
greatefl  part  of  them,  or  of  their  delegates,  or 
deputies,  whom,  for  the  enacting  of  the  faid  laws, 
when,  as  often  as  need  required,  he,  the  faid  Wil- 
liam Penn,  mould  affemble,  in  fuch  fort,  as  to  him. 
fhould  feem  beft,  with  divers  other  great  powers, 
immunities  and  privileges,  in  the  fame  charter  con- 
tained, which,  relation  being  thereunto  had,  majf 
more  at  large  appear. 

"  By  virtue,  and  in  purfuance  whereof  the  faid- 
Proprietary,  William  Penn,  with  the  advice  and 
content  of  the  freemen  of  this  Province,  in  Gene* 
ral  Aflembly  met,  at  Philadelphia,  (in  1683)  did 
cnacl,  that  the  time  for  the  meeting  of  the  free*- 
men,  to  chufe  their  Deputies,  to  reprefent  them 
in  Provincial  Council,  and  General  Aflembly, 
fhould  be  on  the  loth,  day  of  the  Firft-month, 
yearly ;  and  the  members  chofen,  for  the  Provin- 
cial Council  (confiding  of  three  perfons  out  of 
each  county)  mould  give  their  attendance,  within 

twenty 


384  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 693.  twenty  days  after  ele&ion,  in  order  to  propofe  bills; 
v^v^w/  and  the  members  of  Affembly,  being  fix  out  of 
The  Coun- each  county,  fhould  meet  on  the  tenth  of  the 
to  governor  Third-month,  called  May,  yearly,  in  order  to 
pafs  thofe  propofed  bills  into  laws;  but,  in  cafe 
any  of  the  faid  members  fhould  either  be  of  ill 
fame,  or  wilfully  abfent  from  their  fervice,  or  hap- 
pen to  die,  it  is  provided  by  another  law,  (made 
in  1684)  that  it  mall  be  lawful  for  the  Proprietary 
and  Governor,  within  ten  days  after  knowledge  of 
the  fame,  to  iflue  out  a  writ  to  the  Sheriff  of  the 
county,  for  which  the  party  was  chofen,  immedi- 
ately to  fummon  the  freemen  to  ele6t  another 
member,  &c. 

"  Now,  forafmuch  as  the  prefent  emergency  of 
affairs,  in  this  province,  may  require  a  General 
Aflembly  to  be  fpeedily  called,  and  fmce  we  con- 
ceive it  hath  pleafed  the  King  and  Queen  fo  far  to 
countenance  our  laws  and  conflitution  as  to  dire6b 
the  prefent  governancy  to  rule  thereby,  until  the 
laws  be  duly  made,  to  alter,  or  amend  the  fame; 

"  We,  therefore,  earneftly  defire,  that  no  other 
meafures  may  be  taken,  Tor  ele&ing,  or  convening, 
our  legiflative  power,  than  our  recited  laws  and 
conftitutions  of  this  government  prefcribe,  the 
rather,  for  that  the  faid  King  did,  by  his  letters  pa- 
tent, enjoin,  require  and  command,  that  the  laws 
made,  as  aforefaid,  fhould  be  mofl  abfolute  and 
available  in  law,  and  that  all  the  liege  people  and 
fubje&s  of  the  faid  late  King,  his  heirs  and  fuccef- 
fors,  fhould  obferve  and  keep  the  fame  inviolable, 
in  thefe  parts. 

"  Jofeph  Growdofy 
<c  John  Briflow, 
"  John  Delavall, 
"  John  Simcock, 
"  Hugh  Roberts, 
"  Samuel  Lewis, 
"  Richard  Hough." 

The 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  385 

The  Aflembly,  being  met  on  the  i6th.  of  the  1693. 
Third-month,  prefented  their  Speaker,  Jofeph 
Growdon,  to  the  Governor,  for  his  approbation; 
who  being  accepted,  the  oaths  and  tefts  were  pre- 
iented  to  the  whole  houfe,  in  the  manner  of  other  «Affembiy 
governments,  under  the  immediate  adminiftration 
of  the  crown;  but  fome  of  the  members,  being 
fcrupulous  of  taking  oaths,  and  refufing  to  be 
fworn,  were  indulged  with  fubfcribing  to  the  de- 
clarations and  profeffions,  mentioned  in  the  acl:  of 
Parliament,  for  liberty  of  confdence^  made  in  the 
firft  year  of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary.  This 
the  Governor  told  them  was  an  aft  of  grace,  and 
not  of  right,  fo  as  to  be  drawn  into  precedent  in 
future. 

It  doth  not  appear  that  either  the  Proprietary,     »phe  gQi 
or  the  people  of  Pennfylvania,  had  forfeited  thofe  vemment 
rights  and  privileges,  whofe  enjoyment  had  been  fj-ppl^J^! 
the  compact  of  their  fettlement  of  the  province;  vania    not 
of  which  privileges,   thofe  which  refpeded  their  iorfeited' 
religious,  or  confcientious  fcruples  were  the  chief; 
but  the  contrary  rather  is  manifeft:  For  notwith* 
{landing  what  was  alledged  for  depriving  the  Pro- 
prietary of  the  government,  it  was  well  known 
that  the  fulpicion  of  his  adhering  too  much  to  King 
James  was  the  principal,  if  not  the  only,  caufe 
for  rendering  him  incapable  of  attending  fo  pro- 
perly to  it,  as  it  feemed  at  that  time  to  require: 
But  nothing  was  ever  proved,  to  confirm  what  was 
all-'  Jged  againft  him,  in  that  refpect;  though  it 
injured  him  fo  far,  as  to  oblige  him,  for  a  time,  to 
be  in  fecret,  and  to  be  abfent  too  long  from  his 
province;  whereby  fome  diibrders  happened  in  it, 
that  in  all  probability,  would  other  wife  have  been. 
prevented;    but  none   of  fuch   magnitude,  as   to 
violate,  or  prevent,  the  regular  adminiftration  of 
juii;ice,  as  feems  to  have  been  alledged  by  the  ene- 
mies of  the  profperity  of  the  province;  much  lefs 
to  give  juft  occaiipn  for  depriving  the  coLpnifls  of 
[49] 


386  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1693.  their  dearly  bought  rights  and  privileges,  granted!" 
\~s~v^J  by  charter,  confirmed  by  laws,  and  familiarized 
by  cuftom;  though  it  might  be  called  a  favour, 
to  enjoy  them,  where  power  alone  has  the  rule, 
without  having  any  regard  to  juflice:  For  notwith- 
ftanding  the  Governor  was  changed,  yet  it  was 
prefumed  the  government,  or  conflitution,  was 
not,  in  confequence  thereof,  to  be  violated,  or 
altered,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  Pennfyl-vania 
had  as  juft  a  right  to  be  governed  according  to  the 
ufage  of  Pennfyivania,  and  their  own  laws,  then 
yideFlet- jn  force,  as  thofe  of  New-York  had  to  be  governed 

cner  s  com-  .  i  i       i     • 

jniffion,  &c,  according  to  the  ufage  of  that  province,  though  their 
i>age  378.    ufages  were  different,  fo  long  as  juflice  was  equally 
well  adminiflered  by  the  former,  as  by  the  latter, 
and  in  a  manner  more  agreeable  to  them. 

The  AfTembly,  however,  in  confideration  of 
the  prefent  circumflances  of  affairs,  thought  it 
mofl  prudent  to  fubmit,  though  not  confiflent  with 
a  privilege,  to  which,  in  their  apprehenfion,  they 
had  a  right,  and  below  the  juftice  of  their  claim; 
and,  for  the  prefent,  acknowledged  the  fame,  as 
an  aft  of  grace  and  favour,  proceeding  from  the 
juftice  and  kindnefs  of  the  Governor. 

The  AfTembly  being  qualified,  the  Governor 
communicated  to  them  a  letter,*  which  he  had 

received, 

*  The  Queen's  letter  to  Benjamin  Fletcher,  Efquire,  Captain  General,  and 
Governor  in  Chief,  in  and  over  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  &c. 

"  Mary  R. 

"    Tritfty  and  -well-beloved,  ive  greet  you  ivell. 

"  WHEREAS,  it  has  been  reprefented  unto  us  in  council,  in  hehalf 
of  our  province  of  Neiv  Tori,  in  America,  that  the  fame  having  been 
at  great  expence,  for  the  prefervation  and  defence  of  Albany,  its  Frontiers, 
again  ft  the  French  (by  the  lofs  of  which  province  the  inhabitants  of 
Maryland  and  Virginia  would  not  be  able  to  live,  but  in  garrifon)  and 
hav'ng  h  therto  preserved  that  poft,  the  burden  thereby  is  now  intolera- 
ble to  the  inhabitants  there.  We  think  it  reafonable  and  neceflary  that 
our  feveral  colonies  and  provinces  of  New  England,  Virginia,  Maryland, 
and  Pennfylvania  fhould  be  aiding  and  affiiting.  from  time  to  time,  to 
'  the  Governor,  or  Commander  in  Chief,  of  our  faid  province  of  Ne-at 
Tork,  in  the  maiatejiaoce  and  defence  of  it,  daring  the  prefent  war;  and 

accordingly 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  387 

received,  in  the  lafl  year,  from  the  Queen,  fetting 
forth,  that  the  expence,  for  the  prefervation  and 
defence  of  Albany ',  againft  the  French,  which  had  (  o 
been  intolerable  to  the  inhabitants  there ;  and  that,  Affembiy. 
as  it  was  a  frontier,  by  which  feveral  of  the  other 
colonies  were,  in  fome  meafure,  defended,  it  was 
thought  reafonable  that  thofe  colonies  mould  be 
affifling,  from  time  to  time,  to  the  government  of 
NeW'Tork9  in  the  maintenance  and  defence  of  it, 
during  the  war. 

The  firft  queftion  put  by  the  AfTemby,  after 
their  meeting,  was,  How  far  the  laws  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  conftitution  of  the  government,  found- 
ed on  the  powers  of  the  King's  letters  patent  to 
the  Proprietary,  William  Penn,  were  in  force?  up- 
on which  it  was  unanimoufly  Refofoed,  "  That  the  Refolutio* 
laws  of  this  province,  that  were  in  force  and  prac-  of  the  ^ 
tice  before  the  arrival  of  this  prefent  Governor, 
are  ftill  in  force;  and  that  the  Aflembly  have  a 
right  humbly  to  move  the  Governor  for  a  continu- 
ation, or  confirmation  thereof." — Accordingly  the 
following  addrefs  was  drawn  up  and  prefented  to 
the  Governor,  viz. 

"  To 

Accordingly  our  will  and  pleafure  is,  That  upon  the  application  of  the 
faid  Governor,  or  Commander  in  Chief,  you  do  immediately  fend  him 
fuch  aid,  or  a-fliftance,  in  men  or  otherwise,  for  the  fecurity  of  the  faid 
province,  from  the  attempts  of  the  French  or  Indians,  as  the  condition 
of  the  faid  plantations,  under  your  government,  fhall  permit;  and  our 
further  pleafure  is,  that  as  foon  as  conveniently  may  be,  you  agree  with 
the  Governors  of  Netv  England,  Virginia  and  Maryland,  unto  whom  we 
have  fent  the  like  directions,  upon  a  quota  of  men,  or  other  afliftance, 
to  be  given  by  each  colony,  or  province,  for  the  defence  of  New  Torkt 
as  occafion  may  require  the  fame;  and  that  you  return  a  fpeedy  account 
of  your  proceedings  herein,  to  the  end  that  further  directions  may  be 
given,  as  (hall  be  neceffury  for  fecuring  the  fort  of  Albany,  and  the  pro- 
vince of  New  Tori,  from  the  attempts  of  our  enemies,  in  thofe  parts: 
and  fo  we  bid  you  farewell. 

<{  Given  at  our  court,  at  Whitehall,  the  nth.  day  of  October, 
1692,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign. 

"  By  her  Majefty's  command, 

"  NOTTINGHAM/" 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

%  "To  Benjamin  Fletcher  >  Efquire,  Captain  General, 
and  Governor  in  Chief,  of  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania^  and  country  of  New-cqftle> 

'  The  humble  addrefs  of  the  Freemen  of  faid  pro- 
vince and  country,  Sheweth, 

The  ad-  "  THAT  fince  it  hath  pleafed  the  King  and 
of  the  Qpeeri,  that  the  abfence  of  our  Proprietary's  per- 
fonal  attendance,  in  this  government,  mould  be 
fuperfeded  by  thee, .or  thy  Lieutenant,  we,  the 
Repreleptarives  of  the  Freemen  of  the  faid  pro- 
vince and  territories  (with  due  refpett  to  the  powers 
of  thy  commifTion,  and  hearty  acknowledgment 
of  thy  good-will,  care  and  tendernefs  towards  us) 
do  readily  acquiefce  with  the  King's  pleafure  therein, 
earnedly  bekeching  that  our  procedure  in  legifla- 
tion  may  be  according  to  the  ufual  method  and 
laws  of  this  government,  founded  upon  the  late 
Kind's  letters  patent;  which  we  humbly  conceive 
to  be  yet  in  force,  and  therefore,  we  defire  the 
fame  may  be  confirmed  unto  us,  as  our  rights  and 
liberties. — And  we,  with  all  faithfulnefs  and  fince- 
rity,  do  give  what  afifurance  we  are  capable  of,  in 
the  prefent  circumftances  we  are,  to  anfwer  the 
Queen's  letter,  and  thy  requeft,  according  to  our 
ability. 

"  Third-month  ijtb.  1693." 

To  which  the  Governor  returned  this  anfwer, 

"  Gentlemen, 

"  I,  with  the  Council,  have  confidered  your 
addrefs,  and  am  forry  to  find  your  defires  ground- 
r  to  the  ed  upon  fo  great  miftakes. — The  abfence  of  the 
Proprietary  is  the  leaft  caufe  mentioned  in  their 
Majefties'  letters  patent,  for  their  Majeflies'  aflert- 
ing  their  undoubted  right  of  governing  their  fub- 
jecis,  in  this  province:  There  are  reafons  of  greater 
moment;  as,  the  neglefts  and  mifcarriaget,  in  the 
late  adminiltrationj  the  want  of  neceflary  defence 

.againft 


Affembiy. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  389 

agairift  the  enemy,  and  the  danger  of  being  loft   1693* 
from  the  crown.  ^-xv^ 

"  The  conftitution  of  their  Majefties'  govern* 
ment,  and  that  of  Mr.  Penn,  are  in  a  direct  op* 
pofition,  one  to  the  other;  if  you  will  be  tenacious 
in  (tickling  for  this,  it  is  a  plain  demonftration,  ufe 
what  words  you  pleafe,  that,  indeed,  you  decline  the 
other. 

"  I  fhall  readily  concur  with  you,  in  doing  any 
thing,  that  may  conduce  to  your  fafety,  profperity 
and  fatisfaction,  provided  your  requefts  are  confif- 
tent  with  the  laws  of  England,  their  Majefties'  let- 
ters patent,  and  the  truft  and  confidence  their  Ma- 
jefties' have  repofed  in  me. 

"  Time  is  very  precious  to  me,  I  hope  you  will 
defift  from  all  unnecefiafy  debates,  and  fall,  in  ear- 
neft,  upon  thofe  matters,  I  have  already  mentioned 
to  you,  and  for  which  you  are  principally  con- 
vened." 

The  debates  of  the  Koufe,  upon  this  anfwer  to 
their  addrefs,  produced  the  following  remonftrance 
to  the  Governor,  viz. 

ee  To  Benjamin  Fletcher,  Efquire,  Captain  Gene* 
ral,  and  Governor  in  Chief,  in  and  over  the 
Province  of  Pennfyhanla,  Country  of  New 
Cqftle,  and  tracts  of  Land  depending; — - 

"  The  remonftrance  of  the  Freemen  of  the  faid 
Province  and  Country,  in  Aflembly  met, 

"  Humbly  fheweth, 

"  TH  AT,  having,  with  all  dutiful  refpedt,  read    The  AT- 
and  confidered  the  Governor's  anfwer  to  our  ad-  femy>re- 

,,  ,  monflrancc. 

drefs,  this  morning,  We,  in  anfwer  thereunto, 
with  fubmiflion  fay,  we  conceive  that  our  defires 
were  not  grounded  on  niiftakes,  in  relation  to  the 
Proprietary's  abfence. 

"  But 


39°  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1693.  "  But,  as  to  the  other  claufe,  mentioned  by  the 
v-^v^>  Governor,  of  their  Maj cities'  afferting  their  un- 
doubted right  of  governing  their  fubjech,  in  this 
Province,  &c.  we,  with  all  readinefs  and  chearful- 
nefs,  own  accordingly  to  the  right  of  the  King  and 
Queen,  whofe  profperity  and  happy  reign  we  hear- 
tily defire;  and  as  to  the  other  reafons  rendered, 
for  fuperfeding  cur  Proprietary's  governancy,  we 
apprehend  they  are  founded  on  mifinformafions: 
for  the  courts  of  juftice  were  open,  in  ail  counties, 
in  this  government,  and  juftice  duly  executed, 
from  the  higheft  crimes  of  treafon  and  murder, 
to  the  determining  the  loweft  differences  about  pro- 
perty, before  the  date,  or  arrival  of  the  Governor's 
cornmiflion;  neither  do  we  apprehend  that  the  pro- 
vince was  in  danger  of  being  loft  from  the  crown, 
although  the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  fome, 
whofe  principles  were  not  for  war;  and  we  con- 
ceive that  the  prefent  governancy  hath  no  direct 
oppofition  (with  refpecl  to  the  King's  government 
here  in  general)  to  our  Proprietary,  William  Penn's, 
though  the  exercife  of  thy  authority,  at  prefent, 
fuperiedes  that  of  our  faid  Proprietary;  neverthe- 
lefs  we  readily  own  thee  for  our  lawful  Governor, 
faving  to  ourfelves,  and  thofe  whom  we  reprefent, 
our  and  their  juft  rights  and  privileges. 

"  JOSEPH  GROWDON,  Speaker. 
"  The  ijth.  of  the  Third-month ,   1693." 

What  reply  the  Governor  made,  or  whether 
any,  does  not  appear;  but  the  Aflembly,  having 
thus  modeflly  afferted  their  privileges,  proceeded 
to  enacl:  fundry  laws.  One  for  the  fupport  of  go- 
vernment, and  fuch  others  as  were  thought  necef- 
fary,  either  to  be  renewed,  or  repealed,  for  the 
public  good,  being  fent  up  to  the  Governor  and 
Council,  the  latter  were  detained  by  them  for 
fome  time,  to  fee  what  the  Affembly  would  do, 
ia  confequence  of  the  Queen's  letter.  This  delay, 

with 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  391 

with  the  Governor's  aflerting,  "  that  the  Afiembly    1693. 
fhould  have  no  account  of  the  bill,  fof  fupply,  or  v->"/^^ 
for  the  fupport  of  government*  )  till  they  came,  in 

a  full 

*  The  law,  for  the  fupport  of  government,  was  as  follows,  viz. 

*'  Anno  regni  Gulielmi  &  Mariae,  regls  Uf  regina  Anglia:,  Scotias,  Franci* 
Iff  Hibernian,  quinto. 

"  An  act  for  granting  to  King  William  and  Queen  Mary  the  rate  of  one 
Penny  per  Pound  upon  the  clear  value  of  ail  real  and  perfonal  eftates, 
and  fix  (hillings  per  head,  upon  fuch  as  are  not  otherwil'e  rated  by 
this  act,  to  be  employed  by  the  Governor  of  this  province  of  Penn- 
Jylvtmia,  and  Territories  thereof,  for  the  time  being,  towards  the 
fupport  of  this  government. 

"  SINCE  it  hath  pleafed  thf  King  and  Queen  to  take  the  government 
«f  this  province  and  country  into  their  own  hands,  and  fupply  the  ab fence 
of  our  Proprietor  by  fo  worthy  a  perfon,  who  gives  us  fuch  great  affur- 
unces  o)  his  good  defires  to  prefer ve  and  cenfirm  us  in  our  rights  and 
liberties.  We,  the  Reprefentatives,  met  in  General  Affembly,  with  hum- 
ble lubmimon  to  the  King  and  Queen's  pleafure  therein,  and  with  all 
dutiful  acknowledgments  of  their  love  and  tender  regard  to  the  reafon- 
able  laws  and  conftitutions,  as  well  as  protection,  of  this  government; 
do  humbly  prefent  the  faid  King  and  Queen  with  tht  free  gift  of  the 
rates  and  affeffments  herein  after  mentioned;  which  we  defire  they  will 
pleafe  to  accept  of,  as  a  teftimony  of  our  dutiful  affections  towards  them; 
and  we  do  likewife  defire,  that  the  King  and  Queen  would  be  pleafed 
to  give  and  allow  one- half  thereof  to  Benjamin  Fletcher ;  Captain  General 
and  Governor  in  Chief  in  and  over  this  province  and  country,  &c.  That 
it  may  be  fo  enacted. 

Be  it,  therefore,  enafted,  by  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Reprcfcntaiivet^ 
convened  in  General  Ajfembly,  and  by  the  authority  af  the  fame,  That  all  and 
every  perfon  and  perfons,  within  this  government,  having  perfonal  eftates, 
either  in  their  poffeffion,  or  in  the  poffeffion  of  others,  in  truft  for  them, 
over  and  befides  the  houfehold  goods  and  implements  they  ufe,  and  fuch 
fums  of  money  as  they  really  owe,  or  ought  to  pay,  fhall  yield  and  pay 
to  the  ufe  aforefaid,  after  the  rate  of  one  penny  per  pound;  and  to  the 
end  that  this  tax  may  be  laid  with  fuch  equality  and  indifference  as  may 
be,  upon  ail  lands  within  this  government,  and  that  a  due  regard  may  be 
bad  to  the  many  tracts  of  uncultivated  and  unimproved  lands,  which  pro- 
duce rather  a  charge,  than  profit,  co  the  owners  thereof,  Be  it  enaftd, 
by  the  authority  aforefaid,  That  all  lands,  and  other  real,  as  alfo  the  perfo- 
nal eftates,  fhall  be,  and  are  hereby  charged,  for  one  year  only,  and  no 
longer,  with  one  penny  for  one  pound  clear  value. 

And  be  further  enaSted  by  the  authority  aforefaid,  That  all  freemen,  \vithtia 
this  province  and  territories,  who  have  been  out  of  tL.ir  fervitude,  by 
the  fpace  of  fix  months,  and  fhall  not  be  otherwife  rated  by  this  act,  nor 
•worth  one  hundred  pounds,  fhall  pay  unto  the  ufe  aforefaid,  the  fum  of 
fix  fhillings  per  head:  Provided  always,  That  our  Chief  Proprietary  and 
his  late  Deputies  in  government,  fnall  not  be  affeffed,  or  otherwife  charge- 
able, by  virtue  of  this  aft:  Provided  alfo,  That  no  perfon-,  or  perfons, 
lhallbe  taxed  by  this  act,  who  have  a  great  charge  of  .hildren,  and  be- 
come indigent  in  the  world,  and  are  fo  far  in  debt,  that  the  clear  value 
of  their  real  and  perfonal  eftate  doth  not  amount  to  thirty  pounds. 

Aad 


392  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1693.   a  ft1^  houfe,  before  him,  to  give  the  laft  fan&ioa 
^Y-NW'  to  the  laws;"  —  "  and,  that  he  faw  nothing  would 

do, 

And,  be  It  further  enaftcd  by  the  authority  aforefaid,  That,  for  the  better 
afieffing,  ordering,  levying  and  collecting  the  feveral  fums  of  money, 
to  be  paid  as  aforefaid,  and  for  the  more  effectual  putting  this  act  in  ex- 
ecution, it  fhali  and  may  be  lawful  for  all,  or  any  two.  or  more,  of  the 
Members  of  this  Afiembly,  within  the  relpecrrive  counties.  Tor  which 
they  ferve,  to  call  to  their  afliftance  three  of  the  Jultices,  or  other  fub- 
ftantial  freeholders  of  the  refpcctive  counties,  and  within  two  months 
after  the  publication  hereof,  to  meet  together  at  fuch  place,  or  places, 
within  each  county,  as  they  (hail  reflectively  agree  upon,  in  order  to 
affefs  the  rates,  mentioned  in  this  ad,  and  al'o  to  appoint  Receivers,  or 
Collectors,  to  receive  or  gather,  the  lame;  and.  after  fm  h  meeting  had, 
the  foid  Affeffon  {hall,  by  warrant  from  fome  Juftice  of  the  Peace  of  the 
proper  county,  caule  the  Conitables,  within  the  laid  county,  to  bring  in 
certificates,  in  writing,  of  the  names  of  every  perfon  refiding  within 
the  limits  of  thofc  places,  with  which  they  (hall  be  charged,  and  of  the 
fubftances  and  valu«s  of  every  of  them,  who  ate  to  be  ra^ed  lw  this  act; 
which  faid  Conftables  fhall  be  paid,  or  aiic-wed  by  the  Colic  frors,  three 
pence  per  pound,  for  their  trouble  therein.  And  the  faid  AilVffors  arc 
hereby  enjoined  to  afccrtain  and  inform  themklves,  by  all  lawful  means 
they  can,  of  the  true  valuation  of  the  clear  eftates,  both  real  and  per- 
fonal,  within  thofe  counties  and  limits  with  which  they  fhall  be  charged 
refpectively;  and,  being  fo  hereof  aicertained,  tlr-y  are  to  afflfs  than- 
felves  and  others  for,  and  in  refpecl  of,  the  faid  eftat.es,  according  10  the 
rates  aforementioned,  having  due  regard  to  the  ability  oi  the  people, 
and  to  the  unprofitable  land,  they  hold;  and  thereupon  to  appoint  fuch, 
and  fo  many  collectors,  or  receivers,  thereof.,  as  they  the  faid  affefibts, 
fhall  think  fit,  within  their  refpe<5live  limits;  for  which  fervice  the  faid 
affeffors  fhall  receive,  or  be  allowed,  iix  pence  per  pound  out  of  the  faid 
affeiTment. 

'•  And,  be  it  further  enafted  by  the  authority  aforefaid^  That  the  rates, 
affeffrfients  and  taxations,  aforefaid,  fiiali  be  made  and  ascertained  with 
what  expedition  may  be,  fo  that  the  moiety,  or  half  part,  thereoi,  may 
fce  levyed,  collected  and  paid  to  the  receivers  refpectively,  on  or  before, 
"the  loth,  day  of  the  Ninth-month  next,  and  the  other  half  thereoi,  on, 
or  before,  the  loth,  day  of  the  Second-month.  1694,  at  iuch  places,  as  the 
faid  affeffors  fhall  appoint,  which  faid  affeffments,  with  the  names  and  fe- 
veral values  of  their  refpective  eitates.  together  alfo  with  the  real  fums, 
levied  by  this  act.  fhall  be  returned,  and  fairly  certified  by  the  faid  collec- 
tors, to  the  next  General  Affembly,  after  the  fame  is  affeffed,  as  aforefaid. 

"  And,  be  it  further  enafled  by  the  authority  aforefaid.  That,  if  any  of 
the  faid  affeffors  fhall  neglect  or  refufe,  to  make  iuch  iffeffments,  as  by 
this  act  is  required,  or  in  cafe  the  collectors,  fo,  as  aforefaid,  chofen, 
fhall  deny,  neglect,  or  refufe,  to  collect  any  fum,  or  fums,  of  money  in 
form  above  mentioned,  affeffed,  and  be  convicted  thereoi,  fhall  be  fined 
at  the  difcrction  of  the  juftices  of  the  refpective  county  courts. 

"  And,  be  it  further  enafled  by  the  authority  ajorefaid,  That,  if  any  per- 
fon, or  pcrfons,  vvkufoever,  within  this  government,  who  fhall  be  af- 
feffed, or  rated  any  fum,  or  fums  or  money,  by  virtue  oi  this  act,  to 
be  levied,  fhall  deny,  refufe,  or  delay,  to  pay  the  lame,  that  then  it 
fhall  be  lawful  for  any  fuch  collector,  by  virtue  of  a  warrant,  under  the 
hand  and  feal  of  any  Juftice  of  the  Peace,  for  the  county,  where  fuch 
offender  fhall  refide,  who,  by  virtue  of  this  act,  are  required  and  autho- 
rized to  grant  fuch  warrants,  to  levy  the  fame  by  diilrel's  and  fale  of  fuch 
perfon's,  or  perfons'  goods  and  chattels,  returning  the  overplus,  if  any  be, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

<3o,  but  an  annexion  to  ffew-Tork"> — induced  the  1*693 . 
houfe  to  fend  die  following  petition  to  the  Go- 
vernor. 


t5°] 


To 


to  the  owner,  after  the  fum  afTefled,  or  diftrained  for,  with  all' charges, 
are  deducted. 

*•  And)  be  It  further  enafJed  by  the  authority  aforefa'td,  That  the  monies, 
or  effects,  gathered,  or  received,  by  the  faid  collectors,  within  their  re* 
fpeclive  limits,  hy  virtue  of  this  acl;,  {hall,  from  time  to  time,  be  duly 
paid  to  fuch  Treasurer  as  fhall  be  appointed  by  the  Governor,  to  receive 
the  fame;  ^vhofe  receipts  Jhall  be  a  fufficient  difcharge  unto  fuch  collec- 
ters;  which  faid  celle&ors,  forgathering  the  faid  particular  fums,  Ihall 
retain  in  their  hands  refpe&ively,  for  every  twenty  fliillings  by  them  paid 
in,  as  aforefaid,  the  fum  of  one  fhilling,  as  a  reward  for  their  pains  and 
fervice ;  Provided  always.  That  if  any  perfon,  or  perfons  certified  and 
aflefled,  or  rated1  for,  or  in  refpect  of  any  eftate,  for  which,  by  this  ac% 
he,  or  they,  is  or  may  be  rated,  do  find  him,  or  themfelves,  aggrieved 
•with  fuch  rating,  and  do,  within  ten  days  after,  complain  to  any  three 
of  the  aflefibrs,  that  fignecl,  or  allowed,  his,  or  their  rate,  who  {hall;  with'- 
in  ten  days  after  fuch  complaint,  particularly  examine  the  perfon  com^ 
plaining,  or  any  other  perfon,  touching  the  value  of  the  complainant's 
real  and  perfonal  eftate ;  and  thereupon  the  faid  afleflbrs  {hall  abate,  de- 
faulk,  or  increafe  the  faid  affefFments,  according  as  complaints  fhall  ap- 
pear, either  by  the  party's  own  attefl,  or  proof  of  others. 

"  Andy  be  It  further  enabled  by  the  authority  aforefaid.  That,  if  any  per* 
fon  be  fued,  for  any  thing  done,  in  purfuance  of  thisacl:,  fuch  perfon,  fo 
fued,  may  plead  the  general  ifiue,  and  give  this  acl:  in  fpecial  matter,  in 
evidence;  and  if  the  plaintiff,  or  profecutor,  fhall  he  caft,  the  defendant 
fhali  recover  treble  damages;  Provided  always,  That  none  {hall  be  here- 
by pumfhed,  by  virtue  of  this  a<St,  for  any  neglect,  or  mifcarriage,  i# 
the  execution  thereof,  but  within  one  year  after  fuch  offence;  Provided 
dlfo,  and  be  it  farther  enabled  by  the  authority  aforefaid.  That  the  feVCTal 
collectors  fhall  gather  and  receive  the  refpective  fums  afTeffed,  as  aforefaid, 
in  current  money  of  this  Province,  or  for  want  thereof,  in  good  merchant- 
able country  produce,  at  the  current  market  price." 

Nole,  Front  the  fums  raifed  by  this  tax  of  one  penny  in-  the  pound,  in 
each  county,  as  exhibited  below,  from  the  votes  of  Affembly,  may  pretty 
nearly  be  eftimated  the  value  of  all  the  private  eftates  and  property,  at 
that  time,  in  the  province  and  territories>  tf/z. 

Counties.  Sums. 

Philadelphia,  -  ^  -  £314  II  II 
Ncwcaftle,  -  143  15  o 

Suffex,  -  ....  loi  i  9 
Kent,  -  ...  -  88  a  lo 
Chefter,  -  -  -  -  -  65  o  7 
Buck?,  -  *  ---  48  4  I 


Total.  £760  1 6 


394  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

"  To  Benjamin  Fletcher,  Efquire,  Captain  General, 
and  Governor  in  Chief,  in  and  over  the  pro- 
vince of  Pennfyhania^  country  of  New-Cqftle^ 
and  traces  of  land  depending, 

cc  The  humble  petition  of  the  Freemen  of  the  faid 
province  and  country,  in  Afiemby  met, 

"  Sheweth, 

"  THAT  they,   being  deeply  fenfible  of  the 
per.™*:  to  manv  inconveniences  that  may  attend  a  mifunder- 

the  Govcr-  ,-,<.,  ^  -n 

nor.  itanding  between  the  Governor  and  Freemen,  do 
earneftly  defire  all  occafions  may  be  taken  away, 
and  with  all  humility,  beg  the  Governor  would  be 
pleafed,  in  tender  regard  to  the  truft,  lodged  in  the 
faid  Repreientatives,  to  condefcend  fo  far,  as  to  in- 
form them,  which  of  their  bills  the  Governor  will 
accept,  amend,  or  reject;  that,  by  knowing  which 
of  the  faid  bills  are  difliked  by  the  Governor,  the 
A  (Terribly  may  difpofe  themfelves  to  acquiefce  with 
the  Governor's  pleafure,  or  endeavour  to  fatisfy 
the  Governor  and  Council  with  the  reafonablenefs 
of  the  faid  bills;  which,  being  done,  will  remove 
all  doubts  and  troubles  from  our  minds,  upon  that 
occafion,  and  we  mail  proceed  with  chearfulnefs 
to  finifh  this  General  Affembly,  to  the  King's  ho- 
nour, and  the  general  fatisfaction  of  the  Governor 
and  government. 

"  Third-month  §\ft.  1693." 

,  Notwithstanding  the  foft  and  pliant  terms  of 
this  petition,  the  Afiembly  unanimoufly  refolved, 
"  That  all  bills  fent  to  the  Governor  and  Council, 
in  order  to  be  amended,  ought  to  be  returned  to 

this 

In  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1693,  died,  in  Philadelphia,  John  Dcla- 
•uall,  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Council.  He  had  formerly  been  a  Cap- 
tain of  the  militia  in  New  Tori;  but,  afterwards,  joining  in  religious 
fociety  with  the  Quakers,  he  became  an  eminent  Preacher  among  them ; 
and  is  faid  to  have  been  one  of  the  firil,  or  early  iettlers  in  Neiv  Jerfey; 
from  whence  he  removed  to  Philadelphia:  where,  having  married  Han- 
nah,  the  eldeft  daughter  of  Thomas  Ltoyd,  he  continued  a  ufeful  and  wor- 
thy member  of  fociety  till  his  death.  M.  S. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  395 

this  houfe,  to  have  their  further  approbation,  upon    1693. 
fuch  amendments,  before  they  can  have  their  final  v^v^ 
aflent,  to  pafs  into  laws;" — And  there  was  a  party  J* et^ut^£ 
in  the  houfe,  who  ftrenuoufly  aflerted  their  un-  fembiy. 
doubted  rights,  as  founded  on  their  then  prefent 
charter  of  privileges,  but,  being  the  fmaller  num- 
ber, all  they  could  do  terminated  in  the  following 
proteft,  viz. 

"  Philadelphia,  Fourth-month  ift.   1693- 

"  WE,  whofe  names  are  hereunto  fubfcribed,  proteftof 
Reprefentatives  of  the  Freemen  of  his  province, fome  Mem- 
in  Aflembly,  do  declare,  it  is  the  undoubted  right 
of  this  houfe  to  receive  back  from  the  Governor 
and  Council  all  fuch  bills  as  are  fent  up  for  their 
approbation,  or  amendments,  and  debate  the  fame, 
as  the  body  of  the  bills,  and  that  the  denial  of  that 
right  is  deftru&Ive  to  the  Freemen  of  making  lawsj 
and  we  do  alfo  declare,  it  is  the  right  of  the  Aflem- 
bly, that  before  any  bill,  for  fupplies,  be  prefented, 
for  the  laft  fanclion,  aggrievances  ought  to  be  re- 
drefled: — therefore,  we,  with  proteftation  (faving 
our  jult  rights  in  Aflembly)  do  declare,  that  the 
aflent  of  fuch  of  us  as  were  for  fending  up  the 
bill,  for  the  fupply,  this  morning,  was  merely  in 
confideration  of  the  Governor's  fpeedy  departure, 
but  that  it  fhould  not  be  drawn  into  example,  or 
precedent,  for  the  future. 

"  David  Lloyd,    Samuel  Richardfon, 
"  James  Fox,       John  Simcock, 
"  John  Swift,       Samuel  Prefton, 
"  John  White,     Samuel  Carpenter, 
•"  George  Maris,  Henry  Paynter." 

According  to  the  Aflembly 's  petition  the  Gover- 
nor fent  back  feveral  bills,  with  his  objections,  for 
amendments;  which,  being  agreed  to,  were  after- 
wards pafled.  And  the  rolls  of  fuch  old  laws,  as 
the  Aflembly  did  not  think  >fit  to  repeal,  to  pre- 
vent any  doubt  of  their  being  in  force,  being  fent 

up 


396  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1693.  UP  to  k*m'  were  %ned  by  him,  for  confirmation. 
\-x-\'-x^  After  which  he  diflblved  the  AfTembly,  by  their 

Governor  own  advice,  and  departed  for  his  government  at 
lp$ml\y.Nw-r<>rk,  having  firft  appointed  William  Mark- 
Marfcham  foam^  Lieutenant  Governor  in  his  (lead,  in  Pcnn- 

hisDeputv,  r  / 

and  goes  iafyhanui. 

New  York.  During  Governor  Fletcher's  adminiftration  here, 
he  appears  to  have  been  feveral  times  in  the  pro- 
vince, but  never  long  at  one  time.  He  met  the 
Aflembly  again  in  the  Third-month,  1694;  and, 
in  a  meflage  to  them,  dated,  Philadelphia^  May 
23d.  1694,  he  acquaints  them, 

"  That  he  had  been  difappointed  in  meeting 
e  t^lem  looner>  according  to  his  intention,  and  di- 
6  Teclion  given  for  calling  the  Aflembly,  by  reafon 
of  being  .under  a  neceffity  to  repair  to  Albany,  on 
intimation  given,  that  the^fe3  nation  Indians  ,  which 
had  been  fo  long  faithful  to  the  Engli/h,  were  now 
debauched  to  the  French  intenjl,  and  entering  into 
a  league  with  the  Governor  of  Canada;  which 
was  a  matter  of  the  higheil  importance  to  the 
neighbouring  colonies,  and  required  his  utmofi 
abilities  and  application  to  prevent. 

44  That  he  was  come  to  lay  the  whole  affair  before 
them,  alluring  them,  that  their  own  Indians  here 
^ould  be  compelled  to  join  the  fatal  confederacy. 

"  That,  in  confequence  hereof,  he  had  feen 
fourfcore  fine  farms  all  deferted  about  Albany. 

"  That  the  Jzrfeys  had  done  more  for  the  com- 
mon defence  than  all  the  other  adjacent  provinces. 

"  That  he  conlidered  their  principles,  that  they 
could  not  carry  arms,  nor  levy  money,  to  make 
war,  though  for  their  own  defence,  yet  he  hoped 
.they  would  not  refufe  to  feed  the  hungry  and  cloath 
the  naked;  that  was,  to  fupply  the  Indian  nations 
,with  fuch  neceflaries,  as  may  influence  their  con- 
tinued friendfliip  to  thefe  provinces. 

«  Laftly, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

*c  Laftly,  that  he  was  ready,  as  far  as  in  him    1694. 
lay,  confident  with  the  rules  of  loyalty,  and  a 
juft  regard  to  liberty  and  property,  to  redrefs  their 
grievances,  if  they  had  any." 

During  this,  and  the  fucceeding  feffion,  in  Sep-  End  of  GO- 
tember,  this  year,  feveral  laws  were  nailed;  which  vernprFiet- 

i      •    -n        •  c   ^  -r-i        i  cher'sadnn 

ends  the  admimitration  or  Governor  Fletcher. — , 

But  what  return  was  made  by  the  houfe  to  his 
requeft,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  above  mefTage, 
does  not  clearly  appear;  only  I  find,  that,  in  a 
letter  of  the  Proprietary,  dated,  Brijiol,  firth  of 
the  Ninth-month,  1695,  which  feems  to  allude  to 
part  of  the  prefent  proceedings,  he  obferves  and 
complains  of  there  being  faclious  perfons  in  the  co-  ^  _ 
lony,  that  difturbed.,  or  threatened  the  tranquillity  the  />> 
of  the  government ; — and  he  blames  the  province :" 
For  refufing  to  fend  money  to  New-lTork,  for  what 
he  calls  a  common  defence,  urging  their  compliance, 
and  expreffing  the  danger  of  their  overfetting  the 
government  again,  by  fuch  refufal;  which,  before 
that  time,  was  reftored  to  him,  Markham  being 
his  Deputy.* 

On  the    roth,  of  the  Seventh-month  this  year  Death  and 
(1694)  died  Thomas  Lloyd,  the  Proprietary's  late  t" 
Deputy  Governor,  aged  about  fifty-four  years.   His 
father  was  a  perfcm  of  fome  fortune,  rank  and  ef- 
teem;  of  an  ancient  family  and  eftate,  called  Dolo- 
bran,  in  h/Lontgomeryfoire ,  in  North  Wales.     This 
his  fon  Thomas  Lloyd  was  a  younger  brother,  and 
was  educated  in  the  beft  fchools;  from  which  he 
was  removed  to  the  univerfity  of  Oxford;  where 
he  is  faid  to  have  made  confiderable  proficiency; 

and, 

This  letter  was  directed  to  Arthur  Cook,  John  Simcock,  Samuel 
Carpenter,  John  Goodfon,  Samuel  Richardfon,  Robert  Turner,  Phineas 
Pemberton,  and  David  Lloyd. 

In  a  poftfcript  to  this  letter,  he  further  declares, — «  I  muft  fay,  that 
•rhac  I  have  fpent  upon  the  province,  as  Governor  and  Planter,  is  the 
foundation  of  my  prefent  iacumbrance,  as  Ph.  F.  (Philip  Ford)  know?, 
.and  alisrted  to  die  Lords  of  Plantations  lately,  to  be  £4000  more  in  the 
whole,  thaa  I  ever  received  for  laa&>,  beftdes  what  it  has  coll  me  here." 


398  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1694.  and,  being  endowed  with  good  natural  parts,  and 
vx>-^  an  amiable  difpofition  of  mind,  he  attracted  the 
Death  and  rerrar(j  anc}  efteem  of  perfoiis  of  rank  and  fi>ures 

dtara&erof      °,  i     •       u 

Th.  Lloyd.  and  was  afterwards  in  the  way  to  confiderable  pre- 
ferment, in  the  world;  but,  being  of  a  fober  and 
religious  way  of  thinking,  he  joined  with  the 
Quakers ^  and  renounced  all  worldly  confederations, 
for  that  peace  of  mind,  and  real  mental  felicity, 
which  he  believed  to  be  the  effecl  of  true  religion ; 
and  became  an  highly  efleemed  preacher  in  that 
fociety.*  In  confequence  of  which,  having  fu£ 
fered  much  unmerited  reproach,  perfecution  and 
lofs  of  property,  in  his  native  country,  he  after- 
wards removed  to  Pennfylvania,  among  the  firft, 
or  early  fettlers,  and  was  one  of  William  Venn's 
moft  intimate  friends.  He  was  mofily  one  of  the 
principal  perfons  in  the  government,  from  his  firft 
arrival,  and  of  very  great  fervice  in  the  public 
affairs:  Yet  he  appears  to  have  fo  much  diiliked 
fuch  a  public  kind  of  life,  that,  from  the  fole 
view  of  ferving  his  country,  when  it  fo  much  needed 
it,  he  is  faid  to  have  accepted  of  the  eminent  offices, 
which,  at  different  times,  he  held  in  the  admini- 
flration,  &c.  for  he  was  fo  far  from  making  advan- 
tage, or  profit,  to  himfelf,  by  thus  devoting  his 
iuperior  abilities,  that  it  is  aflerted,  he  worfted,  or 
leflened,  his  private  eftate  thereby. 

In  both  his  civil  and  religious  capacity,  in  divers 
refpeds,  the  great  utility  of  his  conduct  and  ma- 
nagement, during  the  infant  and  early  ftate  of 

the 

*  There  is  extant  in  manufcript,  partly  obliterated,  minutes  of  a  re- 
ligious difpute  or  conference,  held  at  Lanf-wlll'm,  in  September,  1681, 
between  the  bifhop  of  St.  Afaph,  and  Charles  and  Thomas  Lloyd,  brothers 

' •'      '^>er  of  others  on  both  fides,  as  taken  by  the  bifliop,  entitled* 

unt  of  a  conference  between  the  right  reverend  the  Bifhop 

and  Mr.  Charles  Lloyd  and  Mr.  Thomas  Lloyd"  &c. 
irned  and  ingenious  difpute,  marked  with  moderation,  on. 
hiefly  in  the  fyllogittical  method,  on  baplifm^  and  what  is 
rfs  Supper,  &c.  with  divers  Greek  quotations  and  expkna- 
he  New  Teftament, — occafioned  by  the  Bifhop's  requeuing 
e  their  reafons  for  their  reparation  from  thfr  church,  &c. 
rsnce,  &c.  continued  feveral  days. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  399 

the  province  and  colony,  appear  to  have  been  very    1 694* 
extenfive  and   confpicuous,    till  his  death;    info-  O'v^; 
much  that  he  was  univerfally  beloved  by  all  degrees  Pcat^  anc* 

ri  i         i        i     r        i  •  i   r        •  i      character  of 

or  the  people,  both  for  his  good  lervices,  and  the  Th.  Lloyd, 
excellency  of  thofe  amiable  qualities,  which,  from 
the  advantages  of  birth,  education,  religion,  and 
good  fenfe,  are  reprefented  to  have-united  in  him, 
to  diftinguifh  his  character,  and  render  him  a 
bright  and  mining  example  of  piety,  virtue  and 
integrity,  through  every  department,  ftage  and 
viciflitude  of  both  his  private  and  public  life.* 


*  He  died  on  the  fixth  day  of  his  ficknefs;  during  which  time,  his 
€xpreffions  to  his  friends,  about  him,  are  mentioned,  as  expreflive  of  the 
ftate  of  his  mind,  and  the  confequence  of  a  life,  well  fpent;  fome  of 
which  were, — "  I  die  in  unity  and  in  love  with  all  faithful  friends;  I  have 
fought  a  good  fight;  I  have  kept  the  faith;  which  {lands  not  in  the  wif- 
dom  of  words,  but  in  the  power  of  God ;  I  have  fought  not  for  ftrife  and 
contention,  but  for  the  Grace  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chrift  and  the  fimplicity 
of  the  Gofpel; — I  lay  down  my  head  in  peace,  and  defire  you  may  aH 
do  fo." "  Friends  farewell  all." — 

jVo&?.— The  above  account  and  character  of  him  is  the  purport  of  a 
much  .larger  written  memorial,  figned  by  thirty-two  names,  &c. 


CHAPTER 


HrsroRY  dp  PENNSYLVANIA, 


CHAPTER      XIII. 

William  Pcnn  cleared  of  the  accufations  againjt  him, 
and  his  government  rejiored. — His  letter  on  this 
fubjeft  and  other  things. — Death  of  his  wife,  Gu- 
lielma  Maria. — He  co?nmijfionates  William  Mark- 
ham  his  Lieutenant  Governor. — Copy  of  the  inftru- 
menf,  by  'which  he  was  reinftaied  in  his  govern- 
ment in  1 694. — His  ufeful  employment  in  England. 
His  fecond  marriage. — Death  of  his  eldeft  fon, 
S-pringett. — Ancient  tejlimony  of  the  Quakers  re- 
rtewed,  &c. — William  Penn  wi/its  his  friends,  the 
Quakers^  in  Ireland^  Ssfr. — Governor  Markhanff 
ddminiftration. — His  writ  for  calling  an  AJfembJyy 
in  1695. — Proceedings  of  the  Affembly  in   1696. 
Their  remonftrance,  Sffr. — Further  proceedings  of 
the  Legijlature ;    wherein  a  bill  of  fettlement  is 
agreed  to  and  pqffed,  called  the  third  frame  of  go- 
•uermncntj  &c. —  Names  of  the  members  of  AJfem- 
bly  in    1698. — State  of  the  province  about  this 
time. — A  Proclamation. 

WE  now  return  to  William  Penn;  who,  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  1693,  through  the  mediation 
w.  Perm's  of  his  friends,  the  Lords,  Rochcfter,  Ranelagh  and 
>  Sidney,   in  which  the  Lord  Somers,  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham    and    Sir  John   Trenchard  were  alfo 
aflifting,  was  admitted  to  make  his  innocency  ap- 
pear ;  which  he  did  fo  effe&ually,  that  he  was  not 
only  readily  acquitted  of  the  charge  againil  him, 
but  alfo  had  his  government  reflored. 

The 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  401 

The  three  firfl  mentioned  Lords  went  to  the  1693. 
\King,  on  the  25th.  of  November,  and  reprefented 
to  him  William  Perm's  cafe,  "  As  not  only  hard, 
but  oppreffive;  that  there  was  nothing  againft  him,  & 
but  what  impoftors,  or  thofe,  that  were  fled,  o 
that  had,  fince  their  pardon,  refufed  to  verify,  wV.°Penn.° 
(and  afked  William  Penn  pardon,  for  faying  what 
they  did)  alledged  againft  him;  that  they  (the 
faid  Lords)  had  long  known  William  Penn,  fome 
of  them  thirty  years,  and  had  never  known  him 
to  do  an  ill  thing,  out  many  good  offices;  and, 
that,  if  it  was  not  for  being  thought  to  go  abroad 
in  defiance  of  the  government,  he  would  have 
done  it  two  years  ago;  that  he  was,  therefore, 
willing  to  wait  to  go  about  his  bufmefs,  as  before, 
with  leave,  that  he  might  be  the  better  refpe&ed, 
in  the  liberty  he  took  to  follow  it."* 

King 
[5'] 

*  William  Penn  mentions  this,  among  other  things,  in  the  following 
manner,  in  a  letter,  directed  to  Thomas  .Lloyd,  Samuel  Carpenter,  John 
Simcock,  Samuel  Richardfon,  Samuel  Jenings,  Henry  Murray,  Arthur 
Cook,  John  Jones,  &c.  viz. 

"  Hodfdon,  tie  Ilih.  of  the  Tenth-month,  1693. 
"  Friends, 

«  THIS  comes  by  the  Pennfylvania  Merchant,  — —  Harrifon, 
commander,  and  C.  Saunders,  merchant.  By  them  and  this  know,  that 
it  hath  pleafed  God  to  work  my  enlargement,  by  three  Lords  reprcfent- 
ing  my  cafe,  as  not  only  hard,  but  opprefiive;  that  there  was  nothing 
againft  rne,  but  what  impoftors,  or  thofe  that  are  fled,  or  that  have,  fince 
their  pardon,  refufed  to  verify,  (and  aflced  me  pardon,  for  faying  what 
they  did)  alledged  againft  me;  that  they  had  long  known  me,  fome  of 
them  thirty  years,  and  had  never  known  me  to  do  an  ill  thing,  but  many 
good  offices;  and,  that,  for  not  being  thought  to  go  abroad  in  defiance  to 
the  government,  I  might  and  would  have  done  it,  two  years  ago;  and, 
that  I  was,  therefore,  willing  to  wait  to  go  about  my  affairs,  as  before, 
with  leave;  that  I  might  be  the  better  refpe&ed,  in  the  liberty  I  took  to 
follow  it. 

"  King  William  anfwcred,  "  That  I  was  his  old  acquaintance,  as  well 
as  theirs;  and,  that  I  might  follow  my  bufmefs  as  freely  as  ever;  and 
that  he  had  nothing  to  fay  to  me." — Upon  which  they  prefled  him  to 
command  one  of  them,  to  declare  the  fame  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Sir 
John  Tretifharj,  that  if  I  came  to  him,  or  otherwife,  he  might  fignify 
the  fame  to  me; — which  he  alfo  did:—- — The  Lords  were  RocLeJler,  JRa- 
nelagh.,  and  Sidney;  and  the  bit,  as  my  greateft  acquaintance,  was  to  cell 
the  Secretary;  accordingly  he  did;  and  the  Secretary,  after  fpeaking 
himfelf,  and  having  it  from  King  William'1^  own  mouth,  appointed  me 
^  time  to  meet  hirn  at  home;  and  did,  with  the  fA.qryuit  ef  Wincbejler^ 

and 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

King  William  anfwered,  «  That  William  Penn 
was  his  old  acquaintance,  as  well  as  theirs; — that 
he  might  follow  his  bufmefs,  as  freely  as  ever; 
and  that  he  had  nothing  to  fay  to  him." — -Upon 
which  they  prefled  him  to  command  one  of  them 
to  declare  the  fame  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Sir 
John  Trenchard;  that,  if  he  came  to  him,  or 
otherwife,  he  might  fignify  the  fame  to  him ;  which 

the 

and  told  me,  I  was  as  free  as  ever;  and,  as  he  doubted  not  my  prudence 
'  about  my  quiet  living,  fo  he  affufed  me,  I  mould  not  be  molefted,  or  in- 
jured in  any  of  my  affairs,  at  leall  while  he  held  that  poft.     The  Secre- 
tary is  my  old  friend,  and  one  I  ferved,  after  the  D   of  Monmoutb  and 
Lord  Ruffel's  bufmefs:  I  carried  him  in  my  coach  to  W;ndfor,  and  pre- 
fented  him  to  King  James;  and  when  the  revolution  came,  he  bought  my 
four  horfes,  that  carried  us.     It  was  about  three  or  four  months  before 
the  revolution.  The  lords  fpoke  the  ijth  of  November,  and  he  diichar- 
,  ged  me  on  the  3Oth. 

"  From  the  Secretary  I  went  to  our  meeting,  at  the  Bull  and  Mout^; 
thence  to  vifit  the  fancluary  of  my  folitude;  and  after  that,  to  fee  my 
poor- wife  and  children;  my  eldeft  being  with  me  all  this  while.  My 
wife  is  yet  weakly;  but  I  am  not  without  hopes  of  her  recovery;  who 
is  of  the  beft  of  v  'ves  and  women. 

"  From  all  this  you  may  apprehend  that  I  may  yet  fee  America^  and 
ihall  certainly  judge  things,  as  I  find  them :  for  I  have  had  hard  meafiire 
among  you;  the  province  difgraced,  and  all  our  intereft  wounded:  though 
I  am  tender  and  mertiful,  I  am  juft;  and  neither  my  relations  in  blood, 
nor  in  judgment,  T  hope,  (hall  be  able  to  byas  me  into  a  wrong  fenfe,  or 
apprehenfion:  and  I  hope  once  more  to  unite  you  upon  a  common  bot- 
tom:— Thus  far  of  my  enlargement,  which,  from  a  multitude  of  buli- 
,  nefs,  at  this  time,  I  fend  in  another  hand;  I  was  alfo  furprized  at  the  fhort 

notice  given  me  to  write  in. The  trial  of  George  Keith  has  been  in- 

duftrioufly  fpread  all  about  the  nation,  efpecially  at  London,  at  the  Court, 
Wejlminfter  Hall,  and  the  Parliament  Hoi/fe;   the  odium,  it  has  contracted 

•  in  fome,  ftirrtd  up  in  others;  the  advantage,  the  difaffe&ed  among  us 
make  by  it,  againft  unity,  againft  Friends'  having  power,  againft  me 
and  you,  in  particular,  are  great  and  lamentable;  the  Lord  put  a  holy 
ftop,  by  his  wife  power,  to  this  evil  work,  and  bring  that  which  is  fo 

;  wrong,  under  his  righteous  judgment. That  you  have  a  regard  to  my 

right,  I  cannot  but  value;  and  hope  it  is  that,  and  not  humour,  or  dii'- 
appointment,  that  engaged  you  to  decline:   Oh,  the  forrowful  conclufion 

*  of  eight  or  nine  years'  government!  but  I  hope  foon  to  fee  an  end  of  all 
this,  if  the  Lord  will;  fo,  not  willing  to  lofe  this  opportunity,  and  efpe- 

:  cially  upon  this  occafion,  I  falute  you  all  in  the  unchangeable  truth  of  our 
God,  deilring  your  prefervation,  in  that  which  is  more  valuable  than  aU 

the  world,  to  them  that  love  it,  and  tafte  the  virtue  of  it." "  Friend* 

generally  well;  the  war  continues;  great  loiTcs;  poverty  looking  men  in  the 

'  face;  and  fcarcety  of  bread  alfo  coming  on  apace;  but  Ireland  helps,  where 
it  i»  at  2/3  and  half-a-crown  the  bufhel  wheat;  this  is  your  harveft;  I 
defire  my  love  to  Friends  and  your  families;  and  the  Lord  preferve  you 
in  his  fear;  and  what  you  can,  make  up  your  breaches;  my  love  faiutes 
you,  and  bids  you,  heartily,  farewell. 

«  Your  real  Friend, 

"  WILLIAM  PENJC." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  403 

King  readily  did;  and  the  Lord  Sidney ',  as  1693. 
William  Penn's  greateft  acquaintance,  was  to  tell  v^vx^ 
the  Secretary;  which  b'eing  done,  the  Secretary, 
after  fpeaking  himfelf,  and  having  orders  from 
the  King,  appointed  William  Penn  a  time  to  meet 
him  at  home;  who  then  (November  3oth.)  in 
company  with  the  Marquis  of  Winchefter,  told 
him,  "  He  was  as  free  as  ever"  adding,  "  That 
he  doubted  not  his  prudence  about  his  quiet  living, 
fo  he  allured  him,  he  mould  not  be  molefted,  or 
injured,  in  any  of  his  affairs,  at  leaft,  while  he 
held  that  poft." 

Soon  after  this  William  Penn  loft  his  beloved  *eath 
•wife,  Gulielma  Maria,  who  died  in  the  Twelfth- 
month  this  year;  (1693^)  with  whom  he  had  lived, 
in  all  the  endearments  of  that  neareft  relation, 
about  twenty-one  years;  her  excellent  chara&er, 
and  pious  exit,  are  related  by  himfelf  in  his  prin- 
ted works. 

He  was  reinftated  in  his  government  of  Pennfyl-  w.  Penn  is 
<vania^  by  letters  patent,  dated  2oth.  day  of  Au- 
gufl,  in  the  fixth  year  of  the  reign  of  William  and 
Mary;*  (1694;  after  which  he  fent  a  commiffion 

to  his  deputy. 

*  The  copy  of  a  duplicate  of  the  .grant,  by  which  William  Penn  was 
reftored  to  the  Government  of  Pennfyivanla,  is  as  follows,  viz. 

4t  William  and  Mary,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  and  Queen  of  England^ 
•Scotland^  France  and  Ireland,  defenders  of  the  Faith,  &c. 

«'  WHEREAS,  upon  information,  that,  by  reafon  of  great  mifcarriages, 
in  the  government  of  our  province  of  Penfilvanlay  in  America^  and  the 
abfence  of  the  Proprietor,  the  fame  was  fallen  into  diforder  and  confufion; 
by  means  whereof  not  only  the  public  peace,  and  adminiftration  of  juf- 
tice  was  broken  and  violated,  but  there  was  alfo  great  want  of  provifion 
for  the  guard  and  defence  of  our  faid  province  againft  our  enemies;  where- 
•by  it  was  apprehended  that  our  faid  province,  and  the  adjacent  colonies 
were  much  in  danger  of  being  loft  from  the  crown  of  England:  for  pre- 
vention thereof,  as  much  as  in  us  lay,  and  for  the  better  defence  and  fe- 
curity  of  our  fubje&s,  inhabiting  thefe  parts,  during  this  time  of  war, 
we  did  find  it  absolutely  neceflary  to  take  the  government  thereof  into 
our  hands,  and  under  our  immediate  care  and  protection,  and  did,  there- 
fore, by  letters  patent,  under  our  great  feal  of  England^  bearing  date  the 
twenty-firft  day  of  October,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign,  conftitute 
and  appoint  our  trufly  and  well-beloved  Benjamin  Fletcher^  Efquire,  our 
Captain  General^  and  Governor  in  Chief,  of  our  province 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

to  William  Markham,  conftituting  him  his  Lieu- 
tenant  Governor  of  Pennfylvania  and  territories, 
dated  Ninth-month  24th.  1694. 

Now 


to  be  our  Captain  General,  and  Governor  in  Chief,  in  and  over  our  faid 
province  of  Patfififonfa  and  country  of  Ncwcaftle,  ard  all  the  territories 
and  tracls  of  land  depending  thereon,  in  America,  with  dire&ioHs  to  take 
the  faid  prov:nce  and  country  under  his  government,  and  did  thereby 
grant  unto  him,  the  faid  Benjamin  Fletcher,  and  in  cafe  of  his  death,  or 
abfence,  out  of  orr  provinces  of  New  York  and  Pettjihania,  our  country 
of  Ncii'cajile,  and  our  colonies  of  J5tf/?and  Wejl  jerfeyt  unto  fuch  perfon, 
as  Ihould  be  appointed  by  us  to  be  Commander  in  Chief  of  our  faid  pro- 
vince of  JWa-  Tori,  or  to  cur  Council  of  our  faid  province,  the  like 
j)ow\rs  and  authorities,  as  were  granted  by  our  commiffion  to  the  faid 
Benjamin  Fletcher,  bearing  date,  the  eighteenth  day  of  March,  in  the  faid 
fourth  year  of  our  rei^-n,  for  the  ruling  and  governing  of  our  faid  pro- 
vi t  ct  of  Neiv  York.  And  whereas,  huH^We  application  has  been  made 
unto  us,  by  our  trufly  and  well-beloved  William  Pen,  Efquire,  Proprie- 
tor «.,'  ».ur  faid  province  of  Penfi'vania,  that  he  may  be  rcftored  to  the 
admir.  Oration  of  the  government  thereof,  as  formerly.  And  ivlerear, 
the  laid  Proprietor  has  pven  u-  good  aflurance,  that  he  will  take  care  of 
tht  government  of  our  laid  piovince  and  territories,  and  provide  for  the 
fafcty  and  fecurity  thereof,.  <tii  that  ia  him  lies,  We  have  thereupon 
thought  fit  to  reilore.  him  to  the  adminiiiration  of  the  government  of  our 
fain1  province  and  territories,  and  accordingly  Our  Will  and  Pleafure  it, 
That  fo  much  of  tlie  faid  commiflion,  beanrg  date  the  twenty-firfl  day 
of  October,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign,  as  doth  conftitute  and  ap- 
point our  irufty  and  well-beloved  Benjamin  Fletcher.,  Efquire,  to  be  our 
Captain  General,  and  Governor  in  Chief,  of  our  faid  province  of  Penftl* 
•vania  and  country  of  Neivcafle,  and  the  territories  and  tracts  of  land  de- 
pending thereon  in  America,  together  with  all  the  powers  and  authorities 
thereby  granted  for  the  ruling  and  governing  of  our  faid  province  and 
country,  do,  from  the  publication  of  thefe  our  letters  patent,  ceafe,  de- 
termine, and  become  void,  and  accordingly  the  fame  are  hereby  declared 
void;  of  which  all  perions,  whom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  notice, 
and  govern  themfelves  accordingly,  under  pain  of  our  higheft  difpleafure, 
"IN  WITNESS  whereof,  \ve  have  caufed  thefe  our  letters  to  be 

made  patent,   Witnefs,  Ourfelves,  at  Wejlmlnjler,  the  twentieth 

day  of  Auguft,  in  the  iixth  year  of  our  reign. 

"  By    Writ  of  Privy  Seal, 

"  PlGOTT." 

About  the  beginning  of  the  year  1696,  the  late  King  James  intending 
an  invafion  of  England^  for  which  great  preparations  being  made  in 
France,  and  a  plot  being  difcovered,  in  England;  againft  King  William 
it  oc<  afioned  declarations  to  be  drawn  up  and  figned ;  in  the  manner  of 
affociatioris,  not  only  by  the  two  Houfes  of  Parliament,  but  alfo  by  all 
the  corporations  in  England;  and  the  dilfenters  likewise  prefenting  de- 
clarations to  the  King  fomewhat  fimilar  to  thefe,  the  Quakers,  in  that 
«at  orj,  to  Ihew  their  loyalty,  &c.  publiftied  the  following  declaration 
thereupon,  in  print;  which  here  may  fhew  the  judgment  and  behaviour 
of  that  people  there,  oniuch  occafions  as  are  therein  exprefled,  viz. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  405 

Now  for  feveral  years  fuccefFively  his  beneficent    1694. 
fervices,    and   ufeful  actions,   divers  ways,  in   his  v_xv>^/ 
native  country,  particularly  to  his  own  religious  Hisfervica 

_      .  'riii  r  \       in  England^ 

fociety,  are  repreiented  to  have  been  very  conlide-  &c. 
rable;  in  which  time  he  publifhed  divers  ufeful 
treadles,  on  different  fubjeds;  which  maybe  fecn 
in  the  collection  of  his  writings  in  print;  he  was 
Itkewife  a  folicitor  to  the  government,  for  the 
relief  of  his  friends  the  ^uak.ers,  in  the  cafe  of 
oaths. 

On  the  fifth  of  the  Firfl-month  1695-6,  he  con-  w.  Penn's 
fummated  his  fecond  marriage,  at  Briftol,  with  Han-  ^™d£caj" 
nab,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Callowhill,  and  grand  "' 
daughter  of  Dennis  Hollifter,  an  eminent  merchant 

of 

"   Tie  Ancient  Tejlimony  of  the  people  called  Quakers  renewed,  with  re- 
fpedt  to  the  King  and  Government,  and  touching  the  prefent  Ajfuciation. 

"  WE,  the  faid  people,  do  folemnly  and  fincerely  declare,  That  it 
hath  been  our  judgment  and  principle,  from  the  firft  day  we  were  called 
to  protefs  the  light  of  Glrijl  Jefus  manifefted  in  our  confciences,  unto  this 
day,  that  the  fetting  up  and  putting  down  kings  and  governments  is  God's 
peculiar  prerogative,  for  caufes  beft  known  to  himielf;  and  that  it  is  not 
our  work,  or  buiinefs,  to  have  any  hand,  or  contrivance  therein,  nor  to 
be  bufy -bodies,  in  matters  above  our  ftation;  much  lefs  to  plot,  or  con- 
trive the  ruin,  .or  overturn,  of  any  of  them:  But  to  pray  for  the  king, 
and  for  the  fafety  of  our  nation,  and  good  of  all  men,  that  we  may  live  a 
peaceable  and  quiet  life,  in  all  godlinefs  and  honefly,  under  the  govern- 
ment, which  he  is  pleafed  to  fet  over  us. 

"  And,  according  to  this  our  ancient  and  innocent  principle,  we  have  of- 
ten given  forth  our  teftimony,  and  now  do,  againft  all  plotting,  confpi- 
racies,  and  contriving  infurredtions  againft  the  King,  or  the  government, 
and  againft  all  treacherous,  barbarous  and  murderous  defigns  whatfoever, 
as  works  of  the  devil  and  darknefs;  and  we  fincerely  blefs  God,  and  are 
heartily  thankful  to  the  king  and  government,  for  the  liberty  and  privi- 
leges we  enjoy  under  them,  by  law,  efteeming  it  our  duty  to  be  true  ami 
faithful  to  them. 

"  And  whereas,  we,  the  faid  people,  are  required  to  fign  the  faid  af- 
fcciation,  we  fincerely  declare,  that  our  refufmg  fo  to  do,  is  net  out  of 
any  difaffedHon  to  the  King,  or  Government,  nor  in  oppofition  to  his 
being  declared  rightful  and  lawful  King  of  thefe  realms,  but  purely  be- 
cauie  we  cannot,  for  confcience'  fake,  light,  kill,  or  revenge,  either  for 
curfelves,  or  any  man  elfe. 

"  And  we  believe  that  the  timely  difcovery  and  prevention  of  the  late 
barbarous  defign  and  mifchievous  plot,  againft  the  King  and  Govern- 
ment, and  the  fad  effedts  it  might  have  had,  is  an  eminent  mercy  from 
Almighty  God;  for  which  we,  and  the  whole  nation,  have  great  caufe 
to  be  humbly  thankful  to  him,  and  to  pray  for  the  continuance  of  his  mer- 
cies to  them  and  us. 

"  From  a  meeting  of  the  faid  people,  in  London,  the  23<l  of  the  Firft- 
month,  called  March,  1695-6." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1 696.    of  that  city.     She  was  faid  to  be  a  religious  young 
-v^  woman,    of  excellent  qualities;    with    whom    he 
lived  during  the  reft  of  his  life;  and  had  iflue  by 
her,  four  fons  and  one  daughter. 

Death  of  In  the  Second-month,  1696,  his  eldeft  fon,  by 
k*s  former  wife,  named  Springett,  died  at  Worm- 
inghurfti  in  SuiTex,  of  a  confumption,  in  the 
twenty-firft  year  of  his  age;  a  moft  hopeful  and 
promifing  young  man;  whofe  character  may  be 
feen  in  his  father's  writings,  together  with  that  of 
his  mother,  before  mentioned. 

w.  Penn  After  this  William  Pcnn  paid  a  religious  vifit  to 
kis  friends,  the  S^uakers,  in  Ireland,  accompanied 
by  John  Everott  and  Thomas  Story;  who  were 
likewife  two  eminent  preachers  in  that  fociety; 
and  he  writ  feveral  treatifes  in  vindication  of  his 
religious  principles,  &c.  till  the  year  1699,  when 
he  began  to  make  preparation  to  revifit  his  pro- 
vince of  Pennfylvania. 

proceed-  William  Markha?n^  being  by  the  Proprietary, 
ki^nT*  a^ter  his  melioration,  conftituted,  or  appointed, 
ae<E  the  Af-  his  Deputy  Governor,  as  before  obferved,  firfl, 
under  that  appointment,  met  a  Council  on  the 
scth.  of  April,  and  an  Affembly,  on  the  loth,  of 
September,  1695;  which?  after  they  had  fat  fome 
time,  appear  to  have  been  unexpectedly  diffolved 

by 

The  Names  of  the  Members  of  Affemoly,  in  1695,  were: — 

For  Philadelphia.  For  Buds.  For  CbeJIer. 

Edward  Shippcn,  Sfealer,  Jofhua  Hoopes,  John  Blunicon, 

Alexander  Beardfley,  Henry  Faxon,  Bartholo.  Coppoc^, 

James  Fox,       '  Samuel  Dark,  William  Jenkins, 

Robert  Owen,  Nicholas  Wain,  Robert  Piles, 

John  Bcvan,  John  Swift,  Walter  Forreft, 

John  Parfons.  Jofeph  Miller.  Philip  Roman. 

for  New  Cajlte.  For  Kent.  For  Sujl-x. 

Jofeph  England,  JonR  Betts,  J°^n  Stockley, 

Valentine  Hoilingfworth,   William  RodKey,  'J  homas  Oldrnan» 

George  Harland,  William  Morton,  Joleph  Booth, 

Edward  Gibbs,  Simon  Irons,  Henry  Mo'efton, 

Henry  Hoilingfworth,  Daniel  Brown,  James  Feterkill, 

Cornelius  Empfon.  John  HUliard.  Jonathan  IJail£y>. 


.HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  407 

by  Markham.     The  form  of  the  writ,  for  calling    1695. 
that  AiTembly,  was  as  follows,  viz.  ^^y^J 

(L.  S.)  "  William  Markham,  Efquire,  Governor 
under  William  Penn,  abfolute  Pro- 
prietary of  the  province  of  Pennfyl- 
•vania  and  counties  annexed,  to  Ar- 
thur Me/ton,  Sheriff  of  the  county 
of  Kent,  Greeting: 

«  WHEREAS,  their  facred  Majefties,  William 
and  Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  and  Queen  ii 
of  England,   Scotland.,  France  and  Ireland,  defen-  fembly- 
ders  of  the  faith,  &c.  did,  by  their  letters  patent, 
under  the  great  feal  of  England,  bearing  date  the 
one  and  twentieth  day  of  October,  in  the  fourth 
year  of  their  reign,  for  the  reafons  therein  ex- 
prefled,  find  it  abfolutely  necefiary  to  take  the  go* 
vernment   of  faid  province  of  Pennfyhania  into 
their  own  hands,  and  under  their  immediate  cam 
and  prote&ion;  and,  therefore,  did  conftitute  and 
appoint  Benjamin  Fletcher,  Efquire,  Captain  Ge- 
neral, and  Governor  in  Chief  of  their  Majefties' 
province  of  New-Tork,  to  be  Captain  General,  in 
and  over  their  faid  Majefties'  province  of  Pennfyl- 
<vania,   and  country  of  New-CaJlle,   and  all  the 
tracls   of  land   depending   thereon   in   America, 
thereby  commanding  and  requiring  him,  the  faid 
Benjamin  Fletcher,   to  take  the  faid  province  of 
Pennfyfoania  and  country  under  his  government  *r 
who  accordingly  took  the  fame  under  his  govern- 
ment, by  publication  of  the  faid  letters  patent,  in, 
the  town  of  Philadelphia,  upon  the  26th.  of  April,, 
1693:  And  whereas,  their  facred  Majefties  have 
fmce  been  mod  gracioufly  pleafed,  by  their  letters. 
>atent,  under  the  great  feal  of  England,  bearing 
late  the  2oth.  day  of  Auguft,  in  the  fixth  year  of 
their  reign,  for  the  reafons  therein  exprefled,  to 
reftore  to  the  faid  William  Penn,  Proprietary  of 
the  faid  province  of  Pennfyhania  and  territories, 
into  the  adminiftratioa  of  the. government  thereof : 

And, 


408  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1695.    And   whereas,   the  faid  William   Pcnn    has  been 
\^^r^j  pleafed,  by  his  commiilion,  under  his  hand,  and 
Markham's  feal  of  the  faid  province,  bearing  date  the  2Qth. 
day  of  the  Ninth-month,  1694,  to  conftitute'mc 
Governor,    under  him,   of  the  faid  province  of 
Pennfylvania,  and  counties  annexed,  firictly  charg- 
ing and  commanding  me,  to  govern  according  to 
the  known  laws  and  ufages  thereof.     I,  therefore, 
by  virtue  of  the  faid  power  and  authority,  derived 
unto  me,  command  you,  that  forthwith  you  fum- 
mon   all  the  Freemen  of  your  faid  county,    to 
meet  upon  the  tenth  day  of  April,  at  the  ufual 
place  of  meeting,  then  and  there,  according  to 
law  and  charter,  to  chufe  three  perfons,  to  ierve 
in  Provincial  Council,  one  for  three  years,  one  for 
two  years,  and  one  other  for  one  year;  and  ftx 
perfons  to  ferve  as   members  of  Affembly;  and 
upon  the  election  of  members  of  Council,  to  ac- 
quaint them  to  attend  me  on  the  2oth.  day  of 
April  next,  at  Philadelphia,  to  form  a  Provincial 
Council,  to  advife  with  me,  in  matters  relating  to 
the  government;    whereof  they   are  not  to  fail; 
and  make  return  of  the  names  of  the  faid  Freemen, 
fo  to  be  chofen,  and  of  this  writ,  into  the  Secre- 
tary's office,  for  the  faid  province  and  territories, 
at  and  before  the  faid  2oth.  day  of  April  next; — 
"hereof  fail    not   at  your  peril;   and  for  your  fc 
doing  this  lhall  be  your  fufficient  warrant. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  and  feal  of  the  province, 
this  26th.  day  of  March,  annoque  regni  re- 
gis  et  regime,  Gulielmi  et  Marue,  mine  An- 
gU<%,  &c.  feptimo,  in  the  fourteenth  year 
the  Proprietary's  government,  annoque  Domi- 
ni 1695. 

"  WILLIAM  MARKHAM." 

1696,  After  this  he  called  another  Aflembly,  to  meet 
Proceed-  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  26th.  of  the  Eighth-month, 
he  l696'  This  Airembly  chofe  John  Simcock  of  Chejier, 
*  for  their  Speaker;  and,  in  a  melfage  to  the  Go- 
vernor, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  409 

vernor,  they  obferved,  that   though  he  had  cori-    1696. 
vened  them,  by  his  writs,  not  fo  conformable  to  ^s^s**-/ 
their  charter,  as  they   could   defire,  (which   was     Proc*-ed- 

T-T          7         »  IN  1  1          1        i  V    i      i          r-  ing3    ol    tjie 

upon  r  let cher  s  plan)  yet  they  had  obeyed  the  fame,  Affembiy. 
and  confidered  what  he  had  laid  before  them,  viz. 
"  To  anfwer  the  late  Queen's  letter,  and  the  Pro- 
prietary's promife  upon  his  reiloration  to  the  go- 
vernment;" refpefting  which  they  told  him,  "  That 
they  were  unanimoufly  ready  and  willing  to  per- 
form their  duty  therein,  fo  far  as  in  them  lay,  if 
the  Governor  would  fettle  them  in  their  former 
constitution,  enjoyed  before  the  government  was 
committed  to  Governor  Fletcher's  truft;"  which 
affairs,  with  the  proceedings  of  the  laft  Aflembly, 
appear  more  fully  in  the  following  remonftrance, 

*&$£. 

"  To  William  Markham,  Governor  under  William 
Penn,  Proprietor  of  the  province  of  Pennfyl* 
<uania,  and  territories  thereunto  belonging, 

<c  The  remonftrance  of  the  Freemen  of  the  faid 
province  and  territories,  convened  in  Affem- 
biy, by  virtue  of  the  Governor's  writs,  at 
Philadelphia,  the  28th.  of  October,  in  the 
eighth  year  of  King  William's  reign,  over  En- 
gland, &c.  annoque  Domini  1696. 

cc  Humbly  fheweth, 

"  THAT,  whereas,  the  late  King  Charles  the     Tte  Af- 
fecond,  by   his  royal  charter,  made  in  the  thirty-  femWsre- 

,  .     ,  J      r  i  •  .  r      i     /rmoriftrance 

third  year  or  his  reign,  under  the  great  feal  oftoGoverao* 
England,  was  pleafed  to  fignify,  that  William  Penn, 
(out  of  a  commendable  defire  to  enlarge  the  Sri- 
tijh  empire,  and  promote  fuch  ufeful  to:nmodities 
as  might  be  of  benefit  to  the  King  and  his  domi- 
nions, as  alfo  to  induce  the  favage  nations,  by 
gentle  and  juft  manners,  to  the  love  of  civil  foci- 
ety,  and  the  Chriftian  religion)  had  humbly  fought 
leave  to  tranfport  an  ample  colony  into  this  coun- 


410  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA* 

1696.  try;  wherefore,  the  faid  King,-  favouring  the  peti- 
v-^v-^  tion,  and  good  purpofe  of  the  faid  William  Penny 
The  Af-  did,  in  and  by  the  faid  charter,  for  him,  his  heirs 
"  and  fucceiTors,  give  and  grant  unto  the  laid  William 
Penn9  his  heirs  and  affigns,  all  this  faid  country, 
and  trad  of  land,  called  Pennsylvania,  and  con- 
ftituted  him,  the  faid  William  Penn,  abfolute  Pro- 
prietor thereof,  vefting  him,  and  fuch  as  were  to 
be  adventurers  with  him,  the  fettlers  and  inhabi- 
tants of  faid  province,  with  divers  powers,  privi- 
leges and  immunities,  under  the  refervations,  pro- 
vifos  and  reftri&ions,  in  the  faid  charter  fpecified; 
charging  all  officers,  &c.  to  be,  at  all  times  aiding 
and  aflifting  to  the  faid  William  Penn^  and  unto 
the  faid  inhabitants  and  merchants  of  the  faid  pro- 
vince, in  the  full  ufe  and  fruition  of  the  benefits  of 
*the  faid  charter. 

a  In  purfuance  whereof  the  faid  William  Penn, 
and  divers  fubftantial  perfons,  who  fir  ft  embarked 
with  him,  in  that  fo  commendable  a  defign,  did 
foon  afterwards  (by  the  advice  of  learned  council) 
conclude  upon  a  certain  frame  of  government, 
confiflent  with  the  powers  of  the  faid  patent,  but 
fuitable  with  the  religious  perfwafton  of  the  major 
part  of  the  undertakers,  and  well  accommodated 
to  all.  This  model,  together  with  the  franchiies 
and  immunities  exprefsly  granted  by  the  aforefaid 
letters  patent  to  the  people,  did  induce  them  to 
conceive  (and,  we  hope,  upon  juft  grounds  too) 
that  lince  the  King  had  been  fo  favourably  pleafed 
to  incorporate  them,  and  in  fo  great  a  meafure, 
connected  the  people's  privileges  with  their  pro- 
perties, that  they  could  not  be  any  more  diverted 
of  the  one,  than  the  other,  but  by  due  courfe  of 
law,  and  proved  more  than  ordinary  motives  to 
incline  feveral  hundreds  to  tranfport  themfelves 
and  families  into  this  country,  out  of  divers  parts; 
fo  that  this  province  hath  not  been,  at  firfl,  popu- 
lated under  William  Penn's  government,  with  tran- 

fportzd 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  411 

fported  felons,  or  criminals,  but  moftly,  the  people   1696. 
called  Quakers,  men  of  truth  andfobriefy,  having  v-^vx^ 
vifible  eftates  and  credit  in  the  world;  who,  with 
no  lefs  defires  of  that  freedom,  to  anfwer  the  end 
of  the  King's  grant,  (with  refpect  to  propagating 
the  Chriftian  religion)  were  made  willing  to  leave 
their  native  land,  part  with  their  friends  and  near 
relations,  and  remove  themfelves  into  the  wilder- 
nefs,  hoping  to  enjoy  their  faid  privileges  and  li- 
berties,   more   than   any   profpecl,    they  had    of 
worldly  advantage,  or  preferment;  and  when  they 
arrived  here,  expofed  themfelves  and  tender  fami- 
lies to  great  hardfhips,  (attending  the  hazard  and 
inconveniencies  of  a  new  plantation)  exhaufted 
their  eftates,  and  have  not  been  at  all  chargeable  to 
the  crown,  in  fo  confiderable  a  fettlement,  as  'is 
well  known;  but  before  they  could  thoroughly 
come  into  a  comfortable  way  of  living  and  put 
themfelves  into  a  capacity  to  pay  either  their  parti- 
cular,   or  public  debts,  this  government  became 
(it  feems)  as  the  butt  of  our  neighbour's  envy; 
who,  mifreprefenting  things  at  home,  did  obtain 
a  commiflion  from  the  King  and  Queen,  conftitu- 
ting  Colonel  Fletcher,  Commander  in  Chief  over 
this  province  and   territories;    who,    during   his 
governancy,  diverted  the  courfe  of  our  legislative 
procedure,  and  introduced  another  method;  and 
continued  the  fame,  until  the  faid  King  and  Queen. 
were  favourably  pleafed,  by  their   letters  patent, 
to  reflore  the  faid  Proprietary  to  the  adminiftraticn 
of  the  government  of  this  province  and  territories ; 
upon  which  reiteration,  the  power  and  authority, 
which  Colonel  Fletcher  had  made  ufe  of,  to  lay 
afide  our  charteral  rights  and  privileges,  were,  by 
the  faid  patent,  determined,  and  made  void. 

"  Wherefore,  the  Proprietary  thought  fit  to 
authorize  thee,  to  aft  according  to  the  known 
laws  and  ufages  of  tlfe  government :  Inpurfuance 
-whereof  thou  waft  pleafed  to  iffue  forth  thy  writs, 

dire&ed 


412  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1696.  directed  to  the  refpeftive  Sheriffs  of  this  province 
v-^r^vy  and  territories,  commanding  them  to  fummon  all 
Thet  Af-  the  Freemen  of  the  refpeciive  counties  to  meet 
.  upon  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  called  April, 
1695,  in  the  tvfual  place  of  meeting,  then  and 
there,  according-  to  law  and  charter,  to  chufe  three 
perfons,  in  each  county,  to  ierve  in  Provincial 
Council,  one  lor  three  years,  one  for  two  years, 
and  the  other  for  one  year;  and  fix  perfons  out  of 
each  county,  to  ierve  as  Members  of  Affembly. 
In  obedience  to  which  writs  elections  were  made, 
and  a  General  Aflembly  began  to  be  held  here,  on 
the  tenth  day  of  September,  1695: — And,  truly, 
thofe  of  us,  that  attended  that  fervice,  were  glad, 
when  thou  fo  frequently  expreffed  thy  readinefs  to 
confirm  our  rights  and  privileges,  adding,  That 
thou  woulde't  not  fo  much  as  endeavour  to  dimi- 
nifli  them;  which  gave  further  encouragement  to 
the  then  Representatives;  who,  with  much  alacrity, 
and  dutiful  acknowledgments  of  the  King's  juftice 
and  favour,  in  restoring  the  faid  Proprietary  to  his 
rights,  aid  proceed  to  manifefl  their  affeclions  to 
the  King,  as  well  as  their  readinefs  to  aniwer  his 
expectations,  about  fupporting  this  government,  fo 
far  as,  in  confcience,  they  could,  according  to  their 
ability,  and  circumstances  of  affairs;  and  fo  agreed 
to  make  an  affeflinent  of  money,  upon  all  eftates 
within  this  province  and  country,  for  the  fupport 
of  government;  which,  together  with  the  £250 
Sterling,  thentofore  raifed,  and  made  payable  to 
Colonel  Fletcher,  toward  the  fupport  of  this  go- 
vernment, and  not  exprefsly  appointed  for  any 
other  particular  ufe,  they,  the  faid  Reprefentatives, 
humbly  defired  might  be  deemed  and  taken,  inftead 
of  the  afliftance  required  from  this  country;  the 
fame  being  in  anfwer  to  the  late  Queen's  letter,  fo 
far  as,  in  confcience  and  abilities,  they  could  com- 
ply therewith ;  and  fo  perfq^ted  the  bill,  ready  for 
thy  paffing;  having  joined  therewith  only  one  bill, 
modelled  with  thy  approbaiiun,  and  corrected  ac- 
cording 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  413 

cording  to  thy  own  direction,  containing  fome  fun- 
damental liberties,  which  we  look  upon  to  be  as 
much  the  people's  rights,  as  the  land  they  hold.  The  Af- 

fembly's  rc- 

"  But,  inftead  of  giving  thy  fanclion  to  thofe 
bills,  thou  haft,  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  faid  writs, 
and  againfl  our  legiilative  rights  and  privileges,  un- 
dertaken to  dirTolve  both  Council  and  AiTembly; 
which,  we  underftand,  was  fo  furprizing  and  un- 
expected to  the  faid  Reprefentatives,  that  they  had 
neither  time  to  explain  their  real  intentions,  in  what 
they  urged  and  infifted  on,  or  opportunity  to  fee 
the  minutes  of  their  journal  perfected;  whereby 
their  proceedings  might  have  been  more  fully  and 
fairly  rendered. 

"  And  we  are  given  to  underftand,  and  thofe  of 
us  that  were  concerned  in  that  diffolved  Aflfembly, 
do  declare,  That  where  any  thing  has  been  there 
voted,  about  proceeding  in  legiflation,  without  the 
formality  of  promulgating  bills,  according  to  char- 
ter, it  was  chiefly  to  expedite  the  paffing  of  the 
Money-bill,  to  anfwer  the  late  Queen's  letter,  in 
manner  aforefaid,  and  not- intended  to  be  brought 
into  example,  unlefs  agreed  on,  to  be  infer  ted  in 
the  other  bill,  or  New  a£l  of  fettlement.  And  we 
alfo  underftand,  that  where  mention  was  then  made 
of  any  difficulty,  or  inconvenience,  in  refuming  the 
charter,  it  was  but  in  circumftantials,  and  had  re- 
fpect  only  to  the  time  of  meeting,  number  of  mem- 
bers, and  fuch  like,  not  that  we  then  did,  or  do 
now,  think  that  the  people  had  any  way  forfeited, 
or  loft,  the  benefit  and  privileges  in  thofe  branches 
thereof,  which  direct,  that  this  government,  ac- 
cording to  the  powers  of  the  King's  patent,  and 
the  late  Duke  of  Turk's  deeds  of  feoff ment,  fliould 
confift  of  the  Proprietary,  Governor  and  Freemen 
of  the  faid  province  and  territories,  and  in  form 
of  a  Provincial  Council  and  AfTembly,  chofen  by 
the  people;  and  that  the  Governor,  or  his  Deputy, 
Ihoujd  perform  no  aft  of  ftate,  that  relates  to  the 

juftice. 


414  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1696.  juftice,  trade,  treafury,  or  fafety  of  the  province 
and  territories,  but  by  the  advice  of  the  laid  Pro- 
cf~  vincial  Council;  and  fuch  other  fundamental  parts 
e.  of  the  faid  charter,  wherewith  we  are  inverted  by 
virtue  of  the  King's  letters  patent,  for  reiloring 
the  Proprietary. 

"  Now,  for  as  much  as  thou  haft  refufed  to  pafs 
the  faid  bill,  or  New  Aft  of  Settlement ';  and  not  in- 
clined to  the  advice  of  thy  affiftant,  in  iiTuing  forth 
writs,  for  chufing  Members  of  Council  and  Aflem- 
bly,  on  the  laft  charteral  day  of  election,  but  ufed 
thy  endeavours  to  difcourage.  the  people  then  to 
cleft,  and  hail  now  convened  us,  contrary  to  our 
former  ufage,  notwithftanding  we  flill  hold  our- 
felves  concerned  to  embrace  this  opportunity,  as 
we  are,  and  mall  be,  ready,  upon  all  occaiions,  to 
exprefs  our  duty  and  affection  to  the  King,  for  his 
juftice  and  favours  to  the  government,  and  our 
well-wimes  to  thyfelf,  we  defire  thee  to  take  fome 
fpeedy  courfe  to  eftablifh  us  in  our  juft  rights  and 
privileges,  whereby  we  may  be  in  a  fit  poilure  ef- 
feclually  to  anfwer  and  obferve  the  King's  com- 
rnand,  relating  to  this  government,  and  the  Pro- 
prietary's engagements,  in  that  behalf,  fo  far  as  cmr 
religious  perfwafions  can  admit. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  Houfe , 

"  JOHN  SIMCOCKE,  Speaker." 

It  does  not  appear  what  particular  anfwer  the 
Proceed-  Governor  gave  to  this  remonftrance :  but  that  the 

ings  of  the  _  o.  .      .      ,         r  .  .  .  .  . 

Governor  &  Speaker,  with  the  houfe,  waited  upon  him,  at  his 
defire;  to  whom  he  delivered  a  letter,  from  the 
late  Governor  Fletcher,  requeuing  money,  for  the 
relief  of  the  Indians  at  Albany.  Upon  which,  on 
the  3 1  ft.  of  the  Eighth-month,  1696,  a  committee 
of  the  houfe,  being  joined  by  a  committee  of  the 
Council,  in  order  to  anfwer  the  Queen's  letter, 
and  preierve  the  people's  privileges,  agreed  in  re- 
commending the  following  expedient,  viz. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  415 

<c  That  the  Governor,  at  the  requeft  of  the  1696. 
Affembly,  would  be  pleafed  to  pafs  an  aft,  (of 
fettlement,  inuil  be  underftood)  \vith  a  falvo  to 
the  Proprietary  and  people;  and  that  he  would 
alfo  iifue  out  his  writs,  for  chufmg  a  full  number 
of  reprefentatives,  on  the  loth,  day  of  the  Firft- 
month  next,  to  ferve  in  Provincial  Council  and 
Affembly,  according  to  the  charter,  until  the  Pro- 
prietary's pleafure  be  known  therein;  and  that,  if 
the  Proprietary  mall  difapprove  the  fame,  then 
this  aft  mall  be  void,  and  no  ways  prejudicial 
to  him,  nor  the  people,  in  relation  to  the  va- 
lidity, or  invalidity,  of  the  faid  charter."  —  This 
was  unanimoufly  approved  by  the  Affembly.  A 
bill  of  fettlement,  and  a  money  bill  were  there- 
upon agreed  upon,  prepared  and  paffed. 

The  money  bill  was  for  raifing  three  hundred 
pounds,  for  the  fupport  of  government,  and  re- 
lieving the  diftreffed  Indians  ,  inhabiting  above  Al- 
bany, in  anfwer  to  the  Queen's  letter;  which 
money,  being  immediately  wanted,  was,  there- 
fore, borrowed,  until  it  could  be  raifed  by  the  aft, 
and  remitted  to  Colonel  Fletcher,  at  New-Tork,  to. 
be  applied  to  the  ufc  intended. 

The  bill  of  fettlement  being  finiflied,  befides 
four  others,  paffed  by  Markham-  it  thence  became  frameofg<>» 

i       ^i  •    j   r  r  ii'  r 

the  third  frame  or  government;  and,  being  after- 
wards enforced  by  fome  other  laws,  it  continued 
in  force  till  the  year  1701.* 

In  year  1697,  Governor  Fletcher  of  New-Tork, 
in  a  letter  to  Markham,  informed  him,  that  the  fo 


vcrament* 


three  hundred  pounds,  fent  lad  year,  was  expend-  ther  ai(J  {or 
ed  in  contingences,  to  feed  and  cloath  the  Indians,  the  Indian* 
as    was    defired;    and  that    he  requefted  further 
affiftance.    A  committee  of  the  Council  and  Affem- 

bly, 

*  By  this  charter,  or  frame  of  government,  the  council  was  to  confift 
of  only  two  members  out  of  each  county,  and  the  Affernbly  of  four: 
making  in  all  twelve  members  of  cpu&cil,  and  twenty-four  of  the  Affem- 
Wy,  &c.  See  the  appendix,  NQ.  4, 


416  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1697.  kty?  to  whom  the  affair  was  referred,  in  their  re- 
v^v^x  port,    in   anfwer    to    this    letter,    exprefled   their 

acknowledgments  for  his,  and  that  government's 
regard  and  candour  to  them,  in  applying  that 
money  to  the  life  intended; — but,  as  to  further 
fupply,  at  prefent,  they  urged  the  infancy,  poverty, 
and  inc umbered  ftate  of  the  colony,  in  excufe  for 
non-compliance; — at  the  fame  time,  declaring  their 
readinefs  to  obferve  the  King's  further  commands, 
according  to  their  religious  perfwafions  and  abi- 
lities," 

1698.  From  about  this  time,  till   the  arrival  of  the 
Accounts  Proprietary,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1699, 

tne  accounts  of  the  public  affairs  appear  defective, 
or  not  many  of  much  importance  now  occur. 
The  province  feems,  at  that  time,  to  have  enjoyed 
a-  flate  of  great  tranquillity  and  profperity,  when 
compared  with  that  of  other  countries;  but,  it 
cannot  be  fuppofed,  without  fome  of  thofe  diffi- 
culties, which  always  attend  the  fettlement  of  new 
colonies,  and  generally  affect  fome  more  thaa 
others,  of  thofe  concerned,  and,  in  proportion, 
cauie  uneafmeffes  among  them;  from  which  it 
would  be  unreafonable,  even,  to  expecl:  an  entire 
exemption,  in  the  flate  of  human  affairs :  And,  as 
profperity  and  fuccefs  create  envy,  in  malignant 

minds, 

In  a  committee  of  Council,  in  1697,  appear  the  following  names, 
*is. 

Samuel  Carpenter,         William  Clarke, 
Richard  Halwell,  Caleb  Pufey, 

Phineas  Pemberton,       John  Curtis. 

In  1-698,  the  Names  of  the  Members  of  Afiembly  were: 

for  Philadelphia.  Par  Bucks.  For  Chejlcr. 

Anthony  Morris.,  Phi.  Pemberton,  Speaker.   Caleb  Pufey, 

James  Fox,  Robert  Heaton,  Samuel  Levis, 

Samuel  Richardfon,  Jofenh  Kirkbride,  Nathaniel  Newlin, 

Andrew  Bankfon.  Henry  Baker.  Robert  Carter. 

For  Neiv  Caf.le.  For  Kent.  For  Su/ex. 

Adam  Peterfon,  Richard  Wiifon,  Thomas  Oldman, 

Edward  Gibbs,  Robert  Edmonds,  Jonathan  Bailey, 

John  Grubb,  H-sry  Moletton,  Luke  W»tfon,  junior, 

Jofeph  England.  William  Moreton.  Cornelius  Willbank. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  417 

minds,  fo  we  find,  in  this  province,  that  what-    1698. 
ever  was  a  little  amifs,  at  any  time,  it  was  gene-  ^^^^ 
rally  exaggerated,  and  its  true  date  mifreprefented,  This  colony 
either   by  thofe  who  were  natural  enemies  to  its  afterthere- 
profperity,   or  by  difcontented  fpirits,    within  it,  volution, 
both  in  early  time  and  fince:  This  appears,  at 
lead,  in  part,  to  have  been  the  caufe  of  depriving 
the  Proprietary  of  his  government,  in  1692;  and 
of  fome  part,  of  the  royal  requifitions,  from  fuch 
an  infant,  incumbered,  and  particularly  circum- 
ftanced  colony,  both  in  early  and  later  times. 

But  however  wicked  people  may  endeavour  to 
cover  themfelves,  by  mixing  among  thofe  of  re- 
putation, and  the  difhoned  fcreen  their  character, 
by  aflbciating  with  the  honed,  yet  fomething  of 
this  malignity  of  mind  in  fome  perfons  out  of  the 
province,  befides  what  might,  in  reality,  have 
been  out  of  order  in  it,  feems,  at  lead,  in  partj 
to  have  adminidered  occafion,  for  the  following 
proclamation,  with  fome  others  of  the  fame  nature, 
which  were  publifhed  in  the  year,  1698. 

cc  By  the  Governor  and  Council  of  the  province 
of  Penn/ylvania,  and  counties  annexed. 

"A    PROCLAMATION. 

"  WHEREAS,  our  Proprietary  hath  lately  AProca- 
given  us  to  underdand  of  fundry  accufations,  or  mation  of 
complaints,  againft  this  government,  for  conni-  theG°vern- 

r  Pi  !//•/>•  or  &  Coun- 

ving  at  illegal  trade  and  harbouring  of  pirates ;  as  cil. 
alfo   of  the   reports,  that  are  gone  to  England, 
about  the  growth  of  vice  and  loofenefs  here. 

"  As  to  the  former,  it  is  evident,  that  they  are 
the  effecls  of  the  envy  and  emulation  of  thofe, 
who,  by  fuch  unfair  and  indirect  means,  would 
accomplifli  their  defigns  againd  this  government: 
For  that  we  are  fatisfied  the  generality  of  the  peo- 
ple, merchants  and  traders  of  this  province  and 
territories,  are  innocent  and  clear  of  thofe  impu- 
[53]  tations. 


418  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1698.  tations.  And  this  country  fo  pofited,  Philadet- 
<~s^<~+u  phia  is  become  the  road,  where  failors  and  others 
A  Procia-  jo  frequently  pafs  and  repafs  between  Virginia  and 

mation.         -«T          T-«      /        /     r        i          •  i  •  i    »  '  i 

.New  England^  10  that  it  cannot  be  avoided,  but 
the  bad,  as  well  as  the  good,  will  be  entertained, 
in  fuch  an  intercourfe;  and  fince  common  charity 
obliges  us  not  to  prefume  any  perfons  guilty  (efpe- 
cially  of  fuch  great  enormities)  till  by  fome  legal 
probability,  they  appear  fo  to  be;  and  though  we 
find  that  the  Magiftrates  and  people,  in  general, 
are,  and  have  been,  ready  and,  perhaps,  more 
active  and  confcientious  to  ferve  the  King  and  his 
officers,  againft  all  unlawful  trade  and  piracy, 
when  any  fucn  offences  have,  by  any  means,  come 
to  their  knowledge,  than  any  of  thofe  neighbouring 
colonies,  who  have  been  fo  querimonious  againft 
us,  in  that  behalf;  yet,  we  can  do  no  lefs  than, 
purfuant  to  our  Proprietary's  commands,  put  all 
in  mind  of  their  refpe&ive  duties;  that  there  be 
no  juft  caufe  for  fuch  complaints. 

"  And,  as  concerning  vice,  we  alfo  find,  that 
the  Magiftrates  have  been  careful  and  diligent  to 
fupprefs  it;  but  their  endeavours  have  been  fome- 
times  ineffectual  therein;  by  reafon,  that  the  ordi- 
naries, or  drinking  houfes,  especially  in  Philadel- 
phia, grow  too  numerous,  and  the  keepers  thereof 
diforderly,  and  regardlefs  of  the  tenor  and  obli- 
gations of  their  licenfes,  whereby  they  prove  un- 
grateful to  the  Governor,  and  a  reproach  to  the 
government. 

"  Therefore,  thefe  are  ftri&ly  to  charge  and 
command  all  Magiftrates  and  officers  whatsoever, 
within  the  province  and  territories,  as  they  regard 
the  honour  of  God,  and  their  allegiance  to  the 
King,  faithfully  to  put  in  execution  all  the  acls, 
or  laws  of  trade  and  navigation,  and  alfo  the  laws 
and  ftatutes  extant  againft  piracy,  whenever  there 
is  any  fuch  occafion;  and  to  ufe  their  utmoft  dili- 
gence and  care  in  preventing,  fuppreffing  and 

punifhing 


,  mation. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  419 

punifhing  all  vice,  diforders  and  loofe  living,  1698. 
wherefoever,  and  in  whomfoever  it  fhall  appear,  ^-^v^^ 
And  to  that  end,  it  is,  by  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil,  ordained,  that,  from  and  after  the  firft  day  of 
March  next  enfuing,  the  Juflices  of  the  Peace  of 
each  county,  in  the  province  and  territories,  at 
their  refpeclive  general,  or  private  feflions,  nomi- 
nate and  pitch  upon  fuch  and  fo  many  ordinary 
keepers )  or  innholders^  within  the  refpeclive  counties, 
as  they  fhall  be  well  amired  will  keep  orders,  and 
difcourage  vice:  And  the  Governor  is  pleafed  to 
condefcend  that  he  will  licenfe  thofe  fo  approved 
of  by  the  Juflices,  and  will  permit  no  other,  to 
keep  taVerns,  inns,  or  drinking  houfes,  within 
this  government,  than  fuch  as  fhall  be  fo  recom- 
mended, from  time  to  time. 

"  And  we  further  ftriftly  charge  and  command 
all  perfons,  within  this  government,  as  they  will 
anfwer  the  contrary  at  their  peril,  that  they  give 
due  affiftance  to  the  Magiftrates  and  officers  afore- 
faid,  in  putting  the  faid  laws  in  execution,  and 
fupprefling  vice,  that  the  wrath  of  God,  and  the 
King's  difpleafure  may  not  be  drawn  upon  this 
poor  country. 

"  Dated  at  Philadelphia^  the  twelfth  day  of  the 
Twelfth-month,  February,  being  the  ninth 
year  of  the  reign  of  William  the  Third,  of 
England,  &c.  King,  anno.  Domini  1697-8. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  Governor 
and  Council, 

"  Per  PATRICK  ROBINSON." 


CHAPTER 


420  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

William  Penn,  with  his  wife  and  family ',  fail  for 
Pennfyhania. — Extra fl  from  his  valedictory  epif- 
tle  to  his  Friends  in  Europe. — Telkw  Fever  in 
Pennfyhania. — Thomas  Story,  Arthur  Cooke  and 
Thomas  Fitzwater. — Proceedings  of  the  Governor 
and  Affembly  a^ainft  piracy  and  illicit  trade.—*- 
The  Proprietary9  s  concern  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Indians  and  Negroes,  with  the  meafures  ufed. — 
He  meets  Ajfemblies  both  at  Philadelphia  and  New- 
cajile,  &c.  and  prepares  a  new  charter. — Order 
of  Council^  for  a  watch  on  the  fea-coaji,  &fr. — 
Monty  requefted  of  the  Ajjembly  for  the  fortifica- 
tions on  the  frontiers  of  New  Tork. — Affembly' s 
Addrefs  to  the  Proprietary  on  this  occafion. — -Ob- 
Jervation  on  the  nature  of  this  requifition,  &c. — 
Articles  of  Agreement  between  William  Penn  and 
the  Indians  about  Sufquehanna,  &c. — Means  pro- 
vided  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians. 

1600.  -*  N  ^e  Sixth-month  of  the  year  1699,  William 
^^y^j  Penn,  with  his  wife  and  family,  took  fhipping  for 

w.  Penn  Pennfyfoania ;  and,  on  the  third  day  of  the  next 
fails  for  following  month,  from  on  board  the  fhip,  lyinsr 

Pennfylva-  _,         °,  i        Tn          r   TTT   .    7        i        ;      P 

nia.  m  Cowes    road,  near  the  Ifle  or  weight,  he  took 

his  farewell  of  his  Friends,  in  a  valedidory  epiftle, 
directed  to  all  the  people  called  Quakers,  in  Europe.* 

He 

*  This  epiftle  confifts  chiefly  of  religious  admonition,  and  may  be  feen 
in  his  printed  works: — The  following  concluding  expreflions  (hew  the  na- 
ture and  Ipirit  of  it,  viz. 

"  And  now,  to  the  whole  family  and  flock  of  God,  in  this  Euro- 
pean part  of  the  world,  of  the  fame  communion.,  according  to  the  dif- 

penfation 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  421 

He  failed  on  the  ninth  of  the  fame  month ;  and  was    1 699. 
near  three  months  out  at  fea;  fo  that  he  did  not  <^v^ 
arrive  in  Pennfylvania  until  the  beginning  of  the 
Tenth-month:  when  a  dangerous  and  contagious 
diftemper,  called  the  Tellow  Fever,  having  raged  Yellow  Fe- 
in the  province,  and  carried  off  great  numbers  w 
people,    had   ceafed.      This  remarkable  ficknefs, 
which,  in  the  latter  part  of  this  year,  had  caufed 
a  great  mortality  in  Philadelphia,  had,  for  fome 
time  before,  been  very  fatal  in  fome  parts  of  the 
Weft  India  iflands. 

Thomas  Story,  before  mentioned  to  have  accom-  Tho. story 
panied  William  Penn  to  Ireland,  in  the  lad  year, arrives    in 
1698,  a  man  of  note  and  good  abilities,  and  after-  niea"n  y  v' 
wards  of  much  utility,  in  divers  refpects,  to  the 
province,  firfl  arrived  in  Pennfyhania,  in,  or  about, 
this  fame  year,  1690,  by  way  of  Virginia,  on  a  re- 
ligious vifit  to  the  colonies,  in  the  fervice  of  preach- 
ing the  gofpel.*    In  his  Journal  of  his  Life,  fpeak- 

ing 

penfation  of  God,  be  they  high  or  low,  young  or  old,  rich  or  poor,  wife 
or  fimple,  fcrong  or  weak,  male  or  female,  bond  or  free,  I  fend  this  part- 
ing lalutation  of  my  mod  dear  Jove,  in  the  truth;  befecching  you  all  to 
have  me  and  mine  in  rememberance,  not  only,  when  upon  the  mighty 
waters,  but  when  in  the  folitary  defarts  of  America,  if  it  pleafe  the  Lord 
to  bring  us  fafe  thirher;  for  I  am  not  above  the  love  and  prayers  of  my 
tear  brethren,  knowing  I  need  them,  and  have  olten  lound,  by  good  ex- 
perience, that  they  avail  much  with  the  Lord. 

"  1  muft  leave  you,  but  I  can  never  forget  you;  for  my  love  to  you 
has  been,  as  David's  and  Jonathan's,  above  the  love  of  women;  andfuf- 
fer  me  to  fay,  that,  to  my  power,  I  have,  from  the  firft,  endeavoured  tt» 
ferve  you,  (and  my  poor  country  too,  and  that  at  my  o<wn  charge  J  with  an 
upright  mind,  however  mifunderfiood  and  treated  by  fome,  whom  f 
heartily  forgive. 

"  Accept  you  my  fer vices,  and  ever  love  and  remember,  my  dear  friends 
and  brethren,  your  old,  true  and  affectionate  friend,  brother  and  fervent, 
in  Chrift  Jefus, 

"  WIU.IAM.  PENN« 

"  Corves,  I/It  of  Weight,  weighing  anchor,') 
the  Zd.  of  tie  $ev"ntb-moatbt  1699."      J 

*  Thomas  Story  was  born  in  Cumberland,  in  the  north  of  England;  he 
had  a  good  education  and  was  brought  up  to  the  law.  After  he  came  to 
man's  eftate,  and  maturity  of  judgment,  he  joined  with  the  Quakers, 
and  became  an  eminent  preacher  in  their  fociety.  He  was  an  intimate 
Friend  of  Willia?n  Penn;  and,  foon  after  his  arrival  in  the  Province, 
was  elecled  one  of  the  council  He  was>  appointed  the  firfl  Recorder  ot" 
ihe  city  of  Philadelphia,  by  charter,  ui  1 701.  In  the  year  1706,  having 


422  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1699.  ing  of  this  ficknefs,  at  Philadelphia^  where  lie  was 
v^v^  then  prefent,  he  fays:—"  Great  was  the  Majefty 
His  account  and  Hand  of  the  Lord,  great  was  the  fear,  that 

oftheeffecl   ril  „    n    „        T   -     '    fe     ,    r 

of  thisfick-  rell  upon  all  flelh;  I  faw  no  lofty,  or  airy  counte- 
rs in  Phi-  nance,  nor  heard  any  vain  jetting,  to  move  men 

Jadelphia.  i  -      -i  •  »<•    •      •     v 

to  laughter;  nor  witty  repartee,  to  raile  mirth; 
nor  extravagant  feafting,  to  excite  the  lufts  and 
defires  of  the  flefh  above  meafure;  but  every  face 
gathered  palenefs,  and  many  hearts  were  humbled, 
and  countenances  fallen  and  funk,  as  fuch  that 
waited,  every  moment,  to  be  fummoned  to  the 
bar,  and  numbered  to  the  grave." 

The 

married  Ann,  the  daughter  of  Edward  Stiffen,  and  fettled  in  the  city, 
he  continued  to  be  of  good  and  great  fervice  to  the  counn-y.  for  a  num- 
ber of  years,  both  in  a  religious  and  civil  capacity,  difcharging  the  dif- 
ferent and  important  offices,  which  he  held,  with  great  honor,  fkill  and 
integrity,  till  about  the  year  1714;  when,  after  his  wife's  deceafe,  he 
returned,  by  way  of  Barladoes,  to  England;  where  he  continued  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  and  died  at  Carlijle,  in  the  year  1742,  aged  about 
eighty  years* 

The  following  character  of  him  was  publifhed  in  England,  about  the 
time  of  his  deceafe,  viz. 

"  London,  June  11/1.  1742. 

"  Monday  laft,  died  of  a  paralytic  diforder  Mr.  Thomas  Story,  an  emi- 
nent preacher  among  the  Quakers:  a  man  juftly  efteemecl  and  loved, 
not  only  by  that  fociety,  but  by  many  others,  not  of  the  meaneft  rank, 
who  had  the  pleafure  of  his  acquaintance.  He  was  truly  a  great  and  good 
man;  whofe  principles  led  him  to  the  performance  of  every  moral  and 
Chriflian  duty;  and  whofe  life  and  doctrine  concurred,  in  rendering  him 
a  fit  example  for  gofpel  minifters,  in  wifdom,  piety  and  humility.  He 
had,  without  any  profefled  application  to  the  Icicnces,  acquired  a  gene- 
ral knowledge  in  natural  philofophy,  and  moil  branches  of  the  mathema- 
tics; and  had  the  moft  refined  and  extenfive  ideas  in  the  metaphyfics:  but 
the  inward  and  eternal  happinefs  of  mankind  was  his  favorite  ftudy.  He 
was  a  complete  gentleman,  generous  in  his  fenthnents,  affable  in  hist  be- 
haviour, free  and  communicative  to  people  in  all  ftations  and  cirium- 
ftances.  His  time  was  chiefly  devoted  to  the  fervice  of  God,  in  dif- 
charging that  public  concern  of  preaching  the  gofpel;  which  he  efteemed 
his  indifpenfable  duty.  Of  the  good  effect  of  whoie  extraordinary  qua- 
lification and  faithful  labors  there  are  many  living  witneffes.  In  fhort, 
if  temperance,  patience,  forgiving  injuries,  humility,  faith  and  charity, 
are  characleriftics  of  a  good  man,  and  a  minifter  of  Cbrift,  he  was  one." 

On  the  fecond  day  of  the  Eighth-month,  1699,  died  Arthur  Cooke,  a 
worthy  magiflratc  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  one  of  the  people  called 
Quakers;  and  came  from  London,  among  the  firii,  or  more  early  fettlers 
of  the  province.  He  had  ferved  in  divers  of  the  moft  confiderable  pods, 
in  the  government,  with  a  good  character. 

In  the  fame  month,  died  Thomas  Fitzivatsr,  a  valuable  member  of  fo- 
ciety, and  a  preacher  among  the 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  423 

The  Proprietary  and  his  family  were  received    1699. 
with  the  univerfal  joy  of  the  inhabitants,  in  gene- 
ral;^  which  was  the  greater,    on  account  of  his    r0r 
known  intention  to  fix  his  refidence  among  them,  ceived 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  sreat  J°^ 

Soon  after  his  arrival  he  met  the  Aflembly;  but  .  The  Pro- 
it  beinsr  then  a  very  rigorous  feafon,  in  the  winter,  pretor««/* 

i    5     ,  v     i      r       r    j  u  the  Affem- 

much  puolic  bulineis  does  not  appear  to  nave  been  bly>  &c> 
tranfacled,  at  that  time,  befides  attempting  to  dif- 
courage  piracy  and  illicit  trade;  for  which  princi- 
pally, at  that  time,  the  Proprietary  feems  to  have 
convened  them.  .He  ilrongly  reprelented  the  odium, 
to  which  he  faid  this  government  was  expofed  at  piracy  and 

a 


home,  on  this  account;  and  the  obligations,  which 
he  was  under,  to  his  fuperiors,  to  correct  the 
fame  :  Hence  two  laws  were  pafled,  for  thefe  pur- 
pofes,  and  meafures  taken  to  clear  the  government 
from  all  unjuft  imputations  of  this  nature.* 

In  the  "Firft-month  of  the  year  1700,  William    ijoo. 
Penn,  at  the  monthly-meeting  of  his  Friends,  the  w.  Perm'* 
Quakers,  in  Philadelphia,  laid  before  them  his  con-  concern  for 

•  i  •   t_      t.       r  •  i      i_-  -Jill  i_  the  Indian* 

cern,  in  which,  he  laid,  his  mind  had  long  been  and^iw* 
engaged,  for  the  benefit  and  welfare  of  the  Negroes 
and  Indians  ;  exhorting  and  prefling  them  to  the 
full  difcharge  of  their  duty,  every  way,  in  refe- 
rence to  thefe  people;  but  more  efpecially  in  re- 
gard to  their  mental  part;  that  they  might  as  fre- 
quently as  poffible  have  the  advantage  of  attending 
religious  meetings,  and  the  benefit  of  being  duly 
informed  in  the  true  Chriflian  religion.  Hence  a 
meeting  was  appointed  more  particularly  for  the 
Negroes  once  every  month;  and  means  were  ufed 
to  have  more  frequent  meetings  with  the  Indians; 
Willliam  Penn  taking  part  of  the  charge  upon  him- 
felf,  particularly,  the  manner  of  it,  and  the  pro- 
curing of  interpreters. 

*  In  the  votes  of  Aflembly,  at  this  time,  there  appears  to  have  been 
one  perfon,  named  James  JSroivn,  a  member  of  the  Houfc,  and  fon-in- 
law  of  William  Markhamt  accufed,  or  fufpected  of  piracy:  —  In  confe- 
quence  of  which  he  was  expelled  the  Houfe;  —  But  I  find  no  proof  of 
what  was  alledged  agaifift  him  on  that  account. 


424  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1700.        The  next  Arfembly  was  convened  at  Philadel- 

v^v^^  phia,  on  the  loth,  day  of  the  Third-month;  which 

bt"  hekui was  diffolved  m  tne  next  month  following,  and 

fhiiadei-at  another  convened  at  Ncwcaftle,  in  October.     The 

phk,    and  upper  counties,  or  the  province,  being  difTatisfied 

Ne°icaftie.  witn  tne  charter,  which  had  been  patted  by  Mark- 

hani^  in  1696,  part  of  the  bufmefs  of  thefe  AfFem- 

blies  was  the  confederation   and  preparation  of  a 

new  one,  better  adapted  to  their  minds  and  cir- 

cimiftances. 

.  prePara-      The  Proprietary  had  divers  meetings  with  the 

tion  of  the    ..-,.  .  *,       .  ..-'          .  .  .  ,     <  . 

a«w  charter  different  Aflemblies,  during  his  reliaence  m  the 
province;  wherein  a  great  variety  of  public  bufi- 
hefs  was  tranfaclcd  with  much  harmony,  and  ge- 
neral iatisfaclion:  Part  of  which  was  the  framing 
a  body  of  laws,  with  the  aforefaid  new  and  laft 
charter  of  privileges;  the  latter  of  which  was  not 
fmifhed  till  die  month  of  October,  in  the  next  fol- 
lowing year.* 

In 

*  The  number  of  laws,  pafled  by  the  Proprietary,  during  his  {by, 
this  time,  in  the  country,  was  one  hundred;  of  which  the  major  part  were 
paffed  at  Nwo-CaJHe. 

JV.  S.  In  the  fpring  of  the  year  1701,  the  fea  coaft,  &c.  appears  to 
have  been  fo  intVited  by  pirates,  as  well  as  the  dangers  confequ-jnt  on  a 
French  war,  that  the  Governor  and  Counc-1  nTued  the  following  order, 
for  the  prevention  of  any  furprize,  &c.  in  that  rtlpedl,  w'z. 

r<  At  a  Council  held  in  Philadelphia  the  2d.  of  the  Fourth-month,  i?oi. 

"  Prefent: 
"  The  Proprietor  and  Governor. 

"  Edward  Shippen,  Griffith  Owen, 
"  Samuel  Carpenter,  Caleb  Pufey." 
"  '1  homas  Story, 

'*  FOR  the  greater  fecurity  of  this  province  and  territories,  and  for 
preventing,  as  far  as  may  be  iurprizes  by  veffels  irom  fea. 

"  Ordered,  That  the  Magifrrates,  for  the  county  of  Sujfcx,  fliafll  ap- 
point, and  take  care  that  a  conftant  watch  arid  ward  be  kept,  on  the 
hithermoit  Cape,  near  Lewis ,  in  the  faid  county:  and  in  cafe  any  vtfiel 
appear  from  the  fea,  that  may  with  good  grounds,  be  fufpecled  of  evil 
defigns  again  ft  any  part  of  the  government; 

"  Ordered,  That  the  faid  watch  fhall  forthwith  give  notice  thereof, 
with  as  exait  a  defcription  and  account  of  the  \dlcl,  as  poflibly  they 
can,  to  the  Sheriff  of  the  faid  county;  who  is  required  immediately  to 
difpatch  a  meffenger,  exprefs,  with  the  fame  to  the  county  of  Kent; 
from  thence  to  be  forwarded  from  Sheriff  to  Sheriff,  through  every 

eouifty 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  425 

In  the  beginning  of  the  Sixth-month,    1701,    1701. 
the  Proprietary  acquainted  the  AiTembly,  u  That 
the    occafion    of  his  calling  them,   at  that  time 
Chough  it  was  with   reluctance,  confidering  the 
feafon)  was,  to  lay  before  them  the  King's  letter,  /rf/^  before 
requiring  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  fterling^  ^ 
from   this  government,  towards  the  fortifications, 
intended  on  the  frontiers  of  New-Tor k ;  and  though 
he  might  have  fomething  elfe  to  lay  before  them, 
yet  he  deferred  all,  till  they  had  confidered  this 
point." — 

After  eonfidering  and  debating  on  the  fubjeft 
of  this  letter,  the  Aflembly  excufed  themfelves,  at 
prefent,  from  complying  with  the  faid  requifition, 
by  the  following  addrefs  to  the  Proprietary,  viz. 

"  To   William    Penn,   Proprietary  and  Governor 
of  Pennfylvania. 


cc 
<£ 


The  humble  addrefs  of  the  Affembly. 

May  it  pleafe  our  Proprietary  and  Governor, 
"  WE,  the  Freemen  of  the  province  and  terri-TheAflem- 
tories,  in  Affembly  met,  having  perufed  the  King's  ^hfprf 
letter,  requiring  a   contribution  of  three  hundred  vri&or   on 
and  fifty  pounds  Jlerling,  towards  erecting  of  forts,  the  occa^on' 
on  the  frontiers   of  Ncw-Tork,  &JV.   and  having 
duly  weighed  and  confidered  our  duty  and  loyalty 
to  our  ibvereign,  do  humbly  addrefs  and  reprefent, 
that,  by  the  reafon  of  the  infancy  of  this  colony, 
and  the  great  charge  and  coft,   the  inhabitants 
[54]  have 

county,  till  it  be  brought  to  the  Government,  at  PLlladclpbia  ;  which 
watch  and  exprefles  fhall  be  a  provincial  charge." 

"  Signed  b^  order, 

"  JAMES  LOGAN,  Secretary.1* 


.*-"  In  the  Firft-month  6th.  1701,  Ordered,  That  there  fliall  be 
no  flawghter-houfe  fuffered  in,  or  about,  the  town  of  Philadelphia,  but 
over  the  river  Delaware,  where  the  tide  may  carry  off  all  the  garbage, 
gore,  &c.  (the  places  to  be  appointed  by  the  Magiikrates)  under  penalty 
of  forfeiting  their  meat." 

Journals  of  the  Council  of  Pennfylvani*. 


426  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  have  hitherto  been  at,  in  the  fettlement  thereof., 
^-x-vx^/  and  becaufe  of  the  late  great  fums  of  money, 
TheAflem-  which  have  been  afieffed  on  the  province  and  terri- 
idrt*r*  tories,  by  way  of  impoft  and  taxes,  befides  the 
arrears  of  quit-rents,  owing  by  the  people,  our 
prefent  capacity  will  hardly  admit  of  levying  of 
money,  at  this  time.  And  further,  taking  into 
confideration,  that  the  adjacent  provinces  have 
hitherto  (as  far  as  we  can  understand)  done  nothing 
in  this  matter;  we  are,  therefore,  humbly  of  opi- 
nion, and  accordingly  move,  that  the  further  con- 
fideration  of  the  King's  letter  may  be  referred  to 
another  meeting  of  Afiembly,  or  until  more  emer- 
gent occafions  mall  require  our  further  proceedings 
therein:  In  the  meantime  we  earneitly  defire  the 
Proprietary  would  candidly  reprefent  our  condi- 
tions to  the  King,  and  aflure  him  of  our  readinefs 
(according  to  our  abilities)  to  acquiefce  with,  and 
aniwer,  his  commands,  fo  far  as  our  religious  per- 
fwafions  fhall  permit,  as  becomes  loyal  and  faithful 
fubje&s  fo  to  do." 

Though  the  AiTembly,  in  this  cafe,   appeared 
not  unwilling  to  contribute  to  the  common  defence., 
if  the  circumftances  of  the  colony  would  have  per- 
mitted; and   the  Proprietary  himfelf  particularly 
further  urged  a  compliance,  in  this^  matter,  in  his 
fpeech  to  the  next  following  Afiembly;  yet  the  na- 
ture of  this  letter  and  requifition,  to  fuch  a  young 
and  infant  colony,  confidering  the  principles,  upon 
which  it  was  primarily  planted  and  founded,  feems 
Pennfyl-  to  indicate,  that  it  was  not  without  enemies,  at 
without*10'  Court:    for   the   pacific   principles  and  motives, 
enemies -at  or  views,  of  William  Peuu^  and  of  the  firlt  and 
Court*       early  adventurers,  .in  general,  under  him,  in  their 
fettling  this  wildernefs,  'tis  prefumed,  could  not 
poflibly  be  lefs  known,  at  this  time,  to  the  admi- 
niftration  at  home,  than  they  were  before,  to  the 
perfons  in  power,    when  the  royal   charter  was 
granted  by  King  Charles  the  fecond;  from  which 
knowledge  of  them  it  was  irnpoflible  that  any  thing 

immediately^ 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  427 

immediately,  or  directly,  of  a  military  nature  could    1701. 
reafonably  be  expected  in  the  fettlement: — which  ^^v^ 
charter  exprefsly  mentions,  the  motives  for  the  faid 
grant  were, — "  A  commendable  defire  of  William     Motives 
Penn  to  enlarge  our  Engli/h  empire,  and  promote  £r?J}f™* 
fuch  ufeful  commodities  as  may  be  of  benefit  to  us,  Of  Penofyl- 
and  our  dominions,  and  alfo  to  reduce  the  favage  vama- 
natives,  by  gentle  and  juft  manners,  to  the  love  of 
civil  fociety,  and  Chriftian  religion;" — befides  a 
debt,  due  from  the  government  to  his  father,  ad- 
miral Penn. 

Such  motives  as  thefe,  and  not  thofe  of  a. mill-  Pennfyi- 
tary  nature,  were  mofl  certainly  the  chief  induce-  vama  xya* 

J  J  not  uric  let- 

ment  for  the  fettlement  of  Pennfyfoania,  not  only  tied    from 
in  the  fettlers  themfelves,  together  with  the  peace-  vie;ws  of  a 

,  i  .  r      ,      .  i"    .  i        •     »i    I*T  military  na- 

able  enjoyment  or  their  religion,  and  civil  liber-  ture,butthe 
ties,  but  alfo  in  thofe,  who  made  the  grant; — if  contrary, 
they  properly  knew  to  whom,  and  on  what  prin- 
ciples they  made  it ;  which  it  would  be  very  abfurd 
to  deny : — As  for  the  experiment,  or  confequence, 
of  the  operation  of  thefe  principles,  or  motives, 
in  the  province,  it  will,  in  part,  hereafter  appear 
in  this  hiftory. 

The  cultivation  of  peace  and  civilization,  and 
of  the  articles  of  trade  and  commerce,  in  which 
the  Quakers  were  known  to  excel,  muft  be  ac-     wamot 
knowledged  to  be  no  lefs  important  and  neceflary,  better  than 
to  render  a  (late  happy  and  profperous,  than  wea-  peace'  &c" 
pons  of  war,  and  fighting  of  battles;  and  thefe 
people  were  then,  and  have  fince  been  (till  more 
known,  from  experience,  to  praclife,  as  well  as 
profefs,  thofe  ways  and  means,  which  excel  the 
latter,  fo  far  as  the  prevention  of  an  evil  does  the 
cure  of  it. 

Moreover,  fince  it  is  improbable,  that  people  of  Modve« 
this  kind  will  ever  be  very  numerous,  if  we  judge  and  means 
of  the  future  by  what  is  paft;  but  that  war  and  its  thereto  Te 
confequences,  will  be  more  likely  to  prevail  among  encouraged 
the  generality  of  mankind,  fo  long  as  the  caufe 

of 


428  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1701.  of  it  exifts  in  the  human  race;  fo  fhe  rarity  of  ftich 
v^v^w  people,  their  innocence,  and  known  great  utility, 
in  other  refpecls,  feem,  according  to  reafon,  to 
render  them  rather  objects  of  encouragement,  in 
their  own  way,  than  of  oppreffion,  even,  from 
the  military  department  itfelf,  but  more  efpecially 
fo,  where  peace  is  preferred  to  war:  —  But,  if  it 
fliould  be,  otherwife,  and  they  mould  fo  increafe, 
as  much  to  prevail  among  mankind,  then  the  oc- 
cafion  for  war  would  confequently  fo  much  de- 
creafe,  or  be  taken  away  ;  which  would  be  a  hap- 
py change  indeed. 

In  the  Second-month,  1701,  Connoodaghtoh,  king 
^  t^ie  SuJ\uahanna,  Minquays  or  Cone/logo  Indians; 
the  Indians  Wopaththa,  (alias  Oftffkb)  king  of  the  Shawanefe  ; 
Weewhinjoitgh,  chief  of  the  Ganawefe,  inhabiting 
of  the  head  of  Potomack;  alfo  Ahookajjongh,  bro- 
ther to  the  emperor,  (or  great  king  of  the  Onon- 
dagoes)  of  the  Five  Nations,  having  arrived  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, with  other  Indians  of  note,  &c.  in  num- 
ber about  forty,  after  a  treaty,  and  feveral  fpeeches 
between  them  and  William  Penn,  in  Council,  the 
foil'  -wing  articles  of  agreement  were  folemnly  made, 
concluded,  and  the  inltrument  for  the  fame,  duly 
executed  by  both  parties,  viz. 

Articles  "  ARTICLES  OF  AGREEMENT,  indented,  made, 
of  Agre^  concluded  and  agreed  upon,  at  Philadelphia,  the 
23d.  day  of  the  Second-month,  called  April,  1701, 
between  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor 
of  the  Province  of  Penjilvania,  and  territories 
thereunto  belonging,  on  the  one  part,  and  Con- 
noodaghtoh,  king  of  the  Indians,  inhabiting  upon 
and  about,  the  river  Sufqitahanna,  in  the  faid  pro- 
vince, and  Widaagh  (alias  Orettyagh  ;)  Koqueaflj  and 
Andaggy,  Junckqtwgh,  chiefs  of  the  faid  nations  of 
Indians;  and  Wopaththa,  king,  and  Lemojtimgh  and 
Pemoyajoaagh,  chiefs  of  the  nations  of  the  Sha<wanna 
Indians  ;  and  Ahookaffbngh,  brother  to  the  emperor, 

for, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  429 

for,  and  in  behalf  of  the  emperor;  and  Wevwhin-    1701. 
ougbi  Chequittayb)  Takyeruufan  &  Woapra/koa,  chiefs  ^S~Y+*J 
of  the  nations  of  the  Indians,  inhabiting  in  and  about 
the  northern  part  of  the  river  Potomack,  in  the  faid 
province,  for,  and  in  behalf  of  themfeives  and  fiic- 
cefiors,  and  their  feveral  nations  and  people,  on  the 
other  part,  as  followeth: 

"  That,  as  hitherto  there  hath  always  been  a  Their 
good  underftanding  and  neighbourhood  between  frtegd*g5 
the  faid  William  Penn,  and  his  Lieutenants,  fince 
his  firft  arrival  in  the  faid  province,  and  the  feveral 
nations  of  Indians ,  inhabiting  in  and  about  the  fame, 
fo  there  fhall  be,  for  ever  hereafter,  a  firm  and  lad- 
ing peace  continued  between  William  Penn,  his  heirs 
and  fuccefibrs,  and  all  the  Englifh,  and  other  Chrif- 
tian  inhabitants  of  the  faid  province,  and  the  faid 
kings  and  chiefs,  and  their  fucceflbrs,  and  all  the 
feveral  people  of  the  nations  of  Indians  aforefaid; 
and  that  they  fhall,  for  ever  hereafter,  be  as  one 
head,  and  one  heart,  and  live  in  true  frieridlhip 
and  amity,  as  one  people. 

"  Item,  That  the  faid  kings  and  chiefs  (each  for 
himfelf,  and  his  people,  engaging)  mail,  at  no  time,  jnjure  one 
hurt,, injure,  or  defraud,  or  fuffer  to  be  hurt,  injur-  another, 
ed,  or  defrauded,  by  any  of  their  Indians,  any  inha- 
bitant, or  inhabitants  of  the  faid  province,  either 
their  perfons  or  eftates;  And  that  the  faid  William 
Penn,  his  heirs  and  fucceifors,  fhall  not  fuffcr  to  be 
done,  or  committed,  by  any  of  the  fubjecls  of  En- 
gland, within  the  faid  province,  any  act  of  hofiility, 
or  violence,  wrong  or  injury  to,  or  againfl  any  of 
the  faid  Indians;  but  fhall,  on  both  fides,  at  all  times, 
readily  do  juftice,  and  perform  ail  a£?s  and  offices 
of  friendfhip  and  good-will,  to  oblige  each  other  to 
a  lolling  peace,  as  aforefaid. 

"  Item,  That  all  and  every  of  the  faid  kings  and  Toj5efub. 
chiefs,  and  all  and  every  particular  of  the  nations  jecT;  to  the 
under  them,  mail,  at  all  times,  behave  themfeives  k^s,°fw^e 
regularly  and  foberly,  according  to  the  laws  of  & 

this 


430  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  this  government,  while  they  live  near,  or  among 
v^^v^w/  the  Ghrijlian  inhabitants  thereof,  and  that  the  laid 
Indians  fhall  have  the  full  and  free  privileges  and 
immunities  of  all  the  faid  laws,  as  any  other  in- 
habitant; they  duly  owning  and  acknowledging 
the  authority  of  the  crown  of  England,  and  go- 
vernment of  this  province. 

Not  to  aid      "  Item,  That  none  of  the  faid  Indians  fhall,  at 
er  ahet  the  any  time,  be  aiding,  afliftino;,  or  abetting  any  other 

enemies    of        '.  7  .       ,  T°'  °       i  inn 

the  govern- nation,  whether  Indians,  or  others,  that  mall  not, 
ment.        at  fucu  time,  be  in  amity  with  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land, and  with  this  government. 
TO  give      «  jtem    That,  if,  at  any  time,  any  of  the  faid 

due    notice  T     ,.  r          «i         •      i     i  '  r  j 

of  ill  -&?- Indians,  by  means  or  evil  minded  perlons,  and 
fowers  of  {edition,  mould  hear  any  unkind  or  dif- 
advantageous  reports  of  the  Englt/h,  as  if  they  had 
evil  defigns  againfl  any  of  the  faid  Indians,  in  fuch 
cafe,  fuch  Indians  fhall  fend  notice  thereof,  to  the 
faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs,  or  fucceiTors,  or  their 
lieutenants,  and  fhall  not  give  credence  to  the  faid 
reports,  till  by  that  means  they  mall  be  fully  fatif- 
fied  concerning  the  truth  thereof  $  and  that  the  faid 
William  Perm,  his  heirs  and  fuccefibrs,  or  their 
lieutenants,  mall,  at  all  times,  in  fuch  cafe,  do  the 
like  by  them.  » 

Not  to  ad-      "  Item,  That  the  faid  kings  and  chiefs,  and  their 
hKiialrto^cceffors,  fhall  not  fuffer  any  ftrange  nations  of 
kttle  in  the  Indians  to  fettle,  or  plant,  on  the  further  fide  of 
province,    ^tffquahanna,  or  about  Potomack  river,  but  fuch  as 
are  there  already  feated,  nor  bring  any  other  Indi- 
ans into  any  part  of  this  province,  without  the  fpe- 
cial  approbation  and  permiffion  of  the  faid  William 
Penn,  his  heirs  and  fuccefibrs. 

Regulation      «  Item,  That,  for  the  prevention  of  abufes,  that 
." are  to°  frequently  put  upon  the  faid  Indians,  in 
trade,  the  faid  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  fuc- 
ceifors,  fhall  not  fuffer,  or  permit,  any  perfon  to 
trade,  or  converfe,  with  any  of  the  faid  Indians, 

but 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  431 

but  fuch  as  fhall  be  firft  allowed  and  approved,    1701. 
by  an  inflrument,  under  the  hand  and  feal  of  him,  v^vxJ 
the  faid  Williarti  Penn,  or  his  heirs,  or  fucceffors, 
or  their  Lieutenants;    and  that  the  faid  Indians 
iliall  fuffer  no  perfon  whatfoever  to  buy  or  fell,  or 
have  commerce  with  any  of  them,  the  faid  Indians, 
but  fuch  as  fhall  firft  be  approved,  as  aforefaid. 

"  Item,  That  the  faid  Indians  fhall  not  fell,  or 
difpofe  of,  any  of  their  Ikins,  peltry,  or  furs,  or 
any  other  effects  of  their  hunting,  to  any  perfon, 
or  perfons  whatfoever,  out  of  .the  faid  province, 
nor  to  any  other  perfon,  but  fuch  as  fhall  be  au- 
thorifed,  to  trade  with  them,  as  aforefaid:  And, 
that,  for  their  encouragement,  the  faid  William 
Penn,  his  heirs  and  fucceffors,  fhall  take  care  to 
have  them,  the  faid  Indians,  duly  furnifhed  with 
all  forts  of  necelfary  goods,  for  their  ufe,  at  rea- 
ibnable  rates. 

"  Item,  That  the   Potomack  Indians ,    aforefaid,  ofthePo- 
with  their  colony,  fhall  have  free  leave  of  the  faid  tomack  in- 
William  Penn,  to  fettle  upon  any  part  of  Potomack  l 
river,  within  the  bounds  of  this  province:  They 
ftriftly  obferving  and  praftifmg  all,  and  fmgular, 
the  articles  aforefaid,  to  them  relating. 

"  Item,  The  Indians  of  Gone/logo, ,  upon,  and  confirm*. 
about,  the  river,  Sufquahanna,  and  more  efpeci-  tion  of  for- 
ally,  the  faid  Connoodaghtoh,  their  king,  doth  fully 
agre'e  to,  and  by  theie  prefents,  abfolutely  ratify 
the  bargain  and  fale  of  lands,  lying  near  and 
about  the  faid  river,  formerly  made  to  the  faid 
William  Perm,  his  heirs  and  fucceffors ;  and  fince, 
by  Orettyagh  and  Andaggj,  Junckquagh,  parties  to 
thefe  prefents,  confirmed  to  the  faid  William  Penn, 
his  heirs  and  fucceffors,  by  a  deed.,  bearing  date, 
the  1 3th.  day  of  September  lail,  under  their  hands 
and  feals,  duly  executed.  And  the  faid  Connoo- 
daghtoh  doth,  for  himfelf  and  his  nation,  covenant 
and  agree,  that  he  will  at  all  times,  be  ready  fur- 
ther 


432  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  the*  to  confirm,  and  make  good  the  faid  fele,  ac- 
V^V-NO'  cording  to-  the  tenor  of  the  fame;  and  that  the 
faid  Indians  of  Sufqitahanna  fhall  anfwer  the  faid 
William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  fucceffors.  for  the 
good  behaviour  and  conduct  of  the  faid  Potomack 
Indians;  and  for  their  performing  the  feveral  arti- 
cles herein  expreifed. 

w.  Penn  "  ftem^  Xhe  faid  William  Penn  doth  hereby  pro- 
ife,  for  himfelf,  his  heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  that 
perpetual  he  and  they  will,  at  all  times,  fliew  themfelves 
true  fronds  and  brothers  to  all,  and  every  of  the 
faid  Indians,  by  affifting  them  with  the  bed  of 
their  advices,  directions  and  counfels,  and  will, 
in  all  things,  juft  and  reafonable,  befriend  trurp; 
they  behaving  themfelves,  as  aforefaid,  and  i!ib- 
mitting  to  the  laws  of  this  province,  in  all  chin  ;s, 
as  the  Eng/ifl},  and  other  Chriftiam  therein,  do; — 
To  which  they,  the  faid  Indians,  hereby  agree  and 
oblige  themfelves,  and  their  poflerity  for  ever. 

ThefeAr-  "  In  ivitncfs  whereof,  the  faid  parties  have,  as  a 
!ob"broken  c°nfirmati°n?  made  mutual  prefents  to  each  other; 
the  Indians,  in  five  parcels  of  fkins,  and  the  faid 
William  Penn,  in  feveral  Englifh  goods  and  mer- 
chandizes, as  a  binding  pledge  of  the  premifes, 
never  to  be  broken  or  violated;, — And,  as  a  fur- 
ther teftimony  thereof,  have  alfo  to  thefe  preients 
fet  their  hands  and  feals,  the  day  and  year  above 


written." 


Abufesin      After  this,  in  the  Third-month,  the  Proprietary 

the  Indian  having  rcprcfcnted  to  the  Council,  the  great  abufes, 

committed  in  the  Indian  trade,  with  the  dangers 

and  difad vantages,  which  might  arife  from  thence 

to  the  province,  and  having  propofed,  that  proper 

meafures  mould  be  concerted,  for  the  regulation 

thereof,  and  for  redrefling  certain  grievances,  re- 

Refoiution  fpefting  the  fame,  it  was  Refolded,  as  ablblutely 

[jjemcorre61  neceffary,  that  fome  effectual   method  mould  be 

agreed  on  and  ufed  for  carrying  on  the  trade  by  a 

certain 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


433 


certain  number,  or  company,  of  perfons,  with  a  1701 
joint  flock,  under  certain  regulations  and  reftric- 
tions,  more  particularly  in  regard  to  fpirituous  li- 
quors fold  them;  which  company  mould  ufe  all 
reafonable  means  and  endeavours  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  a  true  fenfe  of  a  proper  value  and 
efteem  of  the  Chrlftian  religion^  by  fetting  before 
them  good  examples  of  probity  and  candour,  both 
in  commerce  and  behaviour;  and  that  care  mould 
be  taken  to  have  them  duly  inftru&ed  in  the  fun- 
damentals  of  Chriftianity : — This  appears  after* 
wards  to  have  been,  in  a  good  degree,  put  in 
execution,  fo  far  as  was  judged  recmifite,  or  found 
practicable. 


[55] 


CHAPTER 


434  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

CHAPTER     XV. 

The  Proprietary**  admini/iration,  though  attended 
with  difficulties,  was  diftinguifhed  with  great  pa- 
ternal care,  and  happy  confequences. — Reafons  for 
his  return  to  England. — Names  of  the  members  of 
Affe?nbly,  in  1701 . — The  Proprietary* sfpeech  to  the 
Ajfembly,  with  their  anfwer. — Further  proceedings 
between  them. — The  Proprietary  takes  leave  cf 
the  Indians,  and  gives  them  good  advice. — Difa- 
greement  between  the  province  and  territories  re- 
<vives  again. — The  Proprietary  endeavours  to  recon- 
cile them. — His  letter  to  the  Affembly,  urging  their 
agreement,  &c. — The  loft  charter  of  Pennfyl- 
tvania,  &c. — Charter  of  the  Council,  SsV. — The 
Proprietary  alfo  grants  a  charter  to  the  city  of 
Philadelphia. — Its  purport. — Andrew  Hamilton 
of  New-jferjey  being  conftituted  Deputy  Governor, 
and  y antes  Logan  Secretary  of  the  province. — The 
Proprietary  fails  for  England. 

1701.     IT  was  thought,  from  fome  circumftances,  that 
\^^r^j  the  Proprietary's  real  intention,  at  this  time,  was 
The  Pro-  to  fpend  the  remainder  of  his  life,  in  his  province, 
SppSion  as  himfelf  declared,  and  that  without  being  obliged 
& 'diligence  to  crofs  the  ocean  any  more;  he  accordingly  ap- 
plied himfelf  with  much  diligence  and  affiduity  to 
the  offices  of  government,  and  the  eitablifhment 
of  wholeibme  regulations  and  ufages ;  in  which  the 
inevitable  difficulties,  arifing  from  the  various  difpo- 
all10*  ^ons»  an<^  °PP°^te  intereits  and  claims  of  fuch  a 
mixture  of  different  kinds  of  people  and  humours, 

as 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA*  435 

ss  the  colony  confuted  of,  and  in  fo  much  liberty  as  1701. 
they  enjoyed,  afforded  him  much  trial  of  Ikill  and  v-^v-x^ 
patience:  yet  his  adminiftration  was  diftinguifhed  by 
great  paternal  care  and  influence,  as  well  as  pro- 
vident circumfpedion;  and  both  the  province  and 
territories,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties,  hard- 
fhips,  and  inevitable  difappointments,  which,  more 
or  lefs,  always  attend  the  fettlement  and  well  or- 
dering of  any  new  country,  appear  to  have  fo 
much  tried  the  patience  of  fome  of  the  people,  as 
to  occafion  him  more  trouble,  in  fome  refpe&s, 
than  otherwife  probably  would  have  been  neceffary, 
were,  in  reality,  when  compared  with  other  places 
of  fimilar  age  and  circumftances,  in  an  eafy,  flou- 
rifhing  and  happy  condition. 

But,  during  this  time  of  his  abfence  from  En-  .  Tranfec? 
gland,  it  appears  that  meafures  were  in  agitation  g,°"sdm  ^ 
there,  for  reducing  both  his,  and  the  other  pro- home    the 
prietary  governments,  in  America^  into  regal  ones,  pr°Pnetary 
under  pretence  of  advancing  the  prerogative  of 
the  crown,  and  the  national  advantage;*  and  a 
bill,  for  that  purpofe,  was  actually  brought  into 
the  Houfe  of  Lords:  Upon  which,  fuch  of  the 
owners  of  land  in  Pennfylvania,  as  were  then  in 

England, 

*  Attempts  of  this  nature  were  likewife  afterwards  made,  as  appear* 
in  Andtrfons  hiftory  of  trade  and  commerce,  vol  2d,  under  the  year  1715; 
•wherein  are  the  following  obfervations  on  this  head,  viz. 

— "  Upon  a  petition  of  the  agent  for  the  planters  and  merchants  of 
Carolina,  and  of  the  other  miferable  inhabitants  oi  that  colony,  oppreff- 
ed  by  the  Lords  Proprietaries,  and  their  defence  againft  the  Indians  ne- 
gle<5ted,  &c.  the  Houfe  of  Commons  addreffed  the  King,  to  fend  thtm 
relief,  and  in  the  faid  year,  (1715)  a  bill  was  brought  into  the  Britijb 
Houfe  of  Commons,  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  charter  and  proprietary  go~ 
•vernments,  in  America^  and  of  his  Majejly^s  plantations  there.  The  prin- 
cipal fcope  of  which  was,  for  the  reducing  all  the  faid  proprietary  charter 
governments  into  regal  ones.  Ever  fince  the  proprietary  colonies  began 
to  be  very  confiderable,  /*.  e.  fince  the  death  of  King  Charles  the  fecond, 
and  more  efpecially  fince  the  revolution,  anno  1688,  both  King  William 
and  Queen  Ann's  councils  and  miniftries  forefaw  the  great  confequence, 
it  would  be  of  to  the  Crown  and  Kingdom,  to  buy  off  the  Lords  Pro- 
prietaries of  colonies,  before  they  fhould  grow  too  powerful;  and  fre- 
quent treaties  were  held  with  them  by  the  Minifters  of  the  Crown,  for 
that  end ;  particularly  with  the  truly  great  Mr,  William  Penn,  for  the 
purchafe  of  Pennfyfoania"— 


436  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  England,  immediately  reprefented  the  hardfhip  of 
their  cafe  to  the  Parliament*  foliciting  time  for 
William  Penn's  return,  to  anfwer  for  hirnfelf ;  and 
accordingly  they  difpatched  to  him  an  account  of 
the  ftate  of  the  affair,  and  prefied  his  return,  as 
foon  as  poflible;  with  which  he  found  it  indifpen- 
fably  neceflary  to  comply.  This  firft  occafioned 

He  fum-  his  fummoning  of  that  Affembly,  which  agreed 
to  tne  charter  of  privileges  before  mentioned;  to 
whom,  on  the  i6th.  of  September,  1701,  he 
made  the  following  fpeech,*  viz. 

"  Friends , 

The  Pro-      "  YOU  cannot  be  more  concerned,  than  I  am, 
prieury's    at  the  frequency  of  your  iervice,  in  Aflembly, 

fpeech       to-  T  r       /»i  i         r     i  11  11 

the  Aflem  "nee  I  am  very  lenfible  or  the  trouble  and  charge, 
Wy*  it  contracts  upon  the  country:  But  the  motives 

being  confidered,  and  that  you  mufl  have  met,  of 
'  courfe,  in  the  next  month,  I  hope  you  will  not 

think  it  an  hardfhip  now. 

"  The  reafon,  that  haftens  your  fefftons,  is  the 
neceflity,  I  am  under,  through  the  endeavours  of 
the  enemies  of  the  profperity  of  this  country,  to 
go  for  England,  where,  taking  advantage  of  my 
abfence,  fome  have  attempted,  by  falfe,  or  un- 
reafonable  charges,  to  undermine  our  government, 
and  thereby  the  true  value  of  our  labours  and  pro* 
fperity.  Government  having  been  our  firfl  en- 
couragement, I  confefs,  I  cannot  think  of  fuch  a 

voyage 

*  The  Names  of  the  Members  of  this  Affembly,  for  the  refpcctive 
counties,  chofcii  according  to  the  Governor's  writs,  were: — 


for  Philadelphia. 
Anthony  Morris, 
Samuel  R  chardfon, 
Nicholas  Walne, 
Ifaac  Norris. 

For  Neiv  Cajlle. 
Jafper  Ycutes, 
John  Donnaldfon, 
Richard  Hallowell, 
Adam  Peterfon. 

For  Bucks. 
Jofeph  Growdon,  Speaker^ 
John  Swift, 
Jofliua  Hoopes, 
William  Paxton. 

For  Kent. 
William  Rodney, 
John  Brinkloe, 
William  Morton, 
John  Walker. 

For  Cbejler. 
John  Blunilou, 
Robert  Pile, 
Nathaniel  Newlin, 
Andrew  Job. 

For  Su/ex. 
William  Clarke, 
Luke  Watfon,  junior, 
Samuel  Prefton, 
Jofeph  Booth. 

HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  437 

voyage  without  great  relu&ancy  of  mind,  having    1701. 
promifed  myfelf  the  quietnefs  of  a  wildernefs,  and  ^s^/^s 
that  I  might  flay  fo  long,  at  leaft,  with  you,  as  to    The  Pr°- 

,  u    J  j  r  f  T-  prietary's 

render  every  body  entirely  eaiy  and  fare.  For  my  fpeech  to 
heart  is  among  you,  as  well  as  my  body,  whatever  thc 
fome  people  may  pleafe  to  think:  and  no  unkind-  bly* 
nefs,  or  difappointment  fliall  (with  fub million  to 
God's  Providence  j  ever  be  able  to  alter  my  love  to 
the  country,  and  refolution  to  return,  and  fettle 
my  family  and  pofterity  in  it:  But  having  reafon. 
to  believe,  I  can,  at  this  time,  bed  ferve  you  and 
myfelf,  on  that  fide  of  the  water,  neither  the  rude- 
nefs  of  the  feafon,  nor  tender  circumftances  of  my 
family  can  over-rule  my  inclinations  to  undertake  it. 
"  Think,  therefore,  (fmce  all  men  are  mortal) 
of  fome  fuitable  expedient  and  provifion,  for  your 
fafety,  as  well  in  your  privileges,  as  property,  and 
you  will  find  me  ready  to  comply  with  whatfoever 
may  render  us  happy,  by  a  nearer  union  of  our 
interefts. 

"  Review  again  your  laws;  propofe  new  ones, 
that  may  better  your  circumftances ;  and  what  you 
do,  do  it  quickly,  remembering  that  the  Parlia- 
ment fits  the  end  of  next  month;  and  that  the 
fooner  I  am  there,  the  fafer,  I  hope,  we  (hall  be 
here. 

"  I  muft  recommend  to  your  ferious  thoughts 
and  care  the  King's  letter  to  me,  for  the  afTiflance 
oi  New~Tork9  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  vide 
farting,  as  a  frontier  government;  and  therefore  4^» 
expoied  to  a  much  greater  expence,  in  proportion 
to  other  colonies ;  which  I  called  the  laft  Affembly 
to  take  into  their  confideration,   and  they  were 
pleafed,  for  the  reafons  then  given,  to  refer  to  this. 

"  I  am  alfo  to  tell  you  the  good  news  of  the 
Governor  of  New-Tork's  happy  iffue  of  his  con- 
ferences with  the  five  nations  of  Indians;  that  he 
hath  not  only  made  peace  with  them,  for  the  King's 

fubjects 


438  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  fubjefts  of  that  colony;  but  (as  I  had  by  fome 
v^v^~/  letters  before  defired  him)  for  thofe  of  all  other 

The  Pro-  governments,  under  the  crown  of  England,  on 
ipeech  to  tne  continent  of  America,  as  alfo  the  nations  of 
the  Affcm-  Indians,  within  thefe  refpe&ive  colonies;  which 
certainly  merits  our  acknowledgments. 

"  I  have  done,  when  I  have  told  you,  that 
unanimity  and  difpatch  are  the  life  of  bufmefs,  and 
that  I  defire  and  expecl  from  you,  for  your  own 
fakes;  fmce  it  may  fo  much  contribute  to  the  dif- 
appointment  of  thofe,  that  too  long  have  fought 
the  ruin  of  our  young  country." 

To  this  fpeech  the  AfTembly  replied  in  the  fol- 
lowing addrefs. 

"  May  it  pleafe  the  Proprietary  and  Governor, 
The  Af-  «  WE  have,  this  day,  in  our  AfTembly,  read 
"thy  fpeech,  delivered  yefterday,  in  Council;  and, 
having  duly  confidered  the  fame,  cannot  but  be 
under  a  deep  fenfe  of  forrow,  for  thy  purpofe  of 
fo  fpeedily  leaving  us,  and  at  the  fame  time,  tak- 
ing notice  of  thy  paternal  regard  to  us,  and  our 
pofterity,  the  Freeholders  of  this  province  and 
territories  annexed,  in  thy  loving  and  kind  ex- 
prefiions  of  being  ready  to  comply  with  whatfoever 
expedient  and  provifions  mall  offer,  for  our  fafety, 
as  well  in  privileges  as  property,  and  what  elfe 
may  render  us  happy,  in  a  nearer  union  of  inte- 
refts;  not  doubting  the  performance  of  what  thou 
haft  been  fo  lovingly  pleafed  to  promife,  we  do, 
in  much  humility,  and,  as  a  token  of  our  grati- 
tude, return  unto  thee,  the  unfeigned  thanks  of 
this  houfe. 

"  Subfcribed  by  order  of  the  houfe, 

"  JOSEPH  GROWDON,  Speaker.9' 

After  this  the  Affembly  prefented  to  him  ano- 
ther addrefs,  confifting  of  twenty-one  articles.  It 
refpefted  his  fuccefibr,  'in  the  government,  and 

the 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  439 

the  confirmation  of  certain  privileges,  therein  fpe-  1701. 
cified.  To  every  one  of  which  he  made  a  fpecial  v^w^ 
anfwer.  The  firft  of  thefe  articles,  fo  far  as  re- 
garded a  proper  perfon  to  fucceed  him,  as  Deputy, 
being  particularly  infilled  on,  he  condefended  fo 
much  as  to  make  them  an  offer,  to  nominate  a 
fubftitute  themfelves!  From  which,  acknowledg- 
ing the  favor  offered  them,  they  modeftly  excufed 
themfelves;  declaring  they  did  hot  think  them- 
felves qualified  for  the  choice,  and  defired  to  leave 
it  to  the  Governor's  pleafure.  The  reft  of  the 
petition  of  this  addrefs  (which,  with  the  Gover- 
nor's anfwer,  may  be  feen  in  the  appendix  No.  5) 
fo  far  as  the  Proprietary  thought  proper  to  com- 
ply  with  it,  was  either  afterwards  granted,  in  the 
two  charters  of  the  province  and  city,  then  in 
agitation,  or  otherwife  mutually  agreed,  to  gene- 
ral fatisfaclion ;  though  in  fome  parts  of  it,  the 
Aifembly  had  meddled  with  his  property,  in  fuch 
a  particular  manner,  as,  he  declares,  was  not  pro- 
perly cognizable  by  them,  in  that  capacity.* 

The  Sachems  of  the  Sufquahanna  and  Shawanna     The  in- 
Indians,  and  others  of  that  people,  being  come  to  f^eie^e 
Philadelphia,  to  take  leave  of  the  Proprietary,  on  of  the  Pro- 
trie  Prietor* 

*  "  At  a  Council  held  in  Philadelphia,  the  a6th  of  the  Seventh-montfc, 
1701. 

"  Prefent : 
"  The  Proprietary  and  Governor. 

"  Samuel  Carpenter,  Jonn  Gueft, 

"  Thomas  Story,  Caleb  Pufey. 

"  THE  Governor  having  defired  a  conference  with  the  AffenihJy,  fiiej 
attended,  requeuing  to  know  his  pleafure. 

"  The  Governor  fignified  to  them,  that,  in  his  fpeech,  he  had  recom* 
mended  to  them,  to  conlider  their  privileges  as  well  as  property,  in  which 
he  had  juftly  given  privileges  the  precedency  to  property,  as  the  bulwark, 
to  fecure  the  other;  out  they,  in  their  addrefs  (which  he  had  confidered) 
infilled  not  only  on  property  alone,  but  upon  fuch  particulars  as  could, 
by  no  means,  be  cognizable  by  an  Aflembly;  and  lay  only  between  him 
and  the  particulars  concerned:  In  which  he  had  done,  and  always  would 
do.  to  the  utmoft,  what  becomes  an  honeft  man,  to  all  thofe  he  agreed 
•with; — but  he  would  never  fuffer  an  Aflembly  to  intermeddle  with  his 
.  property,  left  it  fhould  be  drawn  into  a  precedent,  if  it  fhould  pleafe  God 
a  Governor  fljould  prcfide  here,  Uiftintf.  froai  the  Proprietary,"  &c. 

Jbfinutes  cf  Council* 


440  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701  •  the  yth.  of  the  Eighth-  month,  he  fpoke  to  them  in 
v^w^/  Council,*  and  told  them,  "  That  the  Aflembly 
His  fpccch  was  then  enacline  a  law,  according  to  their  defire, 

tO  them.  i       •         i  i         r     i      i  r    11  •  r 

to  prevent  their  being  abufed  by  felling  of  rum 
among  them;  that  he  requeued  them  to  unite  all 
their  endeavours,  and  their  utmoit  exertion,  in 
conjunction  with  thofe  of  the  government,  to  put 
the  laid  law  in  execution. 

At  the  fame  time  he  likewife  informed  them, 
Extraft  "  That  now,  this  was  like  to  be  his  laft  interview 
Minutes'of  ^k  t^lenl5  at  ^^  before  his  return;  —  That  he 
°  had  always  loved  and  been  kind  to  them;  and  ever 
mould  continue  fo  to  be,  not  through  any  politic 
defign,  or,  on  account  of  felf  interefl,  but  from 
a  moil  real  affection:"  —  "  And  he  defired  them, 
in  his  abfence,  to  cultivate  friendmip  with  thofe, 
whom  he  fhould  leave  behind  in  authority;  as  they 
would  always,  in  fome  degree,  continue  to  be  fo  to 
them,  as  himfelf  had  ever  been;  —  Laftly,  That 
he  had  charged  the  members  of  Council,  and  then 
alfo  renewed  the  fame  charge,  that  they  fliould,  in 
all  refpe&s,  be  kind  to  them,  and  entertain  them 
.with  all  courtefy  and  demonstrations  of  good-will, 
,as  himfelf  had  ever  done:  which  the  faid  members 
promifed  faithfully  to  obferve;  —  then,  after  mak- 
ing them  fome  prefents,  they  withdrew." 


gut  durmg  thefe  tranfa&ions,   and  while  the 
tween   the  charter  of  privileges  was  under  confideration  and 
province  &  preparing,  the  difagreement,  which  had  before  ap- 
s*  peared,  between  the  members  of  Alfembly  for  the 
the  province  and  thofe  for  the  territories,  began 
again  to  exhibit  itfelf,  and  grow  worfe,  tending 
to  an  open  rupture.    The  territory  men  were  faid 
to  have  been  for  obtaining  fome  exclufive  powers, 
or  rights,  particular  to  themfelves,  which,  being 

thought 

*  The  Members  of  Council  prefent  were:  — 

Edward   Shippen,  Thomas  Story,  Samuel  Carpenter,  Caleb  Pufef, 
John  Gueft,  QuiffiUi  Owen. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  441 

thought   unreafonable,  v  could  not,  therefore,  be    1701. 
granted  them;  and  not  being  able  to  carry  their  v_xvx-/ 
point,  ontheioth.  inftant,  the  members  for  the  me^ifagrfe" 
territories  abruptly  left  the  Houfe;  declaring  their  ^en    the 
intention  of  returning  to  their  refpective  homes.  Province  & 
But,  on  the  i4th.  mod  of  them  appeared  before T< 
the  Proprietary,  in  Council,  remonitrating  againit 
fome  proceedings  of  the  AfTembly,  on  the  loth, 
inftant,  which,  they  declared,  were,  in  their  con- 
fequences,  highly  injurious  and  deftructive  to  the 
privileges  of  the  lower  counties,  and  which,  confif- 
tent  with  their  duty  to  their  conftituents,  they  ap- 
prehended, they  could  not  fit  there,  to  fee  carried 
on;  and,  therefore,  they  informed  the  Governor, 
they  thought  it  bed  for  them  to  depart  to  their  re- 
fpective habitations: — 

The  Proprietary  further  enquired  into  the  affair 
and  both  heard  and  anfwered  all  their  reafons  and 
objections;  and  then  told  them,  "  That  he  took 
this  their  conduct  very  unkind,  even  to  himfelf  in. 
particular." 

Upon  which  Jafper  Te cites,  in  behalf  of  the 
reft,  endeavoured  to  excufe,  or  further  explain, 
their  behaviour,  in  this  action,  by  declaring  their 
great  affection  and  regard  for  the  I3roprietary,  but,, 
that  they  muft  be  true  to  thofe,  whom  they  repre- 
fented. — 

At  another  meeting  of  the  Proprietary  and  Mem- 
bers of  Council,  on  the  fame  day,  the  Aflembly 
being  fent  for,  both  thofe  for  the  province,  and 
the  fecluding  members  appeared; 

The  Proprietary  told  them,  "  That  his  time  being 
ihort,  he  muft  come  briefly  to  the  point;  that  it 
was  no  fmall  wound  to  him,  to  think,  that  at  the 
earneft  defire  of  the  lower  counties,  as  well  as  the 
good-will  of  the  upper,  he  had  engaged  in  an  un^ 
dertaking,  which  coft  him,  at  leaft,  two  or  three 
thoufand  pounds,  to  unite  them,  and  yet,  that  they 
ihould  now  endanger  that  union,  and  divide,  after 
[56]  they 


442  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  they  had  been  recognized  as  one,  not  only  by  the 
v^v^  King's  commijfion  to  Governor  Fletcher •,  but  alib  by 
-The  Pro  his  fetters  patent ,  for  his  own  reftoration,  and  the 
King's  feveral  letters : — he,  therefore,  would  not 
have  any  thing  refolded  on,  but  what  was  confider- 
ate  anc^  weighty,  left  it  fhould  look  as  unkind,  and 
now,  at  his  departure,  carry  a  very  ill  report  of 
them  to  England" 

The  territory  members  obje&ed,  that  they  were 
great  fufferers  by  that  aft  of  union,  however  it 
was,  at  firft,  intended;  and  could  not  fupport  the 
burden  of  the  charge. 

The  Proprietary  replied,  "  They  were  free  to 
break  off,  and  might  act  diftinctly  by  themfelves;" 
at  which  they  feemed  pleafed,  and  expreffed  their 
fatisfa&ion;  "  But  then,"  continued  the  Proprietary, 
"  it  mufl  be  upon  amicable  terms,  and  a  good  un- 
derftanding; — That  they  muft  firft  refohe  to  fettle 
the  laws ; — and  that,  as  the  intereft  of  the  province , 
and  that  of  thofe  lower  counties  would  be  infepara- 
bly  the  fame,  they  fhould  both  ufe  a  conduct  con- 
fiitent  with  that  relation,"  &c. 

They  re-      They  appear  to  have  remained  obflinate,  by  the 
C    a"  following  letter  of  the  Proprietary,   written  the 
next  day,  and  directed  to  the  Speaker,  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  whole  Houfe,  viz. 

"  Friends, 

The  Pro-      "  YOUR  union  is  what  I  defire;  but  your  peace 
prietary's    ancj  accommodating  one  another,  is  what  I  muft 

letter  to  the  0    r  »          T^?  •  r  •    •     r  -\  • 

expect  irom  you :  1  he  reputation  or  it  is  iomeming ; 
the  reality  much  more.  And  I  defire  you  to  re- 
member and  obferve  what  I  fay:  Yield  in  circum- 
Jiantiah)  to  preferve  effentials ;  and,  being  fafe  in 
one  another,  you  will  always  be  fo  in  efteem  with 
me.  Make  me  not  fad,  now  I  am  going  to  leave 
you;  fince  it  is  for  you,  as  well  as  for, 

"  Tour  Friend  and  Proprietary  and  Governor^ 

"  WILLIAM  PENN, 
cc  Ofiober  i$tb. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


443 


Hence  the  Proprietary's  influence  and  authority,    1701. 
though  with  difficulty,  appear  to  have  prevailed  on  v^x-w^ 
them,  to  a  prefent  accommodation,  with  the  pro-  They  comet 
vilion,  in  the  following  charter,  for  a  conditional  Iccommo^ 
feparation,  if  they  chofe  it,  within  the  fpace  of  ^tion- 
three  years. 

In  May,  1700,  the  former  charter  having  been  Thechar- 
furrendered  into  the  hands  of  the  Proprietary  and 
Governor,  by  fix  parts  in  feven  of  the  Aflembly, 
on  the  28th.  day  of  October,  1701,  jufl  before 
his  departure,  the  Council,  the  Aflembly  of  the 
province,  and  feveral  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
of  Philadelphia  attending,  he  prefented  them  with 
their  lad  charter  of  privileges,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows, viz. 

"  THE  CHARTER  OF  PRIVILEGES, 

"  Granted  by  William  Penn,  Efquire,  to  the  inha- ter  i 
bitants  of  Pennfylvania  and  territories. 

"  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor  of  the 
province  of  Pennfyhania^  and  territories  there- 
unto belonging,  to  all,  to  whom  thefe  pre- 
fents  mall  come,  fendeth  Greeting: 

«  WHEREAS,   King  Charles  the  fecond,  by    Recital  of 
his  letters  patent,  under  the  great  feal  of  England,  the  Kl°g'8 
bearing  date,   the  fourth  day  of  March,   in  the  ££?" 
year  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  eighty,  was 
gracioufly  pleafed  to  give  and  grant  unto  me,  and 
my  heirs  and  affigns  for  ever,  this  province  of  Penn- 
fyhania,  with  divers  great  powers  and  jurifdidtions, 
for  the  well  government  thereof. 

"  And  whereas,  the  King's  dearefl  brother,  of  the  D. 
James,  Duke  of  Tork  and  Albany,  &c.  by  his  of  *«*•, 
deeds  of  feoffment,  under  his  hand  and  feal,  duly 
perfected,  bearing  date,  the  24th.  day  of  Auguft, 
one  thoufand  fix  hundred,  eighty  and  two,  did 
grant  unto  me,  my  heirs  and  afligns,  all  that  tract 
of  land,  now  called  the  territories  of  Pennfyfoariia, 

together 


444 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1701.    together   with    powers  and  jurifdi&ions,   for  the 
v-/"vx^'  good  government  thereof. 

And  of  "  And  whereas,  for  the  encouragement  of  all 
the  former  the  freemen  and  planters,  that  might  be  concerned 
charter.  ^  ^  j^  province  and  territories,  and  for  the 
good  government  thereof,  I,  the  faid  William  Pcnn, 
in  the  year  one  thoufand,  fix  hundred  and  eighty 
and  three,  for  me,  my  heirs  and  afiigns,  did  grant 
and  confirm  unto  all  the  freemen,  planters  and 
adventurers  therein,  divers  liberties,  franchifes  and 
properties,  as,  by  the  faid  grant,  entitled,  "  The 
frame  of  the  government  of  the  province  of  Pennfyl- 
vania  and  territories  thereunto  belonging^  in  America" 
may  appear;  which  charter,  or  frame,  being  found, 
in  fome  parts  of  it,  not  fo  fuitable  to  the  prefent 
circumftances  of  the  inhabitants,  was,  in  the  Third- 
month,  in  the  year  one  thoufand  feven  hundred, 
delivered  up  to  me,  by  fix  parts  of  feven  of  the 
freemen  of  this  province  and  territories,  in  Gene- 
ral Aflembly  met,  provifion  being  made  in  the 
faid  charter  for  that  end  and  purpofe. 

"  And  whereas^  I  was  then  pleafed  to  promife, 
that  I  would  reftore  the  faid  charter  to  them  again, 
"with  neceflary  alterations,  or,  in  lieu  thereof,  give 
them  another,  better  adapted  to  anfwer  the  prefent 
circumftances  and  conditions  of  the  faid  inhabi- 
tants; which  they  have  now,  by  the  Reprefentatives, 
in  General  Aflembly  met,  at  Philadelphia^  re- 
quefted  me  to  grant. 

"  KNOW  YE  THEREFORE,  That,  for  the  further 
well-being^  and  good  government  of  the  faid  province 
and  territories;  and  in  purfuance  of  the  rights  and 
powers,  before  mentioned,  I,  the  faid  William  Penn, 
do  declare,  grant  and  confirm  unto  all  the  freemen, 
planters  and  adventurers,  and  other  inhabitants  of, 
and  in,  the  faid  Province  and  Territories  thereunto 
annexed,  forever. 

I.  «  BECAUSE  no  people  can  be  truly  hap- 
py,  though  under  the  greatefl  enjoyment  of  civil 

r  liberties. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  445 

liberties,  if  abridged  of  the  freedom  of  their  con-    1701. 
fciences,    as  to  religious  profeffion  and  worfhip;  ^->rv-^w/ 
And  Almighty  God  being  the  only  Lord  of  con-   Liberty°f 

r  •  T->     i  r  T    i  i    r  •   •  11         A         confcience, 

fcierice,  Father  of  lights  and  fpmts;  and  the  Au-  &c.granted 
thor,  as  well  as  Objecl,  of  all  divine  knowledge, 
faith  and  worfhip,  who  only  doth  enlighten  the 
mind,  and  purfwade  and  convince  the  unclerftand- 
ings  of  people,  I  do  hereby  grant  and  declare, 
that  no  perfcn,  or  perfons,  inhabiting  this  province 
or  territories-,  who  (ball  confefs  and  acknowledge 
one  Almighty  God,  the  Creator,  Upholder,  and 
Ruler  of  the  world;  arid  profefs  him,  or  them* 
felves  obliged  to  live  quietly  under  the  civil  govern- 
ment, fhall  be,  in  any  cafe,  molefted,  or  prejudi- 
ced, in  his  or  their  perfon,  or  eflate,  becaufe  of 
his  or  their  confcientious  perfwafion,  or  practice, 
nor  be  compelled,  to  frequent,  or  maintain,  any 
religious  worlhip,  place  or  miniflry,  contrary  to 
his,  or  their  mind,  or  to  do  or  fufFer,  any  other 
aft,  or  thing,  contrary  to  their  religious  perfwa- 
fion. . 


"  And,  that  all  perfons,  who  alfo  profefs  to  be- 
lieve  in  Jefus  Cbrift,  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  fhall 
be  capable  (notwithftanding  their  other  perfwa-  offices,  &c. 
fions,  or  practices,  in  point  of  confcience  and  re- 
ligion) to  ferve  this  government  in  any  capacity, 
both  legiflatively  and  executively,  he,  or  they  fo- 
lemnly  promifing,  when  lawfully  required,  allegi- 
ance to  the  King,  as  fovereign,  and  fidelity  to  the 
Proprietary  and  Governor,  and  taking  the  attefts, 
as  now  eftablifhed  by  law,  made  at  Newcqftle,  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  feven  hundred,  entitled, 
"  An  ad  dire  ding  the  attefts  of  federal  officers  and  Repealed 
miniftersi  as  now  amended  and  confirmed  this  pre-  hy  t'lie?"">* 

r  A  rr       i  i  ^         anno  i/o?. 

fent  Aflembly. 

II.  "  For  the  well-governing  of  this  province  AnAfTem- 
and  territories,  there  fhall  be  an  Aflembly,  yearly  bly  to  be 
chofen,  by  the  freemen  thereof,  to  confiil  of  four  ™  ally.  * 
perfons  out  of  each  county,  of  moft  note  for  vir- 

tue, 


446  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.   tue,  wifdom  and  ability,  (or  of  a  greater  number, 
V^VN^  at  any  time,  as  the  Governor  and  AfTembly  mall 
agree)  upon  the  firft  day  of  October,  for  ever; 
and  mall  fit  on  the  fourteenth  of  the  fame  month 
at  Philadelphia,  unlefs  the  Governor  and  Council, 
for  the  time  being,  mall  fee  caufe  to  appoint  ano- 
ther place,  within  the  faid  province  or  territories: 
Powersand  which  AfTembly  mall  have  power  to  chufe  a  Speak- 
o"th?Af-  er'  anc*  otner  tne^r  officers;  and  mall  be  judges 
fembly.       of  the  qualifications  and  elections  of  their  own 
members;  fit  upon  their  own  adjournments,  ap- 
point committees;  propofe  bills,  in  order  to  pals 
into  laws;   impeach  criminals  and  redrefs  griev- 
ances; and  mall  have  all  other  powers  and  privi- 
leges of  an  Alfembly,  according  to  the  rights  of 
the  freeborn  fubjeth  of  England,  and  as  is  ufual 
in  any  of  the  King's  plantations  in  America. 

"  And  if  any  county,  or  counties,  mall  refufe, 

or  negleft,  to  chufe  their  refpeclive  reprefentatives, 

as  aforefaid,  or  if  chofen,  do  not  meet  to  ferve 

Two-thirds  in  Affembly,  thofe,  who  are  ib  chofen  and  met, 

met  to  have  ^n  h        th    f  u  f        Alterably,  in  as 

the  whole  *  •  i       » 

fewer,  &c.  ample  a  manner  as  it  all  the  Repreientatives  had 
been  chofen  and  met,  provided  they  are  not  lefs 
than  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number,  that  ought 
to  meet. 

Quaiifkati-      And,  that  the  qualifications  of  electors  and  elec- 
onsef  elec- ted,  and  all  other  matters  and  things  relating  to 
ieded.n   e"  elections  of  Reprefentatives,  to  ferve  in  AiTemblies, 
though  not  herein  particularly  exprefled,  mail  be 
and  remain,  as  by  a  law  of  this  government,  made 
Repealed    at  Neivcajlle,  in  the  year  one  thoufand  feven  him- 
dred,  entitled,  "  An  aft  to  af certain  the  number  of 
members  of  AJJembly,  and  to  regulate  the  elections." 

III.  "  That  the  freemen  in  each  refpeclive  coun- 
ty, at  the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  for  electing 
their  reprefentatives,  to  ferve  in  Ailembly,  may, 
fo  often  as  there  mail  be  cccafion,  chufe  a  double 
number  of  perfonsj  to  prefent  to  the  Governor, 

for 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  447 

for  fheriffs  and  coroners,  to  ferve  for  three  years    1701. 
if  they  fo  long  behave  themfelves  well,  out  of  which 
elections  and  preferments  the  Governor  (hall  no-   f 
minate  and  commiflionate  one  for  each  of  the  faid  an<i 
offices,  the  third  after  fuch  prefentment,  or  elfe  nets. 
the  firft  named  in  fuch  prefentment,  for  each  of- 
fice, as  aforefaicl,  mall  (land  and  ferve  in  that  office, 
for  the  time  before  reflectively  limited:  In  cafe  of 
death  and  default,  fuch  vacancies  mall  be  fupplied 
by  the  Governor,  to  ferve  to  the  end  of  the  faid 
term. 

"  Provided  always,  That,  if  the  faid  freemen 
mall,  at  any  time  neglect,  or  decline  to  chufe  a 
perfon,  or  perfons,  for  either,  or  both  the  afore- 
faid  offices,  then,  and  in  fuch  cafe,  the  perfons, 
that  are,  or  mall  be,  in  the  refpective  offices  of 
Sheriffs,  or  Coroners,  at  the  time  of  election, 
{hall  remain  therein,  until  they  mall  be  removed 
by  another  election,  as  aforefaid. 

"  And,  that  the  Tuilices  of  the  refpective  coun-       of  the 

n     11  '  r  i       clerk  of  the 

ties  ihall,  or  may,  nominate,  or  prefent,  to  the  peace. 
Governor,  three  perfons,  to  ferve  for  Clerk  of 
the  Peace  for  the  faid  county,  when  there  is  a  va- 
cancy; one  of  which  the  Governor  fhall  commif- 
fionate  within  ten  days  after  fuch  prefentment,  or 
elfe  the  firft  nominated  ihall  ferve  in  the  faid  office, 
during  good  behaviour. 

IV.  "That  the  laws  of  this  government  fhall  stile  of  tte 
be  in  this  ftile,  viz.  By  the  Governor,  with  the  con-  laws* 
fent  and  approbation  of  the  Freemen  in  General  Affem- 

bly  met,  and  fhall  be,  after  confirmation  by  the 
Governor,  forthwith  recorded  in  the  Rolls-office, 
and  kept  at  Philadelphia;  unlefs  the  Governor  and 
AfTembly  fhall  agree  to  appoint  another  place. 

V.  "  That  all  criminals  mail  have  the  fame  pri- 
vilegcs  of  witnefles  and  council,  as  their  profe- 
cutors. 

VI.  "  That   no  perfon,   or  perfons,   fhall,   or 
may,  at  any  time  hereafter,,  be  obliged  to  anfwer 


448  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.   any  complaint,  matter,  or  thing,  whatfoever,  re- 
lating  to  property,  before  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
or  in  any  other  pLce,  but  in  the  ordinary 
courts  of  juftice,  unlefs  appeals  thereunto  ihall  be 
before  the  hereafter,  by  law  appointed. 

and  Coun-       VII.  "  That  no  perfon  within  this  government 
cil-  ihall  be  licenfed  by  the  Governer,  to  keep  ordinary, 

Tavern-  tavern,  or  houfe  of  public  entertainment,  but  fuch, 
tTbTre.  °  who  are  firft  recommended  to  him,  under  the  hands 
commend-  of  the  juftices  of  the  refpective  counties,  fiened 

ed  before      .  !_•    i_     •    /!•  j     n     1 1    r 

Ikenfed.  m  open  court;  which  jultices  are,  and  Ihali  be, 
hereby  empowered  to  fupprefs  and  forbid  any  per- 
fon  keeping  fuch  public  houfe,  as  aforefaid,  upon 
their  mifbehaviour,  on  fuch  penalties,  as  the  law 
doth,  or  (hall,  direct;  and  to  recommend  others, 
from  time  to  time,  as  they  mall  fee  occafion. 

Efhtes  of      VIII.  "  If  any  perfon,  through  temptation,  or 
f.erfo"skil- melancholy,  fliall  'deftroy  himfelf,  his  eftate,  real 

ling  them-  .  r         i        n-ii  •  i   n         \*  »ri 

feives,  &c.  and  perional,  mall,  notwithstanding,  deicend  to 
his  wife  and  children,  or  relations,  as  if  he  had 
died  a  natural  death;  and  if  any  perfon  mail  be 
deftroyed  or  killed  by  cafualty,  or  accident,  there 
mail  be  no  forfeiture  to  the  Governor  by  reafon 
thereof. 

"  And  no  act,  law  or  ordinance  whatfoever 
ihall,  at  any  time  hereafter,  be  made,  or  done, 
to  alter,  change,  or  diminim  the  form,  or  effect  of 
this  charter,  or  of  any  part,  or  claufe,  therein, 
contrary  to  the  true  intent,  and  meaning  thereof, 
without  the  confent  of  the  Governor,  for  the  time 
being,  and  fix  parts  of  feven  of  the  Affembly  met. 

Liberty  of      "  And,  becaufe  the  happinefs  of  mankind  de- 
confcience  pends  fo  much  upon  the  eniovino;  of  libertv  of  their 

Ihall  be  for  *        r  •  V        r  •  ,      V    1 1      i!         i       air  i 

evcr>  conlciences,  as  aroreuud,  I  do  hereby  folemnly  de- 
clare, promife  and  grant,  for  me,  my  heirs  and 
affigns,  that  the  ftrft  article  of  this  charter,  relating 
to  liberty  of  confcience,  and  every  part  and  claufe 
therein,  according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning 

thereof^ 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  449^ 

thereof,  fhall  be  kept,  and  remain,  without  any    1701. 
alteration,  inviolably  for  ever.  v^yx^ 

"  And,    laflly,   I,  the  faid  William  Penn,  Pro-    The  pro- 
prietarv  and  Governor  of  the  province  of  Penn-  frietf  y  f°- 

<  ...  i     i         •  r      lemnlycon- 

Jyfoania,  and  territories  thereunto  belonging,  tor  firms  this 
myfelf,  my  heirs  and  affigns,  have  folemnly  de-  charter. 
clared,  granted  and  confirmed,  and  do  hereby 
folemnly  declare,  grant  and  confirm,  that  neither 
I,  my  heirs  or  affigns,  (hall  procure,  or  do,  any 
thing,  or  things,  whereby  the  liberties,  in  this 
charter  contained  and  cxprefled,  nor  any  part 
thereof,  fhall  be  infringed,  or  broken:  And  if 
any  thing  fhall  be  procured,  or  done,  by  any  per- 
fon,  or  perfons,  contrary  to  thefe  prefents,  it  fhall 
be  held  of  no  force,  or  effect. 

"  In  witnefs  whereof,  I,  the  faid  William  Penn,  Date, 
of  Philadelphia,  in  Pennfyfoania,  have  unto  this 
charter  of  liberties  fet  my  hand  and  broad  feal,  this 
twenty-eighth  day  of  October,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  one,  being 
the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  William 
the  third,  over  England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ire- 
land, &c.  and  the  twenty-firfl  year  of  my  govern- 


ment." 


"  And,  not  with  (landing  the  clofure  and  ted  of    Provifb, 
this  prefent  charter,  as  aforefaid,  I  think  fit  to  add  that. the 
this  following  provifo  thereunto,  as  part  of  the  ^d^terri- 
fame,  that  is  to  fay,  That,   notwithstanding  any  tories  may 
claufe,  or  claufes,  in  the  above  mentioned  charter,  " 

obliging  the  province  and  territories  to  join  toge- 
ther  in  legiflation,  I  am  content,  and  do  hereby 
declare,  that  if  the  Reprefentatives  of  the  province 
and  territories  (hall  not  hereafter  agree  to  join  toge- 
ther in  legiflation,  and  that  the  fame  fhall  be  iigni- 
fied  to  me,  or  my  Deputy,  in  open'  Aflembly,  or 
otherwife  from  under  the  hands  and  feals  of  the 
Reprefentatives,  for  the  time  being,  of  the,  pro- 
vince and  territories,  or  the  major  part  of  either 

of 
[57] 


45°  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1701.  of  them,  at  any  time,  within  three  years  from  the 
cxw^  date  hereof,  that,  in  fuch  cafe,  the  inhabitants  of 
each  of  the  three  counties  of  this  province  (hall 
not  have  lefs  than  eight  perfons  to  reprefent  them 
in  Affembly,  for  the  province;  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  of  Philadelphia  (when  the  faid  town  is 
incorporated)  two  perfons,  to  reprefent  them  in 
Affembly;  and  the  inhabitants  of  each  county  in 
the  territories  mail  have  as  many  perfons  to  repre- 
,  fent  them,  in  a  diftincl  Affembly,  for  the  territories, 
as  fhall  be  by  them,  requefted,  as  aforefaid. 

thlfame°y  "  Notwithftanding  which  feparation  of  the  pro- 
privileges,  vince  and  territories,  in  refpecl:  of  legiflation,  1 
when  fepa-  £Q  hereby  promife,  grant  and  declare,  that  the 

rated  as        .    ,     .  .         J     r  r  .       . '    °  .  *      .         n     „ 

•when  con-  inhabitants  of  both  province  and  territories  mall 
ceded.  feparately  enjoy  all  other  liberties,  privileges  and 
benefits  granted  jointly  to  them,  in  this  charter, 
any  law,  ufage,  or  cuftom  of  this  government 
heretofore  made  and  praclifed,  or  any  law  made 
and  pa{Ted  by  the  General  Affembly  to  the  contrary 
hereof  notwithstanding. 

"  WILLIAM  PENN/' 

"  This  charter  of  privileges  being  diftinctly 
fead  in  Affembly,  and  the  whole,  and  every  part 
thereof,  being  approved  of,  and  agreed  to,  by  us, 
We  do  thankfully  receive  the  fame  from  our  Pro- 
prietary and  Governor  at  Philadelphia,  this  twenty- 
eighth  aay  of  Oftober,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  one,  1701. 

"  Signed  on  behalf  \  and  by  order^ 
of  the  AJJemblji  per 

"  JOSEPH  GROWDON,  Speaker* 


Edward  Shippen, 
Phineas  Pemberton. 
Samuel  Carpenter, 
Griffith  Owen, 
Caleb  Pufey, 


Proprietary 

and 

Governor's 
Council. s 


Thpmas  Story, 

The 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  451 

The  Proprietary  likewife,  by  letters  patent,  un-    1701, 
<ler  the  great  feal,  bearing  even  date  with  this  char-  <^>*v>^> 
ter,  eflablifhed  a  Council  of  ft  ate  for  the  province    TJ^r^j£ 
and  territories,  "  To  conjult^  and  ajfift  the  Prcprie-  C0niiitutes 
tary  him/elf 9  or  his  Lieutenants ,  or  Deputies.,  with  a  council  of 
the  left  of  their  advice  and  counfel^  in  public  affairs 
and  matters  relating  to  the  government^  and  to  the 
peace ,  well-being  and  fafety  of  the  people  thereof ;  and^ 
in  the  abfence  of  the  Proprietary ,  or  upon  the  Lieute- 
nant's death,  or  incapacity,  to  exercife  all,  andfm- 
gular,  the  powers  of  government"  &c.* 

Moreover  before  the  Proprietary  left  the  coun- 
try, he  favoured  the  town  of  Philadelphia^  then 
become  very  confiderable,  and  in  a  flouriihing 

condition, 

*  This  inftrument  was  as  follows,  viz. 

"  WILLIAM  PENN,  true  and  ahfolute  Proprietor  and  Governor  in 
chief  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvania^  and  territories  thereunto  be- 
longing, to  all,  to  whom  thefe  prefents  Ihall  come,  fendeth  Greeting: 

"  KNOW  YE,  That  I  have  nominated,  appointed  ajid  ordained  my 
trufty  and  well-beloved  friends,  Ediuard  Sbippen,  John  Gueft,  Samuel  Car- 
fcnfer,  William  Clark^  Thomas  Story,  Griffith  Owen,  Phineas  Pemberton, 
Samuel  Finney,  Caleb  Pttfey  and  John  Blutijlony  to  be  my  Council  of  State, 
for  the  government  of  the  faid  province  of  Pennfylvania,  and  counties 
annexed;  of  whom  any  four  mall  be  a  q:iorum^-t&  confult  and  aflift  with 
the  beft  of  their  advice  and  counfel,  me,  or  my  Lieutenant,  or  Deputy 
Governor,  for  the  time  being,  in  all  public  affairs  and  matters  relating 
to  the  faid  government,  and  to  the  peace,  fafety  and  well-being  of  the 
people  thereof;  and  in  the  abfence  of  me,  and  of  my  Lieutenant,  outef 
the  faid  province  and  territories;  or  upon  my  Lieutenant's  deceafe,  or 
other  incapacity,  I  do,  by  thefe  prefents,  give  and  grant  to  the  faid 
Ldivard  Sbippen,  &c.  or  any  five  of  them,  to  exercife  all,  and  fingular, 
the  powers,  jurifdidlions  and  authorities  whatfoever  to  me  and  my  heirs, 
by  virtue  of  the  Royal  Charter,  or  letters  patent,  of  King  Charles  the 
fecond,  given  and  granted,  that  are,  or  Ihall  be  necefTary  for  the  well- 
governing  of  the  faid  province,  and  territories,  and  for  the  adminiftering, 
maintaining  and  executing  of  juftice,  and  providing  for  the  fafety  and 
well-being  of  the  faid  people,  during  fuch  abfence;  they,  and  each  of 
them,  the  faid  Edivard  Sbipfen,  &c.  to  continue  in  place  till  my  further 
order  fhall  be  known. 

"  And  I  do  hereby  further  grant  to  my  Lieutenant  Governor,  for  the 
time  being,  full  power  and  authority,  upon  the  deceafe,  cr  removal,  of 
any  of  the  faid  Council,  to  nominate  and  appoint  others  to  ferve  in  their 
place  and  ftead,  alfo  to  add  to  the  number,  when,  and  fo  often,  as  my 
faid  Lieutenant  Ihall  fee  caufe;  and  in  cafe  he  fliall  not  appoint  a  Prefi- 
dent,  then  the  firil  named,  or  the  next  to  him,  fliall,  and  is  hereby  im- 
powered  to  take  the  chair. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  &c.  at  Philadelphia,  the  28th.  of  O<ftober, 
in  the  I3th.  year  of  King  William,  A.  D.  1701." 


452  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 70 1.    condition,  with  a  particular  memorial  of  his  bene- 
\^*^j  volence,  by  granting  the  inhabitants  thereof,  like- 
Pro-  wife  a  charter  of  privileges,*  for  its  particular  re- 
gulation,  good-order,  government  and  police. 

And>  Caving  conftituted  Andrew  Hamilton,  Efq. 
one  of  *he  Proprietors  of  Eq/i  New  Jerfcy^  and 
Andrew  fome  time  Governor  of  both  Eqft  and  Weft  New 
a^otud  7ftf<y>  his  DePut7  Governor,  he  failed  for  £«- 
Deputy  GO- gland;  James  Logan  being,  by  commiflion,  ap- 
wnpenn  d  Pomted  Secretary  of  the  province,  and  Clerk  of 
fiiis  tor  the  Council  of  the  fame.f 

England. 


*  See  this  charter,  in  the  appendix  No.  6.  It  is  dated  October 
By  this  charter,  Philadelphia  is  conilituted  a  city,  bounded,  incorporated 
and  endowed  with  divers  privileges  and  immunities,  for  the  good  order, 
regulation  and  government  thereof,  as  therein  defcribed  and  exprefled. 
JLdivard  Shippen  was  appointed  the  firfl  Mayor;  Thomas  Story ,  the  Re- 
corder, and  Thomas  Farmer.  Sheriff;  and  the  fir  ft  town  clerk.,  and  clerk 
of  the  peace,  court  and  courts,  as  appointed  in  this  charter,  was  Robert 
AJbton. — The  fir  It  Aldermen  hereby  appointed,  were  Jojhua  Carpenter, 
Griffith  Jones,  Anthony  Morris,  Jofeph  Wilcox,  Nation  Stanbury.,  Charles 
Read.  Thomas  Maften,  and  William  Carter ;  \vho,  with  the  Mayor  and 
Recorder,  are  Juuices  of  the  peace  for  the  time  being,  &c 

The  firft  Common  Council  men  were,  John  Parfons,  William  Hudforr, 
W'lliam  Lee,  Nehem'ah  Allen,  Thomas  Pafchall,  "John  Budd,  junior,  Ed- 
viard  S,noni,  Samuel  Buckley,  James  Atkinfon,  Pcnticoft  Teague,  Francis  Cook, 
and  Henry  Badcock. — The  Mayor  is  chofen  annually,  by  at  lecift  five  of  the 
Aldermen  and  nine  of  the  Common  Council;  whofe  number  is  unlimited; 
and  they  are  afterwards  chofen,  in  the  fame  manner,  by  themfelves,  or 
by  the  Corporation ;  which  confifts  of  the  Mayor,  Recorder,  Aldermen 
and  Common  Council-men,  by  the  name  of,  "  The  Mayor  and  Common-' 
alty  of  Philadelphia,  &c.' 

f  "  James  Logan  was,  by  commiflion,  under  the  lefler  feal  of  the  go- 
vernment, from  the  Proprietary  William  Penn,  bearing  date  the  loth,  of 
December,  1701,  and  by  another  commiflion,  under  the  great  feal,  dated, 
the  27th.  of  Odober,  1701,  appointed  Secretary  of  the  province,  and 
Clerk  of  rite  Council  of  the  fame." 


p.  H  A  P  T  E  R 


4 

HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  453 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

Caiffe  of  the  Proprietary's  return  removed. — King 
William  dies,  and  is  fucceeded  by  Queen  Anne. — 
William  Perm  in  favour  at  court. — -Governor  Ha- 
milton's adminiftration  and  death. — Province  and 
territories  irreconcilable. — They  agree  to  afepara- 
tion^  in  legiflation;  Edward  Shippen,  Prejldent  of 
the  Council. — Refolve  of  the  Provincial  Ajjembly 
after  feparation. — Declaration  and  Teft^  figned  by 
the  member S)  Ssfr. — John  Evans  arrives  Depu- 
ty Governor,  and  endeavours  to  re-unite  the  pro- 
vince and  territories  in  legiflation^  but  in  vain. 
'The  Governor  difplenfed  with  the  Ajjembly  of  the 
province. — David  Lloyd. — Governor's  proclama- 
tion for  raifing  a  militia. — He  meets  the  Ajjembly 
of  the  territories  at  Newcajile. — The  Provincial 
Ajjembly  remonftrate  to  the  Proprietary. — They  re- 
fufe  the  Governor •,  &c.  a  copy  of  their  remon- 
Jlrance. — Part  of  the  Governor*  sfpeech,  in  1705, 
refpecling  the  effect  of  this  proceeding. — A  very 
different  Ajjembly  elected,  and  more  harmony  fuc^ 
ceeds. — Names  of  the  members  of  this  Afembly. — 
Thomas  Chalkley's  vtfit  to  the  Indians  at  Connef- 
togo,  with  a  memorial  of  him. — AJingular  acJ  of 
Ajjembly  in  Connecticut ,  repealed  by  the  cr.own^ 
Pennfylvania  particularly  affected  in  times  of 
andfubjefl  to  mifreprefentations^  on  account  of  the 
Quakers'  principles  againji  war;  which  now  exifted 
between  England  and  France  and  Spain. 

WiLLIAM  PENN  arrived  at  Portfmouth,    1701 
about  the  middle  of  December.     But  after  his 
return  to  England,  the  bill,  before  mentioned,  for 
reducing  the  proprietary  governments,  into  regal 


454 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1701.  ones,  which,  through  the  folicitations  of  his  friendsy 
v^*v-^  had  been  poftponed,  the  laft  feffion  of  Parliament, 

Caufeofwas  entirely  dropt,  and  no  further  progrefs  made 
^oersPrrc7urn  in  that  affair.  Soon  after  this,  or,  on  the  1  8th.  of 
to  England,  the  Firft-month,  1701-2,  King  William  died;  and 

in-  wil-  tne  Princefs  dnne,  of  Denmark^  fucceeding  to  the 
dies&  throne,  commenced  her  reign  with  moderation  and 


w.  Pem>      William  Penn,  being  in  the  Queen's  favour,  was 
m  favor  at  ofteri  at  court  i  and  for  his  coriveniency,  on  that 

Court,  &c.  ,  lit-  is      r  i 

account,  he  took  lodgings  at  Kenjington;  where, 
at  his  leifure  hours,  he  writ  feveral  ufeful  and  ex- 
cellent treatifes,  on  divers  fubjecls;  for  the  inilruc- 
tion  and  benefit  of  pofterity;  which  may  be  feen 
in  his  works. 

Governor      Governor  Hamilton's  adminiflration,  in  Pennfyl- 
Hamiiton's  e,can'ia    after  the  Proprietary's  departure,  continued 

•admimllra-  ...      ..        r.^        .*%  i     •         i  r   n 

tion  and  only  till  the  1  welith-month  in  the  next  following 
deadu  year,  1702,  when  he  died:  The  principal  part  of 
which  was  taken  up  in  endeavouring  an  union  be* 
tween  the  province  and  territories,  in  leghlatipn; 
refpe&ing  which  the  Proprietary,  by  his  prefence 
and  authority,  had  prevailed  on  them  to  a  prefent 
compliance:  For  they  had  not  yet  accepted  the 
new  charter;  and  they  had  three  years  allowed 
them  to  iignify  their  refufal.  For  this  purpofe 
Hamilton  laboured  much  with  them,  and  ufed  many 
arguments  to  induce  them  to  unite,  but  without 
fuccefs.  Upon  his  death  the  government  devolved 
on  the  Council,  Edward  Ship-pen  being  Prefident. 

The  Pro-  During  this  time  of  difpute,  or  endeavours,  for 
Territories  '  an  union  between  the  Reprefentatives  of  the  pro- 
agree  to  a  vince  and  territories,  not  much  other  public  bufi- 
n^  Qf  jmpOrtance  appears  to  have  been  tranfacled 
in  the  affairs  of  the  government.  The  latter  per- 
fitted  in  an  abfolute  refufal  to  join  with  the  former, 
in  legiflation,  till  it  was  finally,  in  the  year  1703, 
agreed  and  fettled  between  them,  that  they  mould 
coinpofe  different  and  diflincl  Affernblies,  entirely 


HISTORY  or  PENNSYLVANIA. 


455 


independent  on  each  other;  purfuant  to  the  liberty,  1701. 
allowed  by  a  claufe  in  the  charter,  for  that  pur- 
pofe;  which  claufe  was  faid  to  have  been  there  in- 
ferted  by  the  particular  and  fpecial  means  of  the 
Reprefentatives  of  the  territories,  with  previous 
full  intention  of  the  feparation,  which  enfued; 
and  in  this  capacity  they  have  ever  a&ed  fmce  that 
time. 

The  province  now,  by  charter,  alfo  claimed  a    Affembiy 
feparate  Reprefentative  of  its  own,  confiiling  of  ^£e££" 
eight  members,  for  each  of  the  three  counties, 
and  two,    for  the  city    of   Philadelphia;    which 
members,  being,  in  October  1703,  convened  and 
duly  qualified,  according  to   law,  their  firft  Refo- 
liitlon  was  in  the  following  words  — 

"  Refofaed, 

Note.  "  At  an  Aflembly  begun  at  Philadelphia,  inOitober,  onethou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  three, 

"  Edward  Shipper,  Efquire,  Prefident  of  the  Council.  Prefident 

"  The  declaration  and  teft,  figned  by  the  Members  of  this  Alterably.    a"d    Coiw- 

"  WE,  vvhofe  names  are  hereunto  fubfcribed,  eleded  Reprefentatives  p.,j,ruarv 
by  the  freemen  of  the  refpeclive  counties,  in  this  province  of  Pennfylva-  * 

aia,  and  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  purfuance  of  the  Proprietary's  charter 
to  ferve  in  Aflembly,  do,  each  of  us  for  himfelf,  folemnly  promife  and 
declare,  that  we  will  be  true  and  faithful  to  Queen  Anne  of  England,  &c. 
And  we  do  folemnly  promife  and  declare,  That  we,  from  our  hearts, 
abhor,  deteft  and  renounce,  as  impious  and  heretical,  that  damnable  doc- 
trine and  pofition,  that  princes  excommunicated,  or  deprived,  by  the  Pope, 
or  any  other  authority  of  the  See  of  Rome,  may  be  depofed  or  murdered,, 
by  their  fubjects,  cr  any  other  whatfoever;  And  we  do  declare,  that  no 
foreign  prince,  perfon,  prelate,  ftate,  or  potentate,,  hath  or  ou/ht  to  have 
any  power,  jurifdidicn,  fuperiority,  pre-eminence,  or  authority,  eccle- 
iiaflical,  or  fpiritual,  within  the  realm  of  England,  and  the.  dominicaas 
thruato  belonging. 


"  And  we,  and  each  of  us,  do  folemnly  and  ilnccrcly  profefe,  tdlii 
and  declare,  That  we  do  believe,  th.at,  in  the  facram^nc  of  the  Lord1* 
fupper,  there  is  not  any  tranfubfuritiation  of  the  elements  of  bread  and 
wine  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Cbrijl,  at,  or  after  the  confutation  thereof 
by  any  perfon  whatfoever;  and  that  the  invocation,  or  adoration  of  th$ 
Virgin  Mary,  or  any  other  Saint,  and  the  facrifice  of  the  Mafi,  as  they 
are  now  ufed  in  the  church  of  Row.-,  are  fuperftitious  and  idolatrous. 

**  And  we,  and  each  of  us  for  himfelf,  do  folemnly  profefs,  teftifyand 
declare,  That  we  do  make  this  declaration,  and  every  part  thereof,  m 
the  plain  and  ordinary  fenfe  of  the  v/ords  read  unto  us,  as  they  are  com- 
monly underftood  by  Englijh  Proteftants,  without  any  evafion,  equivoca- 
tion, or  mental  refcrvation  whatfoever;  and  without  any  difpenfation 
granted  for  this  ptupcfe  bjr  tJic  Pope,  cr  rjiy  other  authority 

whatfoever; 


456 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


1701.       "Refolded)  That  the  Reprefentatives,  or  Dele- 
^^xvx^  gates,  of  the  freeholders  of  this  Province,  accord- 
Firit  re-  ing  to  the  powers  granted  by  the  Proprietary  and 
p^vincia^T  Governor,  by  his  Charter,  dated  the  twenty-eighth 
Aflembly.   day  of  October,  anno  Domini    1701,  may  meet 
in  Affembly,  on  the  141)1.  day  of  October  yearly, 
at  Philadelphia^  or  elfewhere,  as  fhall  be  appointed 
by  the  Governor  and  Council,  for  the  time  being; 
and  fo  continue,  on  their  own  adjournments,  from 
time  to  time,  during  the  year  of  their  fervice,  as 
they  fhall   find  occafion,  or  think  fit,  for  prepar- 
ing bills,  debating  thereon,  and  voting,  in  order  to 
their  being  paffed  into  laws;  appointing  commit- 
tees,  redrefling  of  grievances,  and  impeaching  of 
»  criminals,  as  they  fhall  fee  meet,  in   as  ample  a 

manner,  as  any  of  the  affemblies  of  this  province 
and  territories  have  hitherto,  at  any  time  done,  or 
might  legally  do,  as  effectually,  to  all  intents  and 
purpofes,  as  any  of  the  neighbouring  governments., 
under  the  crown  of  England^  have  power  to  do, 
according  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  free- 
born 

\vhatfoever;  or  without  any  hope  of  any  fuch  difpen fallen  from  any  per- 
fon,or  authority  whatsoever;  or  without  thinking  that  we  are,  or  can  be, 
acquitted  before  God  or  man,  or  abfolvedof  this  declaration,  or  any  part 
thereof,  although  the  Pope  or  any  other  perfon  or  perfon-;,  or  power 
vhatfoever,  fhould  difpenfe  with,  or  annul,  the  fame,  or  declare  that  it 
was  null  and  void  from  the  beginning. 

"  And  we,  the  faid  fubfcribing  Reprefentatives,  and  each  of  us,  for 
himfelf,  do  folemnly  and  fmcerdy  nrofefs  faith  in  God  the  Father,  and 
in  Jefus  Chrii't,  his  eternal  Son.  the  true  God,  and  in  rh  2  Holy  Spirit,  one 
God,  bleffed  for  ever  more;  and  we  do  acknowledge  the  holy  fcripture? 
to  be  given  by  divine  infpiration. 


Nicholas  Pile, 
John  Bennet, 
Andrew  Job, 
David  Lewis, 
Nathaniel  NeWlin, 
Jofeph  Baker, 
Robert.  Carter, 
Jofeph  Wood, 
William  Biles, 
Jofeph  Growdon, 
Tobias  Dymmoke, 
Richard  Hough, 
William  Paxton, 


Jeremiah  Langhorn, 
Jofhua  Hoopes, 
Thomas  Stevenfon, 
Rowland  Eilis, 
Nicholas  Walne, 
Samuel  Richardfon, 
Ifaac  Norris, 
David  Lloyd,  Sfealcr, 
Anthony  Morris, 
Samuel  Cart, 
Griffith  Jones, 
Jofeph  Wilcox, 
Charles  Read. 

rotes  °f  AJJemlly. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  457 

born  fubje&s  of  England,  as  near  as  may  be,  re-  1703. 
fpe&ing  the  infancy  of  the  government,  and  the 
capacities  of  the  people:  And  that  the  faid  Aflem- 
bly,  as  often  as  the  Governor,  for  the  time  being, 
mall  require,  attend  on  him,  in  order  to  legiflati- 
on;  and  to  anfwer  all.  other  juft  ends  of  afiemblies, 
in  any  emergencies,  or  reafons  of  ftate;  but  mall 
not  be  fubje&,  at  any  time,  to  be  by  him  adjourn- 
ed, prorogued,  or  diffolved." 

After  this,  when  the  Prefident  and  Council  pro-  The 
pofed  to  confer  with  the  Aflembly  about  a  proper  Cn  and  Af- 
time  to  meet  again,  the  latter  affumed  the  power  of  ^"lbl^b^ 
adjourning  wholly  to  themfelves ;  and  upon  the  the  power 
Prefident  and  Council's  obje&ing  againft  this  extent  °f  adjourn- 
of  the  Aflembly's  claim  of  fitting  wholly  upon  their  ing< 
own  adjournments,  &c.  they  immediately  adjourn- 
ed themfelves  to  the  ift.  day  of  the  Third-month 
next,  without  giving  the  Council  any  further  time 
to  confer  with  them  about  it. 

Such  was  the  ftate  of  things  when  yohn  Evans 
who  was  appointed  Deputy  Governor  by  the  Pro- 
prietor,  with  the  Queen's  royal  approbation,  on  Evans, 
the  death  of  Andrew  Hamilton^  arrived  in  the  pro-  who  con- 
vince, in  the  Twelfth-month,  1703;  who,  having  venes  a* 
firft  augmented  the  number  of  the  Members  of  both"1  the 
Council,*  in  the  Second-month  (April)  1704,  con-  Province  & 

[53] 

*  Among  the  names  of  the  Members  of  Council,  in  the  Twelfth- 
month,  1703,  about  the  time,  or  foon  after  Governor  Evans's  arrival, 
Appear  to  be, 

William  Penn,  junior,       Griffith  Owen, 

Roger  Mompeflbn,  Caleb  Pufey, 

Edward  Shippen,  William  Trent,, 

John  Gueft,  Richard  Hill, 

Samuel  Carpenter,  Samuel  Finney, 

Thomas  Story,  James  Logan. 

Alfo  for  the  three  lower  counties  were:—- 

William  Clark,      William  Rodney,      Jafper  Yeats. 

Minutes  of  Cnnrif. 

William  Penn,  junior,  appears  to  have  been  called  to  the  Board  and 
Made  a  member  of  Council,  in  the  Twelfth-month  8th.  X  703,  aqd  prfw 
bably  cwnc  from  England  with  Governor 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1704.    vened  the  Reprefentatives  both  of  the  province 
v^w^  and  territories,  at  the  fame  time  and  place,  in  the 
Council  Chamber  in  Philadelphia. 

Governor  Evans,  notwithflanding  the  fteps  which 
had  been  taken,  and  the  agreement  made  between 
the  province  and  territories,  before  his  arrival,  re- 
fpecling  their  future  acting  in  a  feparate  capa- 
city, and  independent  of  each  other,  in  legiila- 
tion,  according  to  the  provifion  made  for  the  fame 
by  charter,  renewed  the  attempt  for  uniting  them ; 
and  his  firft  fpeech  to  the  Reprefentatives  of  both 
places,  was  chiefly  calculated  to  endeavour  a  re- 
union; and  it  confided  of  fuch  arguments  and  in- 
fmuations  as  appeared  to  him  mod  cogent,  and 
likely  to  bring  about  a  coalition,  fo  necefTary  for 
their  mutual  benefit. 

The  ter-  To  this  the  members  of  the  territories,  who  be- 
ntones  m-  fore  appeared  to  have  principally  occafioned  the 
nite.  divifion,  now  feemed  willing  to  accede,  to  accept 

the  charter  on  conditions,  and  to  unite  with  the 
Butthepro-  members  of  the  province,  in  legiflation;  but  the 
vince  refu-  latter,  who  had  fo  long  been  hampered  with  the  re- 

fradtory  behaviour  of  the  former,  now,  in  their 

turn,  absolutely  refufed  to  be  connected  with  them; 

and  adhered  to  their  prior  agreement  for  a  fepa- 

ration.* 

which  Thus  all  negociation  on  this  head  came  to  an 
commences  end  j  and  the  Affembly  of  the  province  incurred  the 
ment^be-  Governor's  difpleafure,  by  refufing  to  comply 
tween  the  with  his  recommendation ;  which,  with  the  dil- 
-  Putes>  tnat  afterwards  arofe  between  them,  on 
three  bills  propofed  by  the  Aflembly,  one  to  con- 
firm the  great  charter  of  privileges  of  the  province, 
another  to  confirm  that  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia^ 

and 

*  The  names  of  the  Members  for  the  Territories  were : — 
"  James  Cents,  William  Rodney,  John  Hill, 

"  John  Healy,  John  Brinkloe,  William  Bagwell, 

"  Roelof  dc  Haes,          Wuliam  Morton,  Robert  Burton, 

v  Ifaac  Gjoding,  .         ArUiur  M-iHwi,  Richard  Painter. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  459 

2nd  a  bill  of  property;  which  the  Governor  refufed    1704. 
to  pafs,  without  fuch  amendments  as  the  Affembly  v^v^ 
would   not  agree  to;  and  they  being  likewife  dif- 
gufled  at  fome  expreffions  of  one  of  the  council,*  *  J  Gueft, 
refpefting  their  proceedings,  occafioned  fuch  mif- 
underftanding    between    the    Governor   and   the 
Houfe,  that,  in  confequence  thereof,  but  little  of 
moment  appears  to  have  been  tranfa£ted,  in  the 
publip  affairs  of  the  government,  during  the  fit- 
tings of  this,  and  the  next  fucceeding  Affembly;  speaker?  ' 
at  the  head  of  both  which  appeared  David  Lloyd,*  &c- 
as  Speaker. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1704,  Governor  GOV.  Evans 
Evans  met  the  Affembly  of  the  lower  counties,  at  g5^Jj^5 
Newcqftle;  which  was  the  firft  Affembly,  that  had  biyatNew- 
acled  there  in  legiflation,  independent  of  the  pro- caftle'  &c* 
vince,  after  the  Proprietary's  departure,  prior  to 
which  he  publifhed  a  proclamation,  to  raife  a  mill-  He 
tia,  among  fuch,  whofe  religious  perTwafion  was 
not  againft  bearing  of  arms;  it  being  in  the  time  &c. 
of  the  war  between  England,  and  France  and  Spaing 

But 

*  David  Lloyd  was,  many  years,  Speaker  of  the  Afiembly ;  and  in 
the  time  of  Thomas  Lloyd,  appears  to  have  been  Clerk  of  the  Council. 
He  diftinguiftied  himfelf  by  giving  conftant  oppofition  to  what  was  af- 
terwards called  the  Proprietary  interefl.  He  had  been  brought  up  to  the 
law;  and  was  one  of  the  principal  antagonifts  of  the  Governors  Evans 
and  Gookin;  he  is  reprefented  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  inftruments 
in  feparating  the  province  of  Pcnnfylvania  from  the  lower  counties,  fo 
as  to  compofe  Affemblies  independent  on  each  other. —  He  came  from 
England,  in,  or  about,  the  year  1686;  and  was  commifiioned  Attorney 
General  by  William  Penn,  in  Second-month,  24th.  that  year.  He  was* 
a  perfon  afterwards  much  efteemed  among  his  friends  the  Quakers  and 
others;  being  generally  accounted  a  man  of  integrity,  and  confiderable 
abilities,  both  in  his  civil  and  religious  capacity;  but  his  political  talents 
ieem  to  have  been  more  for  dividing  than  uniting  different  interefts. 
He  died  at  CbeJIer,  where  he  had  lived,  in  the  beginning  of  Auguft, 
1731,  when  he  was  Chief  Juftice  of  Pennfylvania. 

\  This  proclamation  was  as  follows,  viz, 

"  By  the  honourable  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  province  of  Pennfyl- 
vania,  and  territories  thereunto  belonging; 

"  FORASMUCH  as  the  Queen's  moft  excellent  Majeily,  and  the 
reft  of  her  Majefty's  allies,  are  now  engaged  in  a  vigorous  war  againft 
France  and  Spain,  for  maintaining  and  preferving  the  liberty  and  balance 
of  Europe;  which,  as  it  engages  the  fubjects  of  the  faid  crowns  and  dates 
in  open  hoftih'ties,  fo  it  lays  her  Majefty's  fubje&s,  in  this  government, 

under 


460  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1704.        But,  from  what  had  already  paffed  between  the 
^•v-o  Governor,  and  the  Affembly  of  the  province,  the 
The  Af-  latter  fell  into  fuch  an  ill  humour,  that  in  the  Sixth- 
to  month,   1704,  they  privately  drew  up  a  reprefcn- 
thc  Propri-  tation,  or  remonftrance,  in  a  letter  to  the  Proprie- 
GoverfJr11  tarv*>  which  was  faid  to  be  filled  with  complaints,' 
Evans,  &c.  highly  reflecting,  even,  on  the  Proprietary  himfelf, 
as  well  as  the  Deputy  Governor,  Evans,  and  the 
Secretary,  James  Logan. 

They  re-      Some  time  after,  when  the  Governor  heard  of 
fufetheGo-  tkis    he,  by  a  written  meffa£e  to  the  Houfe,  re- 

verncraco-         .  *  J-  r   .  ,  .   ,     °         ...          ,r      . 

py  of  what  quired  a  copy  of  it ;  which  was  hkewile  done  by 
th^y  writ,  a  formal  petition  from  feven  perfons;  who  were  all, 
either  of  the  Governor's  Council,  or  otherwife  of 
the  principal  inhabitants,  and  Quakers,  viz.  Ed- 
<wc,rd  Shippen,  Thomas  Story,  Richard  Hill,  Willi- 
am tiwifon,  Pentecoft  Teagite,  Thomas  Chalkley,  and 
li  •  Ham  Southby ;  thefe,  with  many  others,  confi- 
dcting  the  prefent  ill  humour  of  the  Affembly, 
thought  themfelves  highly  interefted  in  the  nature 
of  fuch  a  proceeding;  but  they  were  all  peremto- 
rily  refufed  by  the  Affembly. 

What 

Bnder  a  neceffity  of  being  well  armed  and  diciplined,  as  well  for  the  ho- 
nour and  fervice  of  her  Majefty,  as  for  the  defence  and  prefervation  of 
our  religion,  lives  and  liberties;  all  which  her  Majeily  having  duly  weighed 
and  confidered,  was  graciouily  pleafed  to  command,  that  due  preparation, 
fliould  be  made,  in  this  government,  for  the  defence  and  fecurity  of  the 
lame,  againft  any  attempts,  that  might  be  made  upon  it  by  the  enemy, 
during  this  time  of  war:  Therefore,  in  obedience  to  her  Majefty 's  royal 
command,  and  to  llie  end  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  government  may 
be  in  a  poflure  of  defence  and  readinefs,  to  withftand  and  repel  all  a6b  of 
hoftihty,  that  the  enemy  fhall  attempt  againft  them,  I  do  hereby  ftriclly 
command  and  require  all  perfons  refiding  in  this  government,  whofe  per- 
fwafion  will,  on  any  account,  permit  them  tc-  take  up  arms,  in  their  own 
dtfence,  that  forthwith  they  do  provide  themfelves  with  a  good  firelock 
and  ammunition,  in  order  to  enliit  themfelves  in  the  Militia,  which  I  am 
now  fettling  in  this  government;  and  every  inhabitant  thereof  is,  without 
delay,  to  repair  and  enlift  themfelves  with  the  officer,  or  officers,  com- 
mjffioned  to  command  in  that  diftricft,  where  fuch  inhabitant  dwells.  And 
I  do  further  command  all  perfons,  that  they  take  due  notice  hereof,  and 
give  obedience,  and  be  to  their  utmoft,  aiding  and  aflifting  to  the  faid 
officers,  in  all  things  relating  to  the  exercifmg  the  power  given  them,  in 
their  commiflions,  as  they  will  anfwer  the  contrary  at  their  peril. 
"  Giv^n  under  11  y  hand  and  great  feal,  at  Philadelphia,  the  25th.  of 
May,  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  our  fovereign  Lady,  Anne9 
ovef  England j  &c.  anncque  Domini,  1704. 

"  J-  &" 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  461 

What  effect  which   thefe  proceedings  had  with    1704* 
the  Proprietary  in  England?  may,  in  part,  appear  ^ ^v-w 
from  the  Governor's  fpeech  to  the  Alfembly,  in  the 
forepart  of  the  year  1705,  in  which,  among  other 
things,  he  thus  exprefles  himfelf,  refpecling  the 
Proprietary's  fentiments  on  the  caufes  of  his  differ- 
ing with  the  Aflembly,  and  of  their  letter   to  the 
Proprietary,  viz. 

"  The  Proprietary,  Gentlemen,  is  fo  far  from    1705. 
agreeing  with  your  opinion,  in  thefe  matters,  that  ,  pa"    of 

1  °   «  °       i        r    J        •  r     i r         f  •      n  i        r  r    •       i    i        r  the    Gover- 

he  is  greatly  furpnfed  to  fee,  initead  or  fuitable  fup-  nor's  fpeech 
plies,  for  the  maintenance  of  government,,  and  de-  *°  *e  £f- 

r        •  i  T       i  r         i  °        i  T      r  r  •          fembly,  &c 

fraying  public  charges,  for  the  public  fafety,  time 
only  loft  (while  his  conftant  expences  run  on)  in 
difputes  upon  heads,  which  he  had  as  fully  fettled 
before  his  departure,  as  could)  on  the  bed  precau- 
tions, be  thought  convenient,  or  reafonable,  even, 
at  a  time,  when  he  was  leaving  you  in  doubt  whe- 
ther it  would  be  poffible  to  divert  the  bill,  then 
moving  in  Parliament,  for  annexing  all  thefe  go- 
vernments to  the  crown ;  which  being  now  diverted, 
and  himfelf  fecure  in  the  poffeflion  of  his  right,  fo 
long  as  his  circumftances  mall  render  the  adminif- 
tration  of  it  practicable,  he  is  the  more  aftonifhed 
to  find  you,  for  whofe  fakes  chiefly,  and  not  his 
own,  he  has  undergone  the  late  fatigues,  and  ex- 
penfive  troubles,  in  maintaining  it,  exprefs  no 
greater  fenfe  of  gratitude,  than  has  hitherto  ap- 
peared. 

"  The  Proprietary  alfo  further  aifures  us,  that 
had  thofe  three  bills  (of  which  copies  were  fent 
home)  been  pafled  into  a£ts  here,  they  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  vacated  by  her  Majefty,  being 
looked  on  by  men  of  Ikill,  to  whom  they  have  been 
Ihewn,  as  very  great  abfurdities ;  but,  what  I  mufl 
not  be  filent  in  is,  that  he  highly  refents  that  hei- 
nous indignity,  and  mod  fcandalous  treatment  he 
has  met  with,  in  a  letter,  directed  not  only  to  him- 
felf, but  alfo  to  be  fiiewn  to  fome  other  perfons, 

difafFeded 


462  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1705.    difaffected  to  him,  in  the  name  of  the  Aflembly  and 
v^v->~>  people  of  this  province,  of  which  I  have  formerly 
Part  of  the  demanded  a  copy,  but  was  then  denied  it,  under 
!  pretence  (when  it  was  too  late)  that  it  mould  be  re- 
called: If  that  letter  was  the  act  of  the  people  truly 
reprefented,  he  thinks  fuch  proceedings  are  fuffici- 
ent  to  cancel  all  obligations  of  care  over  them ;  but 
if  done  by  particular  perfons  only,  and  'tis  an  im- 
pofture  in  the  name  of  the  whole,  he  expects  the 
country  will  purge  themfelves,  and  take  care  that 
due  fatisfaction  be  given  him. — 

— "  The  Proprietary  (who,  it  is  well  known,  has 
hitherto  lupported  this  government)  upon  fuch 
treatment,  as  he  has  met  with,  is  frequently  foli- 
cited  to  refign  and  throw  up  all,  without  any  fur- 
ther care ;  but  his  tendernefs  to  thofe  in  the  place, 
whom  he  knows  to  be  ftill  true  and  honeft,  pre- 
vails with  him  to  give  the  people  yet  an  opportu- 
nity of  (hewing  what  they  will  do,  before  all  be 
brought  to  a  clofmg  period. 

"  Methods  have  been  taken  to  provoke  him  to 
this,  that  there  might  be  the  greater  (hew  of  blame 
for  it,  when  done,  though  it  could  not  be  avoided; 
but  afiure  yourfelves,  that  he  will  be  juftined  by  all 
reafonable  men,  for  withdrawing  the  exercife  of 
his  care  over  thofe,  that  being  fo  often  invited  to 
it,  take  fo  little  of  themfelves,"  &c. 

A  different      The  nature  and  confequence  of  thefe  difputes 
Affembly    appear  to  have  caufed  a  confiderable  change  in  the 
chofen,  &c.  cnoice  of  the  members  of  the  next  elefted  Aflem- 
bly, in  October  17055  of  which  Jofeph  Groivdon 
was  Speaker.* 

Better  un-  ^his  Aflembly  acted  fo  very  different  from  the 
betweenthe  two  laft  preceding,  as  to  produce  a  much  better 
Governor  understanding  between  them  and  the  Governor, 

and  Aflem- 
bly. 

*  The  Names  of  the  Members  of  this  Affembly,  which,  in  general, 
appears  to  have  been  compofed  of  fome  of  the  molt  icfpedable  perfons  in 
the  province,  •were,  for  the  county  of 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  463 

in  confequence  of  which  a  great  number  of  laws    1705. 
were  pafled,  and  the  public  affairs  of  the  govern-  ^^v^^./ 
ment,  for  a  time,  bore  a  more  favorable  and  pro- 
mifmg  afpecl. 

In  this  year  1705,  Thomas  Chalkley,  one  of  the      Thoma* 
feven  perfons  before  mentioned,  who  petitioned  the 
AiTembly  of  the  laft  year,  1704,  a  preacher  among 
the  Quakers,  paid  a  religious  vifit  to  the  Indians,  at 
Cone/logo,  near  the  river  Sufquahanna,  in  Pennfyl-  &c' 
varna,  in  company  with  fome  of  his  friends,  of  the 
fame  religious  fociety.*    The  Indians,  who  confided 
chiefly  of  Senecas  and  Shawanefe,  received  them 
with  great  kindnefs:  they  were  much  affected  by 
their  vifit,  more  efpecially  a  certain  woman  of  emi-     Queen 
nence  among  them,  who  appeared  to  have  autho- 
rity,  and  fpoke  much  in  their  Councils;  the  reafon 
for  which  was,  when  the  Indians  were  afked,  one 
of  them  replied,  "  Becaufe  fome  women  are  wifer 

than 


Philadelphia. 
Ifaac  Norris, 
Richard  Hill, 
Rowland  Ellis, 
Reefe  Thomas, 
Samuel  Cart, 
John  Goodfon, 
William  Carter, 
John  Cook. 

Bucks.                                    Chefier. 
Jofeph  Growdon,  Speaker.  Robert  Pile, 
John  Swift,                          Richard  Webb, 
Jeremiah  Langhorn,             Caleb  Pufey, 
Jofhua  Hoopes,                     Nicholas  Fairlamb, 
Tobias  Dymock,                   John  Benuit, 
Henry  Paxton,                      Ifaac  Taylor, 
Samuel  Carpenter,               Nathaniel  Newlhij 
William  Paxton.                  Jofeph  Coeburn. 

City  of  Philadelphia^ — David  Lloyd  and  Edward  Shippen,  fenior. 

*  Thomas  Chaikiey^  with  his  wife  and  family,  removed  from  Englanf, 
In  the  year  1701,  into  Pennfylvania;  where  he  fettled  and  refided,  during 
the  remainder  of  his  life;  which  was  upwards  of  forty  years;  exceptiug 
that  part  of  it,  in  which  the  neceffary  affairs  of  trade  and  bufinefs  took 
him  abroad,  in  a  fea-faring  way,  &c.  but  more  efpecially  in  the  difcharge. 
of  what  he  believed  to  be  his  duty,  as  a  minifter  of  the  gofpcl;  which,  it 
is  left  on  record,  was  his  principal  and  moft  delightful  employment :  This 
he  is  faid  to  have  performed  through  many  deep  trials  and  exercifes,  vari- 
ous ways,  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  with  goodfuccefs, 

He  was  a  perfon  much  beloved  and  highly  efteemed  by  a  very  numerous 
acquaintance;  in  that  he  had  many  virtues,  and  thefe  of  the  more  amia- 
ble kind:  he  is  faid  to  have  been  of  a  meek  and  quiet  fpirit,  and  to  have 
had  an  engaging  fweetnefs,  both  in  his  miniftry  and  converfcition.  He 
died  in  the  iiland  of  Tortola,  in  America,  in  the  year  1741,  when  ona. 
religious  vifit  there,  in  the  fervice  of  preaching  the  gofpel. — Though  he 
had  not  the  advantage  of  what  is  called  a  literary  education,  or  of  much 
learning,  yet  he  left  behind  him  fome  printed  works  on  religious  fubjedls, 
and  a  journal  of  his  life,  (from  which  the  above  account  is  extracted)  written 
in  a  plain  and  fimple,  yet  very  eafy  and  engaging  llile;  which  were  afl 
Acceptable  legacy  to  many  lovers  gf  lug  me.mQ.rf . 


464  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1 705.  than  fome  men,  and  that  (he  was  an  Emprefs  among 
v^-v%^  them;"" — She  told  Thomas  Chalkley,  and  the  other 
Queen  friends,  that  me  looked  upon  their  coming  to  be 
more  than  natural;  becaufe  they  did  not  come  to 
buy  nor  fell,  nor  yet  gain,  but  in  love  and  refpecl: 
to  them,  and  defired  their  welfare  both  here  and 
hereafter. — She  related  to  them  a  dream,  which 
jjhe  had  three  clays  before;  which,  being  interpreted 
.  was,  "  That  fhe  was  in  London,  and  that  London 
\vas  the  fined  place  fhe  ever  faw,  (it  was  like  Phi- 
ladelphia, but  much  larger)  and  fhe  went  acrofs  fix 
ftreets,  and  in  the  feventh  fhe  faw  William  Penn 
preaching  to  the  people;  which  was  a  great  multi- 
tude; and  both  fhe  and  William  Penn  rejoiced  to 
fee  each  other,  after  the  meeting  me  went  to  him, 
and  he  told  her,  that  in  a  little  time,  he  would  come 
over  and  preach  to  them  alfo;  of  which  fhe  was 
very  glad:  and  now,  fhe  faid,  her  dream  was  ful- 
filled ;  for  one  of  his  friends  was  come  to  preach  to 
them."  And  fhe  advifed  the  Indians  to  hear  and 
treat  the  friends  kindly;  which  they  accordingly 
did.— 

This  one  inftance,  among  many,  which  might  be 
given,  is  here  mentioned,  to  mew  the  love  and  re- 
gard, thefe  people  had  for  the  memory  of  William 
Penn;  as  the  confequence  of  his  jufl  and  kind 
treatment  of  them;  and  the  fenfe  which  they  had 
of  his  regard  for  their  real  good,  and  true  hap. 
pinefs. 

England  at      England  was  now  at  war  with  France  and  Spain; 
with  in  confequenee  of  which  no  part  of  the  Britifh  do- 
pro-  niinions  could  be  entirely  exempt  from  danger.  In 
*  diffi-  all  times  of  war  Pennfyfoania  is  faid  to  have  been 
iva-  exP°fed  more  or  lets  to  difficulties,  on  account  of 
the  Quakers,  who  were  the  mofl  important  and 
confiderable  part  of  the  inhabitants,  being  princi- 
pled againfl  war  cf  every  kind :  but  then,  in  con- 
iequence  of  their  pacific  conduct,  it  was  manifeft, 
more  happy  efie&s  were  produced,  in  proportion, 

as 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  465 

as  the  arts  of  peace,  in  a  fober  and  induftrious  1705. 
people,  are  preferable  to  thofe  of  war;  though 
they  were  ftrenuoufly  oppofed,  as  well  by  the  in- 
ternal as  by  the  external  enemies  of  the  conftitu- 
tion  of  the  province;  and  that  both  through  igno- 
rance and  defign. 

[59] 


Note.  About  this  time  (anno  1705)  the  Quakers  in  America  feem  to 
have  had  reafon  to  be  alarmed  by  a  fingular  ad  of  Affsm'oly,  puffed  in  the 
colony  of  Connecticut,  entitled  only,  Hereticks:  The  fubftance  or  purport 
of  it  appears,  by  the  order  of  Queen  Anne,  in  Council,  made  upon  that 
occafion,  as  follows,  viz. 

"  At  the  Court  of  Kenfmgton,  the  nth.  day  of  Oilober,  1705. 

Prefent:— 
His  Royal  Highnefs,  Prince  George        Earl  of  Ranelaugh, 

of  Denmark,  Mr.  Boyle, 

Lord  Arch-Biihop  of  Canterbury,  Mr.  Secretary  Hedges, 

Lord  Keeper,  Mr,  Secretary  Harley, 

Lord  Treafurer,  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Holt, 

Lord  Prefident,  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Trevor, 

Duke  of  Somerfet,  Mr.  Vernon, 

Duke  of  Ormond,  Mr.  Earle. 

«'  A  Reprefentation,  from  the  Lords  Commiffioners  of  Trade  and 
Plantations,  being  this  day  read  at  the  board,  upon  an  act,  paffed  in 
her  Majefty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  entitled  only,  Hereticks,  whereby 
it  is  enabled,  that  all,  who  (hall  entertain  any  Quakers,  Ranters,  Adamites, 
and  other  Hereticts,  are  made  liable  to  the  penalty  of  five  pounds,  and 
five  pounds  per  week  for  every  town,  that  fhall  fo  entertain  them;  that 
all  Quakers  fhall  be  committed  to  prifon,or  be  fent  out  of  the  colony;  that 
whoever  Ihall  hold  unneceffary  difcourfe  with  Quakers  (hall  forfeit  twenty 
fhillings;  that  whoever  fhall  keep  any  Qtiakers"  books,  the  Governor, 
Magiitratcs  and  Elders  excepted,  ihail  forfeit  ten  fhillings;  and  that  all 
fuch  books  be  fupprefled;  that  no  mafter  of  any  veffel  do  land  any  <£»«- 
kers,  without  carrying  them  away  again,  under  the  penalty  of  twenty 
i'junds. 

"  And  the  faid  Lords  Commifiioners,  humbly  offering  that  the  faid 
acT:  be  icpealed  by  her  Majefty;  it  being  contrary  to  the  liberty  of  con- 
fcience  indulged  to  diflenters  by  the  laws  of  England,  as  alfo  to  the  char- 
ter granted  to  that  colony. 

"  Her  Majefty,  with  the  advice  of  her  Privy  Council,  is  pleafed  to 
declare  her  difallowance  and  difapprobation  of  the  faid  a  (51;  and  purfuant 
to  her  Majefty's  royal  pleafure  thereupon,  the  faid  act,  paffed  in  her 
Majefty's  colony  of  Conrte&icutt  in  Netv  England,  entitled,  Beretfc4ft  is 
hereby  repealed,  and  declared  null  and  void,  and  of  no  effect. 

f  n  gratitude  for  this  order,  the  Quakers,  in  London,  addreffed  the  Queen, 
in  the  following  manner,  viz, 

"  May  it  pleafe  tie  Queeny 


466     •  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1705.        For,   though  the  fidelity  of  the  Quakers  to  the 

^^.^u  King  and  Government,  their  punctuality  in  paying 

The  Qua-  their  taxes,  and  their  confcientioufly  and  ftric\ly  de- 

tuaHnPpay-  clining  all  illicit  trade,  or  defrauding  of  the  royal 

ing  taxes  to  revenue,  in  any  refpect,  have,  in  all  parts  of  the 

ment°V<  *  Britifh   dominions,  never  been  exceeded  by  any 

others;  which,  in  an  induftrious  people,  are  things 

of  very  great  importance  and  utility,  to  any  go- 

veriunent;  yet,  in  this  province,  by  reafon  of  their 

not  perfonally  themfelves   complying  in   military 

preparations,  nor  joining  in  actual  fervice  of  that 

nature,  or  immediately  employing  others,  as  fub- 

ftitutes,  therein,  though  they  never  attempted  to  lay 

any  reftraint  upon  other  people,  who  were  among 

them,  reflecting  thefe  affairs,  confiftent  with  the 

But  the  jaw  Q£  naj-ions    ancj  fe}f  defence,  or  agreeable  to 

confequen       .....  >    ,  ,,  i", 

ces  of  their  the  limitanons  of  the  royal  charter,  they  have,  ne- 
principies    verthelefs,  frequently  laboured  under  very  uniuft 

fometime-j  .    '  „  r 

mifrepre     imputations,  and  the  charge  of  wrong  coniequen- 
fented,  &c.  ces^  formed  by  the  falfe  reafoning  of  their  enemies, 
in  this  refpeft. 

their  fuppreflion,  which  law,  the  Qneen  has  been  gracioufly  pleafed  to 
difaliow,  and  make  void,  now  find  ourfclvcs  engaged,  in  duty  and  gra- 
titude, to  make  the  juft  returns  of  our  thankful  acknowledgments  to  the 
Queen,  for  this  eminent  iriftance  of  inviolably  maintaining  the  toleration; 
and  do.  therefore,  humbly  crave  leave,  on  this  occafion,  to  repeat  the 
fmcere  affura'ice  of  our  Chriftian  and  peaceable  fubje&ion,  and  unfeigned 
joy.  for  the  Queen's  mild  and  geutle  government,  aiming  at  the  good  of 
all  her  people. 

"  May  the  bleffing  of  the  Almighty  fo  profper  and  accomplifh  the 
Queen's  juft  defires  of  union  among  her  fubjedls,  of  firm  peace  in  Europe, 
and  of  the  increafe  of  virtue,  that,  in  the  delightful  fruition  thereof,  the 
Queen  may  enjoy  many  days,  and  after  a  life  of  comfort,  be  tranflated 
to  a  glorious  immortality. 

"  Signed  on  behalf  of  the  faid  people,  by 

"  JOHN  FEILD. 
"  JOSEPH  WYETH." 
The  Queen's  anfwer. 

"  Let  the  gentlemen  know,  I  thank  them  heartily  for  this  addrefs;  and 
that,  while  they  continue  fo  good  fubjeds,  they  need  not  doubt  of  my 
protection." 

Note.  The  winter  of  the  year  1705,  was  remarkable,  in  Pennfylvania 
for  a  great  fhow,  in  general,  about  one  yard  deep. 

CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  467 

CHAPTER     XVII. 

Governor  Evans's  difpofition  and  conducJ. — His  treat- 
ment of  the  Quakers'  principles  on  war. — Falfe 
alarm  at  Philadelphia. — Fort  and  exattions  at 
Newcqftle. — Richard  Hill. — Ifaac  Norris. — Sa- 
muel  Prefton,  &c. — Affembly's  addrefs  to  the  Go- 
vernor, &c> — Further  proceeding  and  difpute  be- 
tween the  Governor  and  AJJembly. — Affembly  dif~ 
plea  fed  with  the  Secretary  James  Logan.— Memorial 
of  'James  Logan. — The  Affembly  Impeach  the  Secre- 
tary. — Heads  of  an  angry  remonftrance  to  the  Pro- 
prietor againft  the  Governor  and  Secretary,  &c.-~ - 
Thefe  difputes  continue  till  the  arrival  of  Governor 
Gookin,  in  the  beginning  of  1709. — Names  of  the 
Members  of  AJfembly  and  Council,  &c. — Difficul- 
ties of  the  Proprietor  about  this  time. — 

ijsrOVERNOR  EVANS  appears  to  have  been    1705. 
an  aclive  young  man,  of  a  temper  fcarcely  indiffe-  v^v^' 
rent  to  any  thing,  zealous   to  promote  what  he  Gov  Evang 
thought  the  fervice  and  intereft  of  the  Proprietary  did  not  at- 
required,but  not  fufficiently  ftudying  the  genius  and  ^"}d  f|^j' 
difpofition  of  the  people,  over  whom  he  prefided.  difpofidon* 
His  warm  zeal  to  pufh  his  own  views,  in  fome  things, of  the  Peo" 
contrary  to  thofe  of  the  Aflembly,  tended  to  pro- p  °' 
duce  fuch  extreme  oppofition  and  diflike  between 
them,    as    were  fcarcely  warrantable,  and  might 
have  had  fatal  effects;  the  natural  confe'quence  of 
men's  tempers  being  too  much  agitated  and  inflam- 
ed ;  befides  the  liberties  of  his  private  life  and  con- 
duel  are  reprefented  to  have  been  fuch  as  rendered 
him  offenfive  to  a  fober  and  religious  people.     He 

was 


468  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA." 

I7°5«   was  moreover  faid  to  want  neither  ingenuity  nor 
v_xvxy  abilities,  fo  much  as  a  proper  application  of  them; 
for  which  years  and  experience  are  fo  generally  re- 
quifite.     But  his  difappointment,  on  his  firft  arri- 
val, in  not  being  able  to  prevail  on  the  Aflembly  of 
the  province  to  admit  of  a  re-union  with  that  of 
the  territories,  which  he  had  fo  much  fet  his  mind 
upon,  with  the  nature  of  certain  following  pro- 
ceedings of  the  former,  appear  to  have  occasioned 
He  joins  his  imprudently  joining  with  the  ArTembly  of  the 
Affembiyof  latter>  m  f°me  a&s>  which  fcciTied  more  calculated 
the  territo-  to  incommode  the  province,  than  for  any  real  uti- 
commode11"  ^J  to  eitner*>  fr°m  which  kind  of  conduct  it  could 
the  Pro-     not  be  reafonably  fuppofed  any  good  underftanding 
vince.         could  arife,  or  be  long  cherifhed,  between  them. 

The  Governor  had  endeavoured  to  form  a  militia 
through  the  government,  but  fo  far  as  appears, 
'and  which  could  not  be  reafonably  expected  other- 
wife,  not  with  much  fuccefs.     He  knew  the  S^ua- 
kers9  principles  were  againft  bearing  arms  and  war, 
yet,  as  the  inexperience  and  amiming  of  youth,  as 
well  as  the  prejudice  of  more  advanced  years,  is 
fometimes  ready  to  regard  a  contrariety  of  fenti- 
ment,  in  others,  more  efpecially  if  it  differ  much 
from  the  common  opinion,  in  the  highefl  point  of 
abfurdity,  without  duly  examining  into  the  merits 
of  it;  fo  Governor  Evans,  by  part  of  his  conduct. 
He  treats  appears  to  have  regarded  and  treated  the  principles 
theQuakers0f  the    Guakers9    m  refpecl  to  felf  defence,  as  a 

principles  :*~  /•   i  ,j  j  r- 

igainftwar,  mere  notion,  which  would  never  endure  a  fenous 
asabfurd.  'trial;  and  by  the  following  imprudent  fcheme  and 
experiment,  inftead  of  anfwering  any  ufeful  inten- 
tion to  the  public,  he  is  faid  not  only  to  have  alien- 
ated the  Quakers  further  from  him,  but  alfo  high- 
ly difgufted  fuch  of  the  people  in  general,  as  were 
not  concerned  in  the  contrivance,  or  execution  of 
it. 

Governor  Evans,   in  conjunction  with  Robert 
French  of  Newcqftle,  Thomas  C larky  an  attorney  at 

law, 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  469 

law,  of  Philadelphia,  and  fome  others  of  his  afTo-    1706. 
ciates,  it  is  faid,  for  their  diverfion,  and  to  try  the 
difpofition  of  the  people,  but  mod  probably  that  of 
of  the  Quakers  chiefly,  concerted  a  fcheme  to  raife  alarm,  &c. 
and  carry  on  a  falfe  alarm,  in  order  mod  effectually 
to  terrify  the  inhabitants  by  a  fudden  furprize,  and 
thereby  oblige  them  to  have  recourfe  to  arms,  for 
their  defence. 

It  was  at  the  time  of  the  fair  in  Philadelphia ,  on 
the  1 6th.  day  of  the  Third-month,  O.  S.  1706, 
when  this  plot  was  put  in  execution;  French  acled 
at  Neivcajlle,  by  fending  up  a  meflfenger  to  the  go- 
vernor, at  Philadelphia,  in  the  greatefl  hafte,  and 
apparent  confirmation,  to  acquaint  him,  that  a 
number  of  veflfels  were  then  actually  in  the  river, 
and  as  high  up  as  a  place,  which  he  named.  Up- 
on this  news  immediately  the  Governor  a&ed  his 
part;  and,  by  his  emiifaries,  made  it  fly  through  the 
city;  while  himfelf  with  a  drawn  fword  in  his  hand, 
on  horfeback,,  rode  through  the  ftreets,  in  feeming 
great  commotion,  and  a  behaviour  adapted  to  the 
nature  of  the  occafion,  commanded  and  entreated 
people  of  all  ranks  to  be  properly  afiifting  on  the 
emergency,  &c.* 

The  ftratagem,  in  part  fucceeded;  and  the  fud- 
dennefs  of  the  furprife,  with  the  noife  of  precipi- 
tation 

*  There  were  two  noted  falfe  alarms  formerly,  in  the  province.  Ths 
former  was  that  of  the  Indians,  in  1688.  The  latter  was  this,  in  Go- 
vernor Evans's  time;  to  one  of  which  Thomas  Makin,  before  mentioned 
in  the  notes,  page  211  ;  fcems  to  allude,  in  the  following  lines.,  •?.•'.:•. 

"  Sed  femel  hie  rumor  mendax  clamavit  ad  arma, 

"  Incola  cui  nimhim  credulus  omnis  erat. 
"  Hcec  male-fans  die  fuit  acla  tragaedia  quadam, 

"  Cum  convenerunt  undique  turba  frequensj 
t{  Scilicet  ut  major  ueret  commotus  in  urbe, 

**  Notioret  mutis  rumor  ubique  foret, 
"  Ufquc  adeo  fuit  hac  confufus  in  urbs  tumultus, 

"  Ut  neque  tuncleges,  ordo  nee  ullus  erat. 
"  Hie  removere  fua  intlanti  properabat  ab  hofte, 

"  Ille  nihil  contra  juflit  aburbevchi; 
"   Sed  quodcunque  fibi  voluit  dementia  tails, 

"  Hsec  damno  multisefl  memoranda  dies: 
:c  Vefpere  fed  tandem  fuit  hoc  ftratagema  dcteftum, 

"  Fiibula  titoc  iilana  fmiit  ada  disnt" 

But 


470  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

1706.  tation,  confequent  thereon,  threw  many  of  the 
people  into  very  great  fright  arid  confternation,  in- 
fomuch  that  it  is  faid,  forne  threw  their  plate  and 
mofl  valuable  effects  down  their  wells  and  little- 
houfes;  that  others  hid  -themfelves,  in  the  bed 
manner  they  could,  while  many  retired  further  up 
the  river,  with  what  they  could  mod  readily  carry 
off;  fo  that  fonie  of  the  creeks  feemed  full  of  bpats? 
and  fmall  craft;  thofe  of  a  larger  fize  running  as 
far  as  Burlington,  and  fome  higher  up  the  river; — 
Several  women  are  faid  to  have  mifcarried  by  the 
fright  and  terror,  into  which  they  were  thrown, 
and  much  mifchief  enfued.* 

But  the  defign,  it  is  faid,  was  fufpecled,  or  un- 
derftood,  by  the  more  confederate  part  of  the  peo- 
ple, even  at  the  beginning;  and  endeavours  accord- 
ingly were  ufed,  to  prevent  its  taking  effect;  but 
the  conduct  and  artifice  of  the  Governor,  with  the 
help  of  his  numerous  affiftants,  and  the  eafy  cre- 
dulity, common  to  the  more  inconfiderate  part  of 
mankind,  very  much  fruftrated  thefe  endeavours, 
till  the  firft  tranfport  of  amazement  had  fubfided. 

James  Logan,  the  Secretary,  though  he  was  one 
of  the  people  called  Quakers,  was  accufed  or  fufpeft- 
ed,  of  being  privy  to  the  affair.  He  denied  the 

charge; 

But  once  to  zm\sfalfe  rumor  called  here; 

To  which  the  people  commonly  give  ear. 

'Twas  on  a  certain  day  the  p]ot  began, 

Deluded  crowds  together  madly  ran : 

By  artful  means  the  ftratagem  was  laid, 

And  great  commotions  through  the  city  made; 

So  wild  the  tumult,  and  fo  great  the  fear, 

No  law  nor  order  was  obferved  there: 

While  from  th'  approaching  foes  to  hafte  away, 

One  urg'd,  another  orders  gave  to  Hay- 

This  flrangc  affair,  whatever  was  defign'd, 

For  lofs  to  many,  will  be  kept  in  mind. 

The  ev'ning  did  the  plot's  defign  betray; 

The  farce  was  ended  with  the  clofing  day. 

*  It  was  obferved,  that,  in  an  Almanac  published  this  year,  in  PLlla-- 
Jetybia,  was  inferted  the  following  diftich,  oppofite  to  this  very  time,  vis. 
"  Wife  men  wonder,  good  men  grieve, 
Knaves  invent,  and  fools  believe." 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  471 

charge;  but  endeavoured  to  palliate  the  action,    1706. 
andexcufe  the  Governor;  which  rendered  him  the  ^-y^ 
more  fufpecled.     The  defign,  though  it  had  fuch  a  of  ^"°"£* 
confiderable  effect,  turned  out  entirely  contrary  to  alarm,  &c. 
the  expectation  of  the  authors  and  promoters  of  it; 
for  the  people  were  foon  undeceived;  and  when 
they  faw  how  grofsly  they  had  been  irnpofed  upon, 
many  of  them  fo  highly  refented  the  ufage,  that 
the  authors  and  promoters  thereof  were  now  obliged 
to  confult  their  own  fafety  from  the  fury  of  an  en- 
raged populace.  • 

As  to  the  Quakers ,  it  is  faid  the  principal  part  of 
them  were  attending  their  religious  meeting  as 
ufual.,  on  that  day  of  the  week,  even  in  the  midrt 
of  the  confufion;  and,  as  if  they  were  aware  of  the 
defign,  in  general,  behaved  themielves  fo  far  con- 
fidently, that  only  four  perfons,  who  had  any  pre- 
tence to  be  accounted  of  that  fociety,  appeared  un- 
der arms,  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  appointed  on 
the  occanon. 

With  this  action,  whereby  the  Governor  render- 
ed himfelf  odious  to  the  generality  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Philadelphia ,  may  be  mentioned  the  follow- 
ing; by  which  he  incurred,  in  a  particular  manner, 
the  difpleafure  of  the  trading  part  of  the  province. 

Soon  after  the  Affembly  of  the  territories  had  of  the  fort 
met  in  legislation,    independent  of  the  province,  *?<Jo  exa^ 
Governor  Evans  propofed  to  them  the  building  a 
fort  at  Newcajtle;  upon  which  a  law  was  palled  &< 
there,  entitled,  "  An  aft  for  erecling  and  maintain- 
ing a  forty  for  her  Majeftfs  fervice,  at  the  town  of 
Newcqftle  upon  Delaware."     This  law  impofed  a 
duty  of  half  a  pound  of  Gun-powder,  for  every 
ton,  that  all  veffels  whatever,  coming  from  the  lea 
up  the  river,  mould  meafure  by  the  carpenters  rule, 
whofe  major  part  was  not  owned  by  perfons  refid- 
ing  on  the  river  and  bay  of  Delaware;  (except 
ihips  of  war )  and  by  it  all  veffels,  both  inward  and 
outward,  were  obliged  to  {top,  drop  anchor,  and 

the 


472 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


the  commander  to  go  on  fhore,  make  report,  and 
have  leave  to  pafs,  from  the  commanding  officer  of 
of  the  fort  the  faid  fort,  under  penalty  of  paying  five  pounds, 
and  exac-  ^eflcjeg  twenty  millings  for  the  firll  gun,  thirty  for 

turns         at  J  t>  0        7  / 

Newcaftic,  the  iecoiid,  and  forty  for  every  gun  afterwards, 
&c-  that  fhould  be  fired  on  the  occafion,  in  cafe  of  ne- 

glect,  befides  the  forfeiture  of  five  pounds,  for 
contempt,  &c. 

This  law  was  confidered  as  a  manifeft  infraction 
of  the  privileges  granted  by  the  royal  charter  to  the 
fettlers  and  inhabitants  of  Pennfylvania;  and  flill 
more  fo,  from  the  manner  in  which  it  was  put  in 
execution;  for  they  had  legally  an  undoubted 
right  to  the  free  ufe  of  the  river  and  bay,  without 
any  interruption,  obftruction  or  hnpcfition  from 
any  quarter  whatever;  and  the  violent  means  which 
confequently  became  neceflaryto  enforce  a  law  upon 
fuch  a  defective  foundation,  and  not  even  counte- 
nanced by  the  law  itfelf,  foon  became  a  great  nui- 
fance,  and  an  intolerable  grievance  to  the  trading 
part  of  Pcnnfylfvania^  and  others  concerned  in  its 
commerce. — Befides,  it  was  alledged,  that  the  fort 
itfelf,  as  it  was  fituated  and  circumflanced,  had  it 
been  under  better  management  and  more  warrant- 
able direction,  could  not  poffibly  be  much  fecurity 
to  the  river,  nor  protection  to  the  vefTels  that  might 
happen  to  be  chafed,  or  affaulted  in  it. 

The  city  of  Philadelphia  was  much  concerned 
at  thefe  proceedings,  and  the  trading  part  thereof 
were  highly  incenfed  at  this  invafion  of  their  jufl 
liberties;  accordingly  endeavours  were  ufed  to  have 
the  affair  properly  redreffed,  but  without  fuccefs. 

At  length  Richard  Hill,  one  of  the  Governor's 
Council,  a  bold  man,  and  of  confiderable  abilities 
and  influence  in  the  province,  together  with  Jfaac 
Norris  and  Samuel  Prcfton,  all  Quakers,  and  men 
of  the  firft  rank  and  efteem,  was  determined  to  try 

to 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  47 

to  remove  this  nuifance,  by  a  different  method  from    1 706. 
any  that  had  been  yet  attempted.* 

[60]  Hill 

*  Thefe  three  perfons  being  men  of  confulerable  note  and  eminence, 
either  at  this  time,  or  afterwards,  in  the  province,  a  fhort  (ketch  of  their 
character,  as  I  find  it  in  M.  S.  here  follows,  viz. 

Richard  Hill  was  born  in  Maryland,  brought  up  to  tke  fea,  and  after- 
wards fettled  in  Philadelphia,  having  there  married  the  widow  of  John 
Delavnl,  Hannah,  the  eldeft  daughter  of  the  late  Governor  Llo  d,  a  wo- 
man of  an  excellent  character,  and  very  much  efteemed  and  beloved.— 
He  was  twenty-five  years  a  member  of  the  Governor's  Council,  divers 
times  Speaker  of  the  Aflembly,  held  feveral  offices  of  truft,  was,  for  fe- 
veral  years,  firft  Commiffioner  of  property,  and,  during  the  la  ft  ten  years 
of  his  life,  he  was  one  of  the  Provincial  Judges. 

His  fervices,  in  the  religious  fociety  of  his  friends,  the  ^takers,  of 
which  he  was,  for  many  years,  an  active  member,  are  faid  likewife  to  have 
been  very  considerable .  He  had  by  nature  and  acquifition  fuch  a  conftant 
firmnefs,  as  furtiifhed  him  with  undaunted  refolution,  to  execute  what- 
ever he  undertook.  His  found  judgment,  his  great  efteem.  for  the  Englljb 
conftitution  and  laws,  his  tendernefs  for  the  liberty  of  the  fubjecl:,  and 
his  zeal  for  preferving  the  reputable  order  eftablifhad  in  his  own  religious 
community,  with  his  great  generofity  to  proper  objects,  qualified  him  for 
the  greateft  fervices,  in  every  ftation  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  ren- 
dered him  of  very  great  and  uncommon  value,  in  the  place  where  he 
lived.  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  pth.  of  September,  1729. 

Ifaac  Norris,  of  Philadelphia,  held  many  public  offices,  with  great  re- 
pution  and  honour;  and  his  fervices,  in  the  affairs  of  his  own  religious 
community,  entitled  him  to  very  high  and  uncommon  efteem  among  his 
friends  the  Shiaker;;  in  which  he  was  a  principal  perfon  in  good  offices. 
He  is  faid  to  have  been  endowed  with  good  natural  abilities;  which  he 
improved  and  applied  to  the  benefit  of  mankind,  as  a  man  truly  fenfible- 
that  one  of  the  chief  ends  of  man's  exiftence  is  to  be  ufeful  and  beneficent 
to  the  human  race;  which  he  (hewed  by  his  uniform  conduct;  and  that 
to  anfwer  this  end  men  are  to  be  taken  as  they  are,  and  their  leiTer  fail- 
ings to  be  endured,  where  they  cannot  be  amended;  the  utility  of  his 
great  talents  wasmanifeftcd  by  a  prudent  and  confluent  corduct,  in  which 
lie  fo  much  the  more  effectually  fucceeded  and  excelled,  and  that  agreeable 
to  duty  and  a  good  confcience,  by  conilantly  cherifhmg  a  temper  and 
difpofition  of  mind,  which  overlooks  or  paflcs  by  the  many  diflikes,  de- 
ficiencies and  ungrateful  things,  in  others,  which  are  fo  commonly  incident 
to  mankind;  ib  that,  by  preferving  through  life,  a  chriftian  moderation, 
and  an  even  hand,  he  was,  on  all  occafions,  qualified  to  ufe  and  exert  his 
abilities  to  more  advantage  :  His  example  in  this  was  noble  and  confpi- 
cuous,  and  his  character,  in  mod  refpects,  fo  honourable  among  men,  in 
general,  and  his  conduct  fo  univerfally  beneficial,  efpecially  to  thofe  of 
his  own  religious  community,  that  he  was  an  ornament  to  his  country 
and  profeffion,  and  his  death  a  great  lofs  to  both;  which  was  in  the  year 
3  735 •  vvhen  he  was  Chief  Juftice  of  Pennfylvania. 

Samuel  Prejlon,  likewife  of  Philadelphia,  was,  for  a  long  time,  one  of 
the  Governor's  Council,  andTreafurer  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvania  ; 
which  offices  he  difcharged  with  much  honor  and  fidelity.  He  was  a 
man  of  great  integrity  to  what  he  believed  was  his  duty;  his  conduct 
in  life,  very  inftructive,  and  his  practice  a  continual  feries  of  good  offi- 
ces. He  was  a  perfon  of  fuch  remarkable  benevolence,  and  open  dif- 

pofi&ion 


474  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1706.  Hill  had  a  vefiel,  named  the  Philadelphia;  then 
\~s*v*^  loaded  and  juft  going  out,  to  fea;  but  doubting  of 
Account  of  his  captain's  refolution  to  pafs  the  fort,  without  iub- 

the  fort  and       ••  i   .   •  r   •  t         •  •  i       ~ 

exadionsat  nutting  to  the  impofition,  he,  m  company  with  the 
Newcafiie,  other  two,  went  in  the  veiTel  down  the  river,  and 
dropt  anchor  a  little  before  they  came  to  the  fort; 
Norris  and  Prefton  went  on  fhore,  to  inform  the 
officers,  at  the  fort,  that  the  vefTel  was  regularly 
cleared;  and  to  ufe  fuch  perfwafion,  as  they  were 
capable  of,  that  fhe  might  pafs  without  interrup- 
tion, &c.  but  to  no  purpofe:  H/77,  therefore,  tak- 
ing command  of  the  Hoop,  flood  to  the  helm,  and 
parled  the  fort,  without  receiving  any  damage, 
though  the  firing  was  kept  up  till  he  was  clear; 
and  the  guns  were  pointed  in  fuch  a  direction,  that 
a  fhot  went  through  the  mainfail.  As  foon  as  the 
floop  was  got  clear  of  the  fort,  John  French,  the  com- 
mander of  it,  put  off  in  a  boat,  manned  and  arm- 
ed, in  order  to  bring  her  to,  in  that  manner;  when 
he  came  along  fide,  Hill  ordered  a  rope  to  be 
thrown  him,  upon  which  they  faftened  the  boat, 
and  French  went  on  board;  the  rope  was  then  im- 
mediately cut,  and  the  boat  falling  a  ftern,  French 
was  conducted  a  prifoner  to  the  cabin ; — who, 
now  feeing  his  fituation,  pleaded  his  indifpofition 
of  body:  upon  which  Hill  afked  him,  "  If  that 
u tfj  really  the  cafe^  why  did  he  come  there? — Lord 

Cornbury^ 

.pofition  of  mind,  as  rendered  advice  and  reproof,  from  him,  the  more 
acceptable  and  ferviceable;  and  being  of  a  fair  and  clean  character,  good 
judgment,  and  fuitable  prefence  of  mind,  his  ufefulnefs,  in  that  capacity, 
was  the  more  extenfive  and  fuccefsful.  He  was  a  very  valuable  mem- 
ber ot  fociety,  among  his  friends,  the  Quakers  y  undertaking  and  per- 
forming many  difficult  offices  and  iocial  duties  therein,  with  great  chtar- 
fulnefs,  alacrity  and  utility;  and  was  highly  efteemed  by  them,  as  an 
elder,  who  ruled  well  in  his  fecial  capacity^  and  was  worthy  of  double 
honor. — He  died  in  September,  1743.  aged  about  eighty  years. 

The  worth  of  wife  and  virtuous  men  is  ineftimable,  and  their  lofs  to 
the  community,  not  eafily  repaired.  It  is  to  be  regretted,  that  frequently 
their  great  value  and  importance  are  not  fufficiently  feen,  or  underilood 
and  attended  to,  till  after  we  are  deprived  of  them,  and  can  no  longer 
4be  benefited  by  their  prefence  and  fociety,  &c, 

• "  Virtutem  incohimem  odimus; 

Sublata-m  ex  oculis,  ejuenmus,  invidi," 

HORAT. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  475 

Cornbury,  Governor  of  New-Jerfey,  and  as  fuch    1706. 
claiming  to  be  Vice  Admiral  of  the  river  Delaware,  ^^/^u 
happened,  at  that  time,  to  be  at  Salem,  a  little  Account  of 

i         cv •      r       -TJ         r  '  the  fort  and 

lower  down,  on  the  jtrfey  fide  or  the  river;  to  exaaionsat 
him  the  prifoner  was  brought,  to  give  an  account  Newcaftie, 
of  his  conduct.     In  this  place,  after  French,  in  a 
coarfe  manner,  had  been  fufficiently  reprimanded 
by  Lord  Cornbury,  upon  a  fuitable  fubmiffion  and 
promifes  made,  he  was  at  length  difmiffed,  but 
not  without  marks  of  derifion  from  fome  of  the 
attendants. 

This  put  a  finiming  ftroke  to  thefe  proceedings 
at  the  fort  of  Newcaftie;  and  thus  ended  the  enter- 
prize;  in  which  Hill's  friends,  efpecially  his  anxi- 
ous wife,  a  perfon  of  note  and  high  efteem,  who, 
at  Philadelphia,  heard  the  report  of  the  guns,  could 
not  but  be  particularly  concerned,  fearing  left  his 
refolution  mould  be  attended  with  bad  confequen- 
ces:  but  they  were  foon  agreeably  relieved  from 
their  apprehenfions  of  that  kind;  and  his  conduct 
in  this  affair,  made  an  open  way  for  others. 

But  Richard  Hill  did  not  fuffer  the  affair  to  reft 
here ;  for,  accompanied  by  a  large  number  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Philadelphia,  he  attended  the  Gene- 
ral Affembly;  and,  by  petition,  m  fuch  manner, 
laid  the  affair  before  them,  that  it  produced  an  acf- 
drefs  to  the  Governor,  from  the  Houfe,  without  fo 
much  as  one  diffenting  vote,  dated  the  i  oth.  of  May, 
1707,  highly  refenting  thefe  proceedings,  on  the 
river  Delaware,  and  at  Newcaftie,  which  I  do  not 
find  were  afterwards  continued.* 

The 

*  This  addrefs  was  as  follows,  viz. 

"  To  John  Evans,  Efqinre,  by  the  Queen's  royal  approbation,  Lieute- 
nant Governor  of  the  province  of  Pennfylvaniat  and  of  the  three 
lower  counties  of  NeivcafiL',  Kent  and  Sujfix,  on  Delaware  river. 

"  The  humble  AdJrefs  of  the  Reprefentatives  of  the  freemen  of  the 
faid  province,  in  General  Affembly  met,  the  loth,  day  of  the  month 
called  May,  1707,  fheweth, 

"  THAT  a  petition  of  above  two  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  merchants 
and  other  inhabitants  of  the  fuid  province,  but  moftly  of  the  citv  of 
having  been  prefented  to  this  Houfe,  complaining  of  very 


476  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1706.        The  aft  of  Aflembly,  for  eftablifhing  courts  of 

v^-\^o  judicature,  in  the  province,  in  the  year  1701,  hav- 

of  the  bill  ing  been  repealed  by  the  crown,  the  Governor,  in 

of^Cc  rts,  or(jer  to  fuppiy  tne  intention  of  that  act,  for  the 

regulation  of  courts,  recommended  to  the  confide- 

ration 

great  aburcs  and  opprefiions,  \vbich  fome  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  county 
of  Nett'cafle  have  committed  upon  feveral  of  thefe  petitioners,  by  colour 
of  a  certain  ordinance,  or  a6t  of  Aflembly,  lately  pafled  thereby  the  laid 
Lieutenant  Governor,  and  Reprefentatives  of  the  freemen  of  the  faid 
three  lover  counties,  entitled  "  An  afj  jor  erecl'/nyand  ir.aintai;iing  a  fort 
for  her  Mn:,ejlys  fer*o\ce,  at  the  town  rf  Neivc ajlle  upon  Delaware;*'  which 
aA.  as  alfo  tt.e  fevtral  affidavits,  relating  to  the  matter  complained  of, 
being  read,  we  thought  proper,  in  the  firft  place,  to  confuler  the  royal 
charter  of  the  iate  Kiner  Charles  the  fecond,  te  the  Proprietary,  bearing 
date  tht  fourth  day  ot  March,  in  the  three  and  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign, 
\\hcrebv  tht  fre"  and  uiviitUirbed  ufe  and  continuance  in,  and  paffage 
Tinro,  ar.d  out  of.  all  the  ports,  harbours,  bays,  \vaters,  rivers,  ifles  and 
inien's  belonging  unto,  or  leading  to,  or  from  this  country,  with  the  other 
powers  :.nd  liberties,  mentioned  in  the  laid  petition,  are  granted  to  the 
Proprietary  and  inhabitants  of  this  province,  as  the  petitioners  fet  forth; 
ana  vvt-  further  rblcrvt  that  by  the  faid  charter,  the  Queen's  liege  people 
of  this  province  are  to  befubjed  to  no  laws,  but  fuch  as  are  confonantto 
reafon,  and  as  near  as  may  be,  agreeable  to  the  laws,  ftatutes  and  rights 
of  the  kingdom  of  England 

"  In  the  next  place  we  have  infpe&ed  the  late  Duke  of  York's  deeds  of 
feoffmc-nt  to  the  Proprietary,  for  the  faid  three  lower  counties,  as'alfo 
•  the  late  King  Charles  the  fecond's  grant  to  the  Duke,  for  the  fame  lands; 
and  when  we  call  to  mir.d  how  the  Rcprefentatives  of  the  lower  counties 
broke  off,  and  refufed  to  proceed  legislatively,  in  conjunction  with  the 
Reprefentatives  of  the  province,  under  the  Proprietary's  adminiftration; 
but  how  far  they  can  be  juftified  in  making  laws  to  raife  money  on 
the  Queen's  fubje&s  in  this  government,  we  intend  Ihall  be  further 
confidcred  hereafter;  hi  the  mean  time  we  fhall  infift  that  the  liberty  of 
the  free  ufe,  and  paffage  to,  and  out  of,  the  ports  of  this  province,  granted 
us  by  the  above  recited  royal  charter,  is  well  warranted  by  the  laws  of 
England;  and  that  no  impofition  can,  by  any  a<5t,  or  ordinance,  made  at 
Neivcajlle,  be  laid  upon  any  veffel,  bound  to,  or  from,  any  port  in  this 
province,  which  doth  not  unload  at  feme  key,  or  place,  within  the  faid 
lower  counties;  and  we  conceive,  that  upon  a  ftridt  examination  of  their 
faid  act  of  Affc'mbly,  it  will  moft  evidently  appear,  that  the  veflels  not 
bound  to,  c.r  out  of,  fome  port  or  place  there,  cannot  legally  be  obliged 
to  comply  with  the  impofitions  of  the  faid  aft. 

"  Therefore  this  houfe,  having  fully  and  maturely  weighed  the  nature 
of  the  faid  a6t,  and  the  ufe  that  is,  and  has  been  made  of  it,  found  them- 
felves  obliged,  in  duty  to  the  Queen,  and  juftice  to  the  people  they  re- 
prefent,  to  come  to  the  following  refolutions,  N.  C.  D. 

*'  Firft y  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Houfe,  that  the  faid  acT:  of  Aflem- 
bly m'ght  be  by  the  Governor,  intended  for  the  Queen's  fervice,  and  fecu- 
rity  of  her  fubjedts,  yet  the  manner  of  putting  the  fame  in  execution  proves 
an  apparent  violation  of  the  fuid  royal  charter,  as  well  as  the  common 
and  itatute  laws  of  England,  and  is  deflrudlive  to  trade,  and  tends  to  the 
depopulating  and  ruin  of  this  province. 

"  Secondly,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Houfe,  that  the  firing  of  fhot 
at  the  flccp  Philadelphia,  in  the  feveral  affidavits  mentioned,  when  (he 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  477 

ration  of  the  Houfe,  the  draught  of  a  bill,  which  1706. 
he  had  prepared  for  that  purpofe,  as  being  better, 
and  more  mitably  adapted,  than  the  aft  v/hich  had 
been  repealed. — This  the  Aifembly  not  only  re- 
jected, but  drew  up  one  themfelves,  inftead  of  it, 
fo  widely  different,  that  the  Governor  and  they 
were  not  able  to  agree  to  certain  particulars  con- 
tained in  it;  which  were  ailed ged  by  the  Governor, 
as  tending  to  "break  in  upon  the  Proprietary* s powers 
of  government,  or  his  juft  inter  eft;"  and,  after  much 
difpute  and  altercation,  and  time  fpent  to  no  pur- 
pole,  the  Governor  proceeded,  by  an  ordinance, 
in  fuch  cafe  provided  in  the  royal  charter,  to  open 
the  courts  of  juftice,  till  further,  or  better  provi- 
fion  and  regulation  Ihould  be  made  by  act  of  Af- 

fembly. 

j 

The  Houfe  being  difappointed  in  not  carrying 
their  point,  in  the  manner  they  defired,  were  very  heads    thc 
much  chagrined.     They  were  headed  by   David  Affe 
Lloyd,  their  Speaker,  as  before  mentioned,  a  per- 
fon  of  good  efteem  and  character  among  the  peo- 
ple, and  who  had  been  brought  up  to  the  law;  but 
through  mofl  of  his  public   conduct,  appears   to 
have  diflinguimed  himfelf  in  nothing  fo  much,  as 

by 

was  duly  cleared,  at  this  port  of  Philadelphia,  as  the  acts  of  navigation 
direct,  and  had  the  Governor's  Lci-pafs,  and  upon  her  voyage  to  Barba- 
Joes,  is  not  warranted  by  the  faid  act  of  Affembiy;  but  that  thofe,  who 
fired  at  the  faid  floop,  after  they  had  notice  what  Ihe  was,  and  how  {he 
was  cleared,  ought  te  be  profecuted,  as  perfons  committing  hoftilities 
againft  the  Qneen's  liege  people. 

"  Thirdly,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Houfe,  that,  in  cafe  the  matter 
of  the  faid  floop  had  been  liable  to  pay  either  Powder-money*  or  other 
mu?fls*  impofed  by  the  faid  a<5t,  yet  the  forcing  him  out  of  the  veffel,  and 
imprifoning  him,  when  fecurity  was  offered,  for  anfwering  the  fuppofed 
offence,  is  not  warranted  by  the  faid  act,  but  ismoft  illegal  and  arbitrary. 

"  We,  having  thus  presented  our  opinion  of  the  faid  ad,  entrort,  that 
thou  wouldft  ufe  the  moft  effectual  methods  to  put  a  fpeedy  ftop  to  the 
faid  exorbitant  practices,  great  abufes  and  oppreffions,  mentioned  in  the 
faid  petition  (a  copy  whereof  we  humbly  lay  before  thee;)  and  that  the 
authors  of  thefe  arbitrary  actions  and  oppreffions  complained  of,  may  be 
profecuted  according  to  law,  and  be  no  longer  permitted  to  abufe  the 
Queen's  authority,  and  (tand  in  open  defiance  of  her  royal  Uncle's  grant, 
obttruct  our  lawful  commerce,  and  invade  our  liberties,  rights  and  pro- 
perties, and  under  the  pretence  of  fortifying  the  river,  for  the  fervice  of 
the  Queen,  commit  hoftilities  and  depredations  upon  her  liege  people.*' 


4/5  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1706.   by  his  conflant  oppofition  to  the  claims  of  the  Pro- 
~v^v~v-'  prietary.     Having  failed  in  this  their  conteit  with 
Againft  the  Governor,  the  Aflembly,  in  the  next  place, 
5ames  Lo"  were  determined,  if  poiiible,  to  take  their  revenge 
on  the  Secretary,  James  Logan,  \vho  was  alfo  one 
of  the  Council;  and  they  accordingly  pointed  the 
force  of  their  refentment  againft  him;  whom  they 
regarded,  in  great  meafure,  as  the  caufe  of  their 
miicarriage,  in  the  bill  of  courts,  and  of  much  or 
the  mifunder (landing  between  them  and  the  Go- 
vernor. 

"James  Logan  was  a  man  of  confiderable  under- 

ftanding  and  abilities,  perhaps  exceeded  by  few* 

james  LO-  or  none,  in  the  province;  he  efpoufed  and  firmly 

ports    JKfcppdrtecl  the  Proprietary's  interefl,  and  had  great 

Propricta-  influence  in  the  Council;  but  to  perfons  of  inferior 

reft,  &T.tC~  abilities  and  lefs  acquirements,  he  is  reprefented  by 

fome,  not  always  to  have  conducted  himfelf  in  that 

courteous  and  condefcending  manner,  which  gains* 

refpecl,    and  is  an  ornament   to,  fuperior  parts; 

which   rendered  him  fomewhat  unpopular,    and 

fometimes  provoked  his  enemies  to  carry  their  ani- 

mofuy  againfc  him  to  unwarrantable  extremes.* 

The 

*  "  Jamrs  Logan  was  defcended  of  a  family  originally  from  Scotland; 
where,  in  the  troubles  of  that  country,  occafioned  by  the  affair  of  Earl 
Gaturie^  in  the  reign  of  panics  the  VI.  his  grandfather,  Robert  Logan, 
was  deprived  of  a  confiderable  eftate;  in  cor.fcquenceof  which  his  father, 
Patrick  Logan,  bciflgifi  reduced  circumstances,  removed  into  Ireland,  and 
fixed  his  reildence  at  Ltirgan,  the  place  of  his  fon  James's  birth.  Patrick 
Lo%an  had  the  benefit  of  a  good  education,  in  the  univerfity  of  Edinburgh; 
v.'here  he  commenced  maicer  of  arts; — but  afterwards  joined  in  religious 
fociety  with  the  Quakers. — This,  his  fon,  James  Logan,  being  endowed 
•with  a  good  genius,  and  favoured  with  a  fuitable  education,  made  con- 
fiderable proficiency  in  divers  branches  of  learning  and  fcience;  after 
•which  he  went  to  England;  from  whence,  in  the  year  1699,  and  about  the 
25 th.  ef  his  age,  he  removed  to  Pennfyevania,  in  company  with  William 
Pcnn,  in  his  latter  voyage  to  America;  and,  in  1701,  he  was,  by  commif- 
fion  from  the  Proprietary,  appointed  Secretary  of  the  province,  and 
Clerk  of  the  Council  for  the  fame. 

His  life  was  afterwards  much  employed  in  public  a/Fair?: — The  depart- 
ment Allotted  him,  in  the  time  of  the  Oovcrnors,  Evans  and  Goo/tin,  ex- 
pofcd  him  to  much  altercation  with  David  Lloyd,  then  at  the  head  of  the 
Aflembly,  as  Speaker,  and  a  large  number  that  joined  him.  He  adhered 
to  what  was  deemed  the  proprietary  intereil;  and  .exerted  himfelf  with 

jrreat 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


479 


The  province  appears  to  have  exhibited  fome-    1706. 
thing  of  the  nature  of  party,  from  its  early  inftitu-  v^v^-/ 
tion,  even,  in  fome,  who  flrongly  profefled  more 
noble   and  generous  motives  of  conduct.     Party 
fpirit,  the  offspring  of  narrow  and  felfifli  views,  is 
deeply    interwoven  in    human  nature;  of  which, 
perhaps,  it  is  inipoflible    to  be  wholly   diverted.  party  fpirit 
But  as  the  human  paffions  are  only  injurious,  when  oniyinjuri- 
they  are  not  kept  under  proper  reftriction  and  go-  extreme.1  C 
vernment,  fo  it  is  the  extreme  alone  of  party  de- 
fign,  which,  in  reality,  is  fo  pernicious  to  human 
fociety;    while    its    moderate    exertion    excites    a 

drifter 

great  fidelity  to  it.  He  held  the  feveral  offices  of  Provincial  Secretary, 
CommifTioner  of  property,  Chief  Juitice,  and  for  near  two  years,  govern- 
«d  the  province,  as  President  of  the  Council. — 

Many  years  hefore  his  death  he  retired  pretty  much  from  the  hurry  and 
•incumbrance  of  public  affairs,  and  fpent  the  latter  part  of  his  time,  prin- 
cipally at  StJKton,  his  country  feat,  near  Germantotvn,  about  five  or  fix 
miles  from  Philadelphia;  where  he  enjoyed,  among  his  books,  that  leifure 
in  which  men  of  letters  take  delight,  and  correfponded  with  the  literati 
in  different  parts  of  Europe.  He  was  v/ell  verfed  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  learning,  acquainted  with  the  oriental  tongues,  a  mafler  of  the 
Latin,  Greek,  French  and  Italian  languages;  deeply  fkilled  in  the  Mathe- 
matics, and  in  natural  and  moral  philofophy;  as  feveral  pieces  of  h;s  own 
writing,  in  Latin,  &c.  demonftrate;  fome  of  which  have  gone  through 
divers  impreflions,  in  different  parts  of  Europe,  and  are  highly  eileemed: 
Among  his  productions  of  this  nature,  his  Expcrimcnia  Melttcmata  dt 
plant  arum  generaiione,  or  his  Experiments  on  the  Indian  corn,  or  Maize  of 
America,  with  his  obfervations  ar.fing  therefrom,  on  the  generation  of 
plants,  pubiifhed  in  Latin,  at  Leyden,  in  1739,  and  afterwards,  in  1747, 
republifhed  in  London,  with  an  Englijb  verfion  on  the  oppofite  page,  by 
Dr.  J.  Fothergill,  are  both  curious  and  ingenious. — Along  with  this  piece 
was  iikewife  printed,  in  Latin,  at  Lcyden,  another  treatife,  by  the  fame 
author,  entitled,  "  Canonum  pro  i-veniendis  refraflionutn,  turn  Jtaftieittm^ 
turn  in  lentibus  duplicium  focis,  demonjlrationes  geometries  " — "  Antore  Jacola 
Loffan,  *judii.e  ftthremu  et  Prtsjide  provincitjf  Penjll*vanierjls,  in  America?*— 
And,  in  his  old  age,  he  tranilated  Cicero  s  excellent  treatife,  Defencfiute; 
which,  with  his  explanatory  notes,  was  printed  in  Philadelphia  t  with  a 
preface  or  encomium,  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  afterwards  Dr.  Franklin,  of 
that  city,  in  1744. — He  was  one  of  the  people  called  Quakers,  and  died 
on  the  3 ill.  of  O&ober,  1751*  aged  about  77  years; — leaving,  as  a  mo- 
nument of  his  public  fpirit  and  benevolence  to  the  people  of  Pennfylvania, 
a  library;  which  he  had  been  fifty  years  in  collecting;  (fmce  called  the 
Lnganiun  Library]  intending  it  for  the  common  ufe  and  benefit  of  all  lovers 
of  learning.  It  was  faid  to  contain  the  belt  editions  of  the  beft  books,  in 
various  languages,  arts  and  fciences,  and  to  be  the  largeft,  and  by  far  the 
moft  valuable,  collection  of  the  kind,  at  that  time,  in  this  part  of  the 
world. 

He  had  feveral  children,  who  furv.'ved  him;  of  whom  his  cldeft  fon 
William  i  lately  decealed,  -was  many  years  a  member  of  the  Governor 'A 
Council, 


480  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1706.    drifter  attention  to  men's  real  interefts,  and  under 
^/v^/  proper  management  and  direction.,  becomes  fubfer- 
vient  to  the  more  effectual  fecurity  of  the  public 
good. 

The  nature  and  length  of  this,  and  other  difputes, 

with  the  diflike  and  odium,  which  forne  parts  of 

TheAfiem-  tne  Governor's  private  conducl,  are  faid  to  have 

c^wi'iKe  created,  in  the  more  fober  part  of  the  inhabitants, 

Governor's  by  his  frequently  deicending  below  the  dignity  of 

condua,     j^g  fl-atjon;>  -m  midnight  revels,  and  low  frolicks  of 

youthful  folly,  very  much   leflened  his  authority, 

and  raifed   the  fpirit  of  party  to  a  higher  degree, 

than  had  been  known  before.     The  confequence  of 

which  was,  what  is  generally  that  of  all  extremes, 

the  product  of  things  more  or  lefs  indefenfible,  on 

both  fides:  a  detail  of  which  proceedings,  as  they 

are  publifhed  in  the  journals,  or  votes  of  the  houfe 

of  Aflembly  of  thoie  times,  would  be  too  tedious 

here    to    be  minutely  ftated. — They  produced   a 

They  im-  number  of  accufations  againft  the  Secretary;  which 

Secrcta/he  tne  Aflembly  ftiled  articles  of  impeachment.     Upon 

thefe  the  Aflembly  took  meaiures  to  impeach  him  in 

form,  before  the  Governor,  as  an  evil  counfellor, 

and  guilty   of  high  mifdemeanors ; — But  through 

the  Governor's  management  and  protection,  they 

But  are  dif- were  not  a^^e  ^or  tne  prefeiit,  to  effecl  any  thing 

appointed,  further  againft  him ;  and  there  is  on  record  his  pe- 

&c*  tition  to  the  Governor  and  Council,  requefting  that 

Votes  of  proper  meafures  mould  be  taken  to  clear  his  cha- 

Affembiy,  racier  from   the  falfe    reprefentations,  and  grofs 

&Ct          abufes  of  the  AfTembly,  by  a  fair  trial. 

TheAfiem-      ^le   Aflembly,  being  thus  repulfed,  in  refpecl 
biy  intend  to  Jamas  Logan^  were  itill  more  exafperated ;  and 


to  get  the  fo  j-Quch  Were  they  difpleafed  with  the  Governor's 

Cinvi  rnor  *  * 


Governor 


removed,  conducl,  that  they  were  determined  to  endeavour 
to  have  him  removed.  His  public  adminiilration 
was  not  only  diiagreeable  to  them,  in  his  manner 
of  acl'ing  for  his  principal's  intereil,  but  alfo  the 
example  of  his  private  conducl:  was  much  complain- 
ed 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  48 

ed  of,  as  having  a  bad  influence  and  effect  on  the    I7°7* 
morals  of  many  of  the  people. 

For  this  purpofe,  therefore,  in  the  fummer  of 
the  year  1707,  the  Aflembly  drew  up  a  remon- 
ftrance  to  the  Proprietary,  containing  a  catalogue 
of  the  particulars  of  his  mal-adminiftration,  or 
which  they  efteemed  to  be  fuch,  with  a  complaint 
againft  James  Logan ;  the  principal  of  which  have 
already  been  mentioned: — In  this  rernonftrance, 
after  having  reminded  the  Proprietary  of  their  for- 
mer complaints,  in  the  year  1704,  they  further  re- 
prefent: — 

The  Lieutenant  Governor's  abominable  and  un-     Heads  of 

.,_.,,,.,.  ./-.  the  rem 

warrantable  conduct  with  the  Indians?  on  a  vint  to  ftrance. 
them,  at  Coneftogoe. 

His  refufing  to  pafs  the  bill  of  courts,  without 
their  agreeing  to  his  amendments;  though  they 
only  left  two  of  his  objections  unremoved;  and 
his  fetting  up  courts  by  his  ordinance. 

His  refufal  to  try  the  Secretary,  upon  their  im- 
peachment, by  quefdoning  his  own  authority  to 
judge,  and  their's  to  impeach,  in  the  method  they 
propofed. 

His  impofition  on  the  trade  of  the  province,  by 
means  of  the  lav/  paffed  at  Newca/lle;  whereby  he 
unjuilly  exacted  large  fums  of  the  people;  with 
the  abufes  and  confequences  of  the  faid  law. 

Certain  unjuftifiable  and  oppreflive  proceedings, 
refpecting  the  militia,  which  he  had  formed,  ac- 
cording to  his  proclamation  before  mentioned. 

His  refufing  to  pafs  a  bill,  in  the  year  1704,  to 
explain  and  confirm  the  charter  of  the  city  of  Phi- 
ladelphia;— The  multiplying  of  taverns  and  ale- 
houfes,  in  the  city,  as  nurferies  of  vice,  by  his 
means ;  and  his  impofing  licences  on  the  keepers  of 
thofe  houfes,  without  law,  or  precedent. 

His 

[61] 


482  HISTORY  or  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1707.        His  refufingto  pafs  a  bill,  in  1704,  for  explain- 
v^v^  ing  and  confirming  the  charter  of  privileges  of  the 
Heads  °f  province ;  his  rejecting  the  people's  choice  of  She- 
Lance!0'"  riff  and  Coroner,  for  the  city  and  county  of  Phila- 
delphia, in  faid  year,  contrary  to  the  faid  charter : 
His  licencing  feveral  taverns  and  ale-houfes  in  Phi- 
ladelphia^ againft,  and  without  the  recommendation 
of,  the  city  magiflrates; — with  his  fending  a  meflage 
to  difmifs  the  Affembly,  on  their  complaining  of  his 
conduct,  againft  the  form  and  effect  of  faid  char- 
ter, and  known  ufage,  &c. 

His  appropriating  certain  monies  to  his  own  ufe 
which  the  Aflembly  intended  otherwife;  and  his 
fecreting  the  objections  of  the  lords  of  trade  to  cer- 
tain laws  which  had  been  repealed;  whereby  they 
fell  again  into  the  fame  error. 

The  project  and  confequences  of  thefalfe  alarm, 
before  mentioned. 

The  arbitrary  exaction  of  twelve  millings  from 
every  mailer  of  a  veflel,  outward  bound,  for  a  let- 
pafs,  notwithftanding  their  being  cleared,  according 
to  the  acts  of  navigation. 

His  permitting  French  Papifts  to  trade  with,  and 
refide  among,  the  Indians,  and  their  wicked  beha- 
viour among  them. 

His  granting  a  commiffion  for  privateering,  in 
1706. 

His  beating  and  evilly  treating  Solomon  CreJJon, 
the  Conflable,  for  doing  his  duty  at  a  tavern,  in 
one  of  his  midnight  revels ;  though  he  knew  not 
that  the  Governor  was  there. 

His  excefles  and  debaucheries,  to  the  great  en- 
couragement of  wickednefs,  and  weakening  the 
hands  of  the  magiftrates,  by  his  ill  example,  &c. 

And 

Note. About  the  year  1707,  Vincent  Caldwell,  Thomas  Wiclxrman, 
Joel  Bailey,  Thomas  Hope,  Guyan  Miller,  and  other  Friends,  or  9ug- 
ters,  fettled  in  Kennet,  Chefter  county.  M,  S. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  483 

And  againft  the  Secretary,  James  Logan,  it  was    1707. 
alledged, —  v^'-^' 

Heads  of 

That  he  knew  the  above  mentioned  alarm  was  the  remon- 
falfe;  but,  inflead  of  ufmg  fuch  means,  as  were  in  ftrai*ce- 
his  power,  to  prevent  it,  he,  by  his  conduct,  un- 
der pretence  of  coming  at  the  truth  of  the  affair, 
made  it  worfe. 

That,  as  Commiilioner  of  Property,  to  manage 
the  Proprietary's  land  affairs,  he  had  detained  cer- 
tain deeds,  for  lands,  from  the  owners  unjuftly; 
and  to  fome  perfons,  denied  patents  for  their  lands, 
to  which  they  were  entitled. 

That  he  had  appointed  wood-rangers,  at  large, 
over  the  located  lands  of  the  inhabitants,  in  com- 
mon with  thofe  of  the  Proprietary;  for  which  he 
had  no  right;  in  which  accordingly  they  took  up 
ftrays,  &c.  in  an  indifcriminate  manner;  which 
ought  to  have  been  reftricted  folely  to  the  Proprie- 
tary's lands. 

Thefe  are  called  by  the  AfTembly,  in  this  remon- 
ftrance,  part  of  their  many  grievances ;  which  was 
fent  to  their  agents,  George  White  head,  William 
Mead  and  Thomas  Lower,  in  London ;  with  a  very 
angry  letter,  to  be  communicated  to  the  Proprie- 
tary. 

The  Governor,  getting  intelligence  of  what  was     The  Ga_ 
going  forward,  in  the  Aflembly,  by  a  meffage  to  vemor  de- 
the  Houfe,  required  them  to  lay  before  him,  the  man^  YhL" 
addrefs  or  reprefentation,  which  he  was  informed,  reprefenta- 
they  intended  to  fend  to  England;  and  that  they  tio.n>  but  in 
fhould  not  prefume  to  fend  any  thing  of  that  na- 
ture out  of  the  government,  till  the  fame  had  been 
'  fully  communicated  to  him,  according  to  juftice, 
and  the  practice  of  other  governments. — This  had 
no  effect  with  them;  and  the  Affembly  adjourned 
to  the  23d.  of  September. 

On  the  firfl  of  October,  at  the  anniverfary  elec- 
tion, the  choice  of  Reprefentatives,  in  Affembly., 

falling. 


484  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1707.   falling  moflly  on  the  fame  perfons,  as  in  the  prece- 

^~^w>  ding  year,  confequently  but  little  of  moment  was 

The  dif-  Jone  in  the  public  affairs  of  the   government,  be- 

k  tsv%  t  r*^        ^f  r 

continue.  '  fides  the  continuation  of  the  former  dilutes  and 
altercations,  refpecting  the  bill  of  courts,  and  the 
other  obnoxious  parts  of  the  Governor's  admini- 
flration;  whence  both  fides  became  more  untraft- 
able,  and  lefs  difpofed  to  unite  in  any  -ialu.t2.ry  pur- 
pofe,  for  the  public  good. 

But  it  is  obferved,  refpe&ing  thefe  proceedings, 
that,  though  the  parties  were  very  free  with  each 
other's  conduct,  yet,  they  are  faid  moflly  to  have 
kept  within  the  rules  of  decency  and  order;  and, 
in  all  their  differences,  both  parties,  in  the  ftrong- 
efl  terms,  profeifed  their  fmcerefl  defires  and  inten- 
tions thereby,  for  thefervice  of  their  country;  and 
that  they  had  nothing  fo  much  in  view,  in  thefe 
proceedings,  as  the  real  and  belt  advantage  of  the 
community.* 

In 

*  The  names  of  the  Members  of  this  AfTembly,  elected  Oclober,  1707, 
were: — 

for  Philadelphia  county.  For  Buds  county*  For  Cbfftcr  county. 

David  Lloydj  Sfcaler,  Henry  Paxon,  Francis  Chadds, 

John  Roberts,  Samuel  Darke,  William  Smith, 

Griffith  Jones,  J°hn  Swift,  Samuel  Levis, 

Francis  Rawle,  William  Paxon,  Richard  Hayes, 

Tofeph  Wilcoxj  Thomas  Hiiborn,  John  Hood, 

Robert  Jones,  William  Biles,  William  Garret, 

Jofhua  Carpenter,  Ezra  Croafdale,  John  Bethel, 

Satnuel  P>.ichardfon.  Samuel  Beaks.  Evan  Lewis. 

City  of  Philadelphia. 
Francis  Cooke,         William  Lee. 

Among  the  names  of  the  Members  of  Council,  in  the  year  1708,  ap» 
2»ear  to  be  :— 

Edward  Shippen,  George  Roch, 

Jofeph  Grow  don,  Joleph  Pidgeon, 

Samuel  Carpenter,         Samuel  Finny, 
Thomas  Story,  Griffith  Owen, 

Caleb  Pufey,  J^fper  Yeats, 

William  Trent,  James  Logan. 

Richard  Hill, 

.To  thefe,  in  March  1709,  were  added,  Ifaac  Norris,  Samuel  Prefton, 
Captain  Anthony  Palmer. 

Not:.  Thomas  Story  was  alib  keeper  of  the  great  foal,  and  Mailer  of 
the  Roils. 
James  Logan  likewife  Secretary  and  Clerk  of  the  Council* 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  48$ 

In  this  (late  continued  the  affairs  of  the  province 
till  the  beginning  of  the  year,  1709,  when  the  Af- 
fembly's  complaints  to  the  Proprietary  having 
proved  effec~hv.il,.  Governor  Evans  was  removed  by  Govern- 
from  the  admimftration,  and  Charles  Gookin  flic- or  Gookin- 
ceeded  him,  in  the  government. 

-    It  appears  not  improbable,  but  that  the  Proprie-    The  pro- 
tary  for  fome  time  paft,  mufl  have  been  under  no  prietaryun- 
fmall  uneafmefs  and  difficulty,  refpecling  his  pro-  tyaboutthu 
vince :  For  his  great  generofity  and  expence,  in  time,  &u 
fettling  it,  with  his  other  a&s  of  beneficence,  and 
the  attention  due  to  fuch  a  feries  of  conduct,  had 
fo  far  impaired  his  eftate,  in  Europe,  and  involved 
him  in  debt,  that,  in  the  year   1708,  in  order  to 
pay  the  fame,   he  borrowed  from  certain  of  his 
friends,  a   large  fum   of  money;  'for  which  he 
mortgaged  the  province.* 

Befides, 

*  Anderfon  (before  mentioned  in  the  notes)  under  the  year,  1715,  ob- 
ferves,  viz. 

"  Ever  Gnce  the  proprietary  colonies  began  to  be  very  confiderable,  i.e. 
Unce  the  death  of  King  Charle>s  the  fecond,  and  more  efpecialiy  fmce  tha 
revolution,  anno  1688,  both  King  William's  and  Queen  Ann's  councils 
and  miniftries  forefaw  the  great  confequence  it  would  be  to  the  crown  and 
kingdom,  to  buy  off  the  Lords  Proprietaries  of  Colonies,  before  they 
Ihould  grow  too  powerful;  and  frequent  treaties  were  held  with  them  by 
the  minifters  of  the  crown,  for  that  end;  particularly  with  the  truly  great 
Mr.  William  Penn,  for  the  pur  chafe  of  his  fine  province  of  Pennsylvania-. 
His  demand  was  £30,000,  and  Q^jeen  A nne,  in  council,  referred  that 
demand  to  the  Lords  Commiilioncrs  cf  trade  and  plantations;  whofc  re- 
port w?s  referred  by  the  Queen,  to  the  Lords  Commiflioners  of  the- 
Treafury;  foon  after  wh'ch  an  agreement  was  made  with  Mr.  Pcn;i,  lor  f 

£iz,ooo,  for  the  faid  province;  but,  he  being  foon  after  feized  with  an. 
apoplexy,  which  difabled  him  to  execute  the  lame,  a  flop  was  put  to  tha$ 
bargain;  until,  by  the  Queen's  order,  a  bill,  in  Parliament,  fnould  be 
prepared  for  that  end.  Whilft  that  bill  was  depending,  Mr.  jrfiua  Get 
and  others,  who  were  mortgagees,  under  the  faid  Mr.  Penn,  petitioned 
the  Houfa  of  Commons  for  relief;  wherein  they  reprefented  that  Mr. 
Penn  having  purchaled  of  the  Indians  their  title  to  that  country,  had  by 
his  induftry  and  great  charge,  improved  the  country  and  eftablilhed  con- 
fiderable colonies  therein,  whereby  he  had  very  much  impared  his  eftate, 
in  Europe;  and  that,  in  the  year,  1708,  to  clear  a  debt  contracted  for  fet- 
tling and  improving  the  fdid  colonies,  he  had  borrowed  of  the  faid  mort- 
gagees £6,600,  to  whom  he  had  mortgaged  the  faid  province,  and  all 
the  powers  of  government." 

Note.  The  names  of  the  mortgagees  were,  "  Henry  GoulJney  of  London,, 
Jojbtia  Gee,  Silvanus  Grove,  John  Woods,  of  the  fame  place;  and  Tbo~ 
mas  Calloivbill,  Thomas  Oade  and  Jfffry  Pintail,  of  Briftol,  and  Johr. 
field  of  Lwdgpi  aad  'Tbetnas  Cvfbavt  of  Lawk't^vn,  io  Irdanst."  M.  S-; 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1709.  Befides,  it  cannot  be  fuppofed,  but  that  the  na- 
o^v^/  ture  of  the  difputes  between  the  Aflembly  and  his 
The  Pro-  Deputy  Governor,  at  the  fame  time,  could  not 
ittTto^tf-  have  been  agreeable  to  him,  for,  notwithstanding 
pofe  of  the  what  appears  to  have  been  amifs,  or  defective  in  the 
conduct  of  the  latter,  it  was  then  vifible,  and  more 

fo 


e, — In  a  manufcript,  figncd  Pbiladtlfinut  appearing  to  have  been  writ 
about  the  fourth  year  of  Governor  Gordon's  adminiftration,  for  a  par- 
ticular purpofe,  by  James  Logan,  is  the  following  obfervation,  -y/z. 

.  n"  When  the  Proprietor,  by  the  fraud  of  a  treacherous  fteward, 
was  obliged  to  mortgage  the  Province,  the  Truflees  of  that  mortgage, 
with  his  concurrence,  appointed  fiveperfons,  in  whofe  character  they  were 
bed  fatisfied,  viz.  Ed-ward  Shippen,  Samuel  Carpenter  >  Richard  Hill,  Jfaac 
Norris  and  Jamts  Logan,  to  be  their  comniifiioners,  or  agents.  And  the 
Proprietor,  in  a  full  confidence  in  the  fame  perfons,  appointed  them,  with 
one  more,  to  be  truftees  alfo  of  his  •will.  Not  long  after  this,  the  two 
firft  died)  and  the  other  three  continued  to  difcharge  ".he  truft,  they  had 
undertaken,"  &c.  M.  S. 

Oldmixon,  in  his  account  of  the  Britifh  colonies,  published  in  1708, 
fays, — »<  We  fhall  not  enter  into  any  enquiries  into  the  caufes  of  the  trou- 
ble, that  has  been  given  Mr.  Penn  lately,  about  the  province  of  Penn* 
fyl-yania;  it  appears  to  us,  by  what  we  have  heard  of  it  from  others,  for 
from  himfelf  we  never  had  any  information  concerning  it,  that  he  has 
been  involved  in  it,  by  his  bounty  to  the  Indians,  his  generofity,  in  mind- 
ing  the  public  affairs  of  the  colony,  more  than  his  own  private  ones;  his 
humanity  to  thofe,  who  have  not  made  fuitable  returns;  his  confidence 
in  thofe,  that  have  betrayed  him;  and  the  rigour  of  the  fevcrefk  equity, 
a  word,  that  borders  the  neareft  to  injuftice  of  any.  'Tis  certainly  the 
duty  of  this  colony  to  maintain  the  Proprietary,  who  has  laid  out  his  Ally 
for  the  maintenance  of  them,  in  the  poffeflion  of  his  territory ;  and  the 
public,  in  gratitude,  ought  to  make  good  what  they  reap  the  benefit  of. 
This  is  all  faid  out  of  juflice  to  the  merit  of  this  gentleman,  otherwife 
it  would  have  been  without  his  confent. 

The  fame  author  mentions  the  names  of  the  Members  of  Council, 
and  of  the  perfons  in  office,  in  Governor  Evans's  adminiftration,  as  fol- 
lows:— 

The  Council  confiftedof: — 

Edward  Shippen,  Richard  Hill, 

Samuel  Carpenter,  William  Rodney, 

William  Trent,  Caleb  Pufey,  and 

Thomas  Story,  James  Legan. 

Jofeph  Growdon,  Speaker  of  the  Affembly. 

Thomas  Story,  Mailer  of  the  Rolls. 

William  Clark,  Edward  Shippen,  Jofeph  Growdon,  William  Gueft, 
Judges. 

Colonel  Robert  Quarry,  Judge  cf  the  Admiralty. 

Samuel  Carpenter,  Treafurer. 

James  Logan,  Government's  Secretary. 

R.  Lowther,  Attorney- General. 

Peter  Evans,  Regifter.     Edward  Penington,  late  Surveyor  General. 

Robert  AjhtQn,  Clerk  of  the  Peace,  for  the  town  and  county  of  Phi* 
ladelphia. 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  487 

fo  afterwards,  in  part  of  the  tranfa&ions  of  fome 
of  thefe  AiTemblies,  that  a  difcontented  and  fa&i- 
ous  difpofition,  or  party,  was  increafmg  in  the  pro- 
vince, againft  his  intereil,  endeavouring  to  divide 
that,  in  appearance,  which,  in  reality,  was  one, 
and  ought  never  to  be  feparated,  not  even  in  idea; 
tending  to  render  the  government  uneafy  to  him, 
and  under  views,  or  pretence  of  gaining  more  pri- 
vileges and  liberties  to  endanger  thofe,  which  they 
had :  This,  it  is  certain,  would  have  been  the  cafe, 
at  that  time,  had  the  Proprietary  made  ufe  of  thofe 
means,  which  were  then  abfolutely  in  his  power, 
to  terminate  his  difficulties,  to  his  prefent  advan- 
tage, but,  moft  probably,  unfavourable  to  the 
views  of  thofe  who  oppofed  him,  by  his  difpofing 
of  the  government  to  the  crown;  to  which  his 
private  circumftances,  the  folicitations  of  the  mi- 
niftry,  and  this  conduct  in  the  province,  fo  much 
incited  him.* 

*  "  In  the  year  1707,  he  was  unhappily  involved  in  a  fuit  of  law  with 
the  executors  of  a  perfon,  who  had  been  formerly  his  fleward;  againft 
whofe  demands  he  thought  both  confcience  and  juftice  required  his  endea- 
vours to  defend  himfelf.  But  his  caufe  (though  many  thought  him  ag- 
grieved) was  attended  with  fuch  circumftances,  as  that  the  Court  of 
Chancery  did  not  think  it  proper  to  relieve  him;  wherefore  he  was  obli- 
ged to  dwell  in  the  Old  Baily  within  the  rules  of  the  Fleet t  fome  part 
both  of  this,  and  the  next  enfuing  year,  until  fuch  time,  as  the  matter, 
.in  difpute,  was  accommodated." 

Penns  Hfet  in  Ins  printed  works* 


END    OF    THE    FIRST 


INDEX 


tO       THE 


Hiftory  of  Pennfylvania 


VOLUME    I. 


Anno.  Preface  dedicatory  to  the  inhabitants  of  Page. 

Pennfylvania,  refpe&ing  the  defign, 
materials  and  fubject  of  the  work;  with 
obfervations,  &c.  3  to  if 

INT  RODUCTION, — Part  Ift. — Containing — • 

Memoirs  of  the  life  of  William  Penn, 
prior  to  his  founding  the  province  of 
Pennfylvania.  19  to  27 

Account  of  the  rife,  religious  fyftem  and 
practice,  or  manners^  of  the  people 
called  Quakers.  27  to  8 1 

Memoirs  of  William  Penn's  life  continu- 
ed till  about  the  timeof  the  grant  and 
fettlementof  Pennfylvania.  81  to 

INTRODUCTION,— Part  lid. — Containing — 

A  fummary  of  the  ancient  Virginia,  &c. 
with  the  fettlement,  government  and 
proceedings  of  the  Dutch  and  Swedes, 
on  Hudfon,  or  North  river,  and  on 

[62] 


49°  Index. 

Anno.      the  bay  and  river  of  Delaware,  &c.  Page. 

including  the  firft  rife  of  the  colony 
of  Maryland,  &c.  103  to  121 

Gonqueft  and  capture  of  New-Netherland 
from  the  Dutch  by  the  Englifh; — 
with  the  rife  of  New- York  and  New^ 
Jerfey,  and  the  government  and  public 
proceedings  there,  till  the  divifion  of 
the  latter  into  Eaft  and  Weft  New- 
Jerfey,  &c.  121  to  136 

Firft  and  early  fettlement,  government 
and  public  tranfa&ions,  with  a  {ketch 
of  the  religious  and  general  ftate,  &c. 
of  Weft  New-Jerfey,  &c.  till  about 
the  time  of  the  colonization  of  Penn- 
fylvania.  136/0  167 

AVilliam  Perm's'  motive  and  defign  in  the 

colonization  of  Pennfylvania.  167  to  169 

1-680.  Caufe  and  manner  of  obtaining  the 
grant; — with  Anderfon's  account  of 
the  firft  rife  of  the  province.  169  to  17* 

168 1.  Royal  charter"  of  King  Charles  the  fecond 

to  William  Penn.  171  to  187 

Boundary  between  Maryland  and  Penn- 
fylvania difputed; — with  the  real  ex- 
tent and  content  of  the  province  as 
afterwards  agreed  and  fettled,  &c.  1-870)^188" 

The  King's  declaration,  in  confequence 

of  the  grant  and  charter,  &c.  1-89-' 

The  Proprietary  publishes  an  account  of 
the  province.     Offers   terms   of  fale 
for  land,  and  conditions  of  fettlement; 
which  he  mixes  with  good  advice  to 
the  adventurers.  189  to  191 

Origin  and  nature  of  the  quit-rents,  &c.  Ibid. 

Free  fociety  of  traders  in  Pennfylvania 

formed,  '&e.  19* 

The 


Index.  491 

Anno.  The  Proprietary  publifhes  the  firft  con*  Page. 

1681.  ditions,  or  conceffions,  agreed  on  by 
him  and  the  firft  adventurers; — with 
one  of  the  ftipulations  therein  contain- 
ed, &c.  192 
Sailing  of  the  firft  three  fhips  from  En- 
gland to  Pennfylvania  with  William 
Markham  and  Commiflioners ;  names 
of  fome  of  the  paffengers ;  of  whom 
Jofeph  Kirkbride  is  an  inftance  of 
fuccefsful  induftry,  &c.  193^^194 

Importance  of  treating  the  Indians  well, 
exemplified  in  William  Penn's  con- 
duel:  towards  them.  194 

William  Penn's  letter  to  the  Indians  by 

his  Commiilioners.  195 

4682.  Firft  frame  of  government  and  laws, 
&c.  agreed  on  and  published  in  En- 
gland, &c.  196 

Part  of  the  preface,  and  purport  of  faid 

frame;— -with  one  of  thefe  firft  laws.  196  to  200 

The  Duke  of  York's  deed  of  releafe  of 

the  province  to  William  Penn.  200 

The  Proprietary  obtains,  from  the  Duke 
of  York,  the  three  lower  counties  on 
Delaware,  called  the  territories  of 
Pennfylvania; — ;with  the  right  of  the 
Duke  to  the  fame,  &c.  201  and 202 

Boundaries  between  Maryland  and  Penn- 
fylvania with  faid  territories  not  yet 
finally  fettled,  &c.  203 

Wi'liam  Penn  writes  a  valedictory  epif- 
tle  to  his  friends,  the  Quakers,  in  En- 
gland, and  fails  for  Pennfylvania  ill 
Auguft,  1682.  204 

Many  of  the  paflengers,  in  the  fame  fhip 
with  him,  die  of  the  fmall-ppx,  in  their 
•paflage.  Ibid. 


492  Index. 

Jlnno.  The  Proprietary's  reception  at  Newcaftle  Page, 

1682.  and  Chefter; — with  the  places  of  pub- 
lic worfhip  in  the  province  and  territo- 
ries, at  that  time.  205 

Proceedings  of  the  firfl  General  AfTem- 
bly,  held  at  Chefter,  where  the  Pro- 
prietary naturalizes  the  foreigners,  &c.  206 

Preamble  to  the  laws  patted  at  Chefter, 
in  December,  1682,  with  their  ti- 
tles, &c.  207  and  208 

William  Penn  vifits  New  York  and  Mary- 
land, &c.  and  is  kindly  received  by 
the  Lord  Baltimore; — but  they  do  not 
agree  about  their  boundaries,  &c.  20$ 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Proprietary, 
at  Chefter  on  Delaware,  exprefiing 
.  his  fatisfaftion  with  the  country,  and 
his  fervice,  or  employment,  there,  &c.  200 

William  Penn  has  different  kinds  of  ene- 
mies, and  oppofition  from  perfons  of 
contrary  characters; — which  appears 
in  another  letter  from  Chefter  afore- 
faid,  to  one  who  had  unjuftly  refleft- 
ed  on  him,  &c.  tiq 

William  Penn  firft  meets  the  Indians  in 
perfon ;— his  juft  and  beneficent  treat- 
ment of  them;— with  the  good  con- 
fequences,  &c.  2 1 1  and  2 1  z 

Extracts  from  fome  Indian  treaties,  ex- 
preffive  of  the  grateful  remembrance 
of  the  Indians  afterwards,  of  William 
Penn,  &c.  •  213  to  215 

Arrival  of  the  firft  and  early  colonifts; — 
number  of  veflels,  and  places  of  their 
firft  refidence.  216 

General  character  and  manners  of  faid 
colonifts; — fome  of  their  names;  with 
the  rapid  colonization  of  the  province; 

and 


ludcx.  493 


Anno.      and  the  eftablifhment  of  fome  of  the 
,1682.      fir  ft  religious  meetings  of  the  Quakers 

in  the  country,  &c.  21  7  and  218 

The  nature  and  manner  of  both  the  ci- 
vil and  religious  conduct  of  the  early 
colonifts  fo  reafonable  and  inviting  as 
to  induce  many  to  flock  to  the  pro- 
vince from  different  parts  of  Europe.  219 

Some  Germans  arrive  from  Crefheim  in 
Gerrnany,  and  begin  the  fettlement 
of  German-town.  Ibid. 

Firft  arrival  and  fettlement  of  the  Welfh; 

with  fhort  memorials  of  fome  of  them.   220  to  222 

The  fir  ft  fettlers  expofed  to  difficulty  and 
hardfhipsj  —  fome  inftances;  —  yet  fa- 
voured and  relieved  by  the  Indians.  222  to  224 

Firft  bufinefs  of  thefe  colonifts,  on  their 
arrival;  —  with  their  entertainment,  and 
affecting  profpeft,  &c,  but  they  prof- 
per,  &c.  224  to  228 

Part  of  the  Planter's  fpeech  to  his  neigh- 
bours and  countrymen  in  Pennfylva- 
nia  and  New-Jerfey,  on  their  defign 
in  their  fettlement  of  that  country,  &c.  Ibid. 

Richard  Townfend's  teftimony  on  the 
firft  and  early  fettlement  of  Pennfyl- 
vania,  &c.  228  to  233 

Plan  of  Philadelphia  firft  begun;  —  the 
fite  of  the  ground,  and  the  firft  houfe 
built  on  it.  234 

John  Key,  the  firft  born  of  Englifli  pa- 

rents in  Philadelphia.  Ibid. 

4683.  Settled  parts  of  the  province  and  territo- 
ries divided  into  counties  ;  Sheriffs  and 
other  officers  appointed,  &c.  Ibid. 

Firft  General  Affembly  convened  at  Phi- 
ladelphia; with  the  form  of  the  Pro- 
prietary's writ  for  convening  them,  235 


494 


Index, 


Anno.  Names  of    the   Members    of    the    firfl  Page* 

1683.      Council    and   Ailembly; — with   Ihort 

memorials  of  fomeof  them.  235  to  237 

Proceedings  of  faid  AiTembly,  &c.  237  to  239 

A  new,  or  fecond,  frame  of  government, 
or  charter  of  privileges,  agreed  on  and 
confirmed,  £c.  239  to  240 

Firft  grand  and  petit  jury  and  court  of 

juflice  in  Pennfylvania.  Ibid 

Their  fentence  on  a  perfon  for  counter- 
feiting money.  241 

Plan  of  Philadelphia  fmifhed; — with   a 

particular  defcription  of  faid  plan,  &c.  241  to  245 

Dr.  Douglas  on  the  variation  of  the  com- 

puf^  ^Philadelphia,  ,&c.  Ibid. 

William  Penn's  attention  to  a  variety  of 
affairs  difcovers  a'  genius  capable  of 
promoting  general  improvement,  &c.  '  IbiJ, 

The  Proprietary's  letter  to  the  committee 
of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders  of 
Pennf)  Ivania,  refidirig  in  London; — 
giving  a  general  defcription  of  faid 
province,  its  natural  hiftory  and  llate? 
at  that  time.  246  to  265 

Difficulty  and  difpute  between  William 
Penn  and  the  Lord  Baltimore,  refpecl- 
ing  the  boundaries  of  their  provin^ 
ces,  £c.  265  to  267 

-A  proclamation  of  the  Lord  Baltimore.  Ibid, 

William  Penn's  letter  to.  the  Lords  of 
plantations,  in  London,  refpeding  his 
difpute  with  the  Proprietary  of  Mary- 
land. 267  to  274 

Lord  Baltimore's  commhTion  to  Colonel 
George  Talbot,  to  make  a  demand  of 
William  Penn,  £c.  with  faid  demand.  274  to  276 

Willian> 


Anno.  > 

1683.  William  Perm's  anfwer  to  faid  demand.     276  1o  283 

1684.  Forceable  entry  from  Maryland  en  fc- 

veral  plantations  in  the  lower  counties  ? 
with  means  ufed  to  redrefs  and  pre- 
vent  fuch  proceedings  in  future.  283 

Difficulty  of  retraining  the  Indians  from 

ftrong  liquors,  &c.  284 

William  Penn,  being  under  neccfnty  of 
returning  to  England,  commiflionates 
the  Provincial  Council  to  act  in  his 
{lead,  &c.  with  other  appointments.  285  to  28$ 

The  Proprietary's  commiffion  to  the 
Judges;  with  the  names  cf  the  Mem- 
bers of  Aflembly,  &c. 

6ldmixcn's  account  of  the  (late  of  the 
province  about  this  time. 

William  Penn's  affectionate  farewell  to 
his  friends  in  Pennfylvania,  written 
from  on  board  the  mip5  on  his  depar- 
ture for  England.  288  to  290' 

Short  memorial  of  Thomas  Langhorne 

from  Weilmoreland  in  England.  JbuL 

1685.  ^eat^  °^  King  Charles  the  fecond,  and 
the  fucceflion  of  James  the  fecond  to 
the  crown.  290  to  292 

Extract  of  the  Proprietary's  letter  on  this 

and  other  affairs.  Ib'ut* 

William  Penn's  interefl  at  Court,  and 
with  the  King,  not  employed  for  his 
own  emolument,  but  in  beneficence,, 
friend  (hip  and  charity  to  the  diilreiled, 
and  for  a  general  good,  &.c.  though 
mifreprefented  and  falfely  accufed,  as 
a  promoter  of  the  contrary,  &c.  292  ia  295 

Names  of  the  Members  of  Afiembly.  Ibid. 

Boundary 


496 


ex. 


Anno.  Boundary   between    Maryland  and  the  Page? 

1685.  territories  of  Pennfylvania  determined 

by  the  King  in  Council.  293 

Purport  of  the  order  of  Council,  on  this 

affair.  Ibid. 

Defcription  of  faid  boundary,  and  the 
extent  of  faid  territories  of  Pennfyl- 
vania. 294 

Boundaries  between  the  counties  of  the 

the  province  afcertained.  295 

Nicholas  Moore,  chief  juftice  of  the  pro- 
vince, accufed  of  mal-praclices,  and 
impeached  by  the  Aflembly  before  the 
Council,  with  other  inftances  of  the 
Affembly's  authority.  295*2^296 

A  letter  from  the  Proprietary  to  the  Magi- 

ftrates  againft  diforders,  &c.  Ibid. 

Proceedings  of  the  Aflembly  againft  N. 

Moore,  &c.  297 

Affembly's  letter  to  the  Proprietary  on 

this  affair.  Ibid. 

The  particulars  of  Moore's  cafe  not  fuffi- 

ciently  clear,  &c.  298 

Extracts  from  the  Proprietary's  letters 

about  this  time,  &c<  299 

Neceflity  of  the  Proprietary's   prefence 

in  the  province.  30* 

Some  proceedings  of  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil. Ibid. 

Further  means  ufed  by  the  (Quakers  to 
prevent  the  Indians  from  obtaining 
ftrong  liquors,  and  to  inftrudt:  them  in 
the  principles  of  Chriftianity,  3000/2^30* 

1686.  William  Penn  publifhes  a  further  account 

of  Pennfylvania; — writes    on    tolera- 
tion, &c.  vifits  Holland  and  Germany  j 


Index.  497 

Anna,      is  employed  in  promoting  religion  and  Page. 

1686.  virtue,  in  his  native  country; — yet  at- 
tentive to  advance  the  profperity  of  his 
province  and  prevent  diforders  in  it,  &c.  302 

His  great  expence  and  generofity  exceed 
his  circumftances,  &c.  with  extracts 
from  his  letters  on  the  fubject,  &c.  303 

More  fettlers  from  Holland  and  Germany 

increafe  the  fettlernent  of  Germantown.  304 

.     •  The  Proprietary  appoints  five  Commiflio- 
ners  of  State;  to  whom  he  commits 
the  government  inftead  of  the  Coun- 
cil. Ibid. 
Inflruclions   to   thefe   commiflioners   at 

different  times.  305  to  30? 

The  induflry  and  conduct  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Pennfylvania  contribute  to  its 
future  greatnefs ; — and  William  Penn's 
interefl  at  court  is  beneficial  to  his  fuf- 
fering  friends,  the  Quakers,  and  others 
in  Great  Britain,  but  expofes  him  to 
unjuft  fufpicion  and  mifreprefentation.  308 

Dr.  Tillotfon,  afterwards  Arch  Bifhop 
of  Canterbury,  acknowledges  his  mif- 
take  refpefting  William  Penn,  &c,  Ibid. 

William  Penn  engaged  for  the  national 
good,  and  general  liberty  of  confci- 
ence,  &c.  and  continues  to  diflinguifh 
himfelf  in  defence  of  an  impartial  to- 
leration in  religion,  though  unjuflly 
cenfured,  &c.  309 

About  thirteen  hundred  of  the  people, 
called  Quakers,  who  were  in  prifon 
for  their  religion,  were  fet  at  liberty, 
by  the  King's  proclamation,  &c.  Ibid. 

1687.  The  Quakers  juflly  grateful  for  this  re- 

lief, though  cenfured  on  that  account 
byibme,  &c.  310 

£63]  Anno, 


4g  8  Index, 

Anno.  William  Penn  appears  to  have  accom-  Page. 

1687.      panied  the  King  in  a  progrefs  through 

divers  counties  in  England.  Ibid. 

William  Penn's  fpeech  to  the  King  on 
delivering  to  him  the  Quakers'  addrefs 
for  their  relief  from  cruel  fufferings.  311 

The  Quakers'  addrefs  to  James  the  fe- 

cond,  &c.  with  the  King's  anfwer,  &c.  312 

Objections  againft  William  Penn  and  the 
Quakers  addrerling  the  King  on  this 
affair  obviated,  &c.  3*5 

-1688.  William  Penn  ftill  labouring  under  jea- 
loufies  and  unjuil  reflections,  on  ac- 
count of  his  intimacy  at  court,  his 
friend  William  Popple  writes  to  him 
on  the  fubjecl,  314 

William  Popple's  letter  to  William  Penn, 

requeuing  him  to  clear  his  character.  314  to  321 

William  Penn's  letter,  in  anfwer  to  Wil- 
liam Popple,  &c.  321  to  332 

The  Proprietary's  prefence  and  aflifhmce 
in  his  province  much  wanted; — his 
detention  from  it  being  againfl  his 
mind,  as  expreffed  in  a  letter  to  Tho- 
mas Lloyd,  who  had  requefted  to  be 
releafed  from  public  affairs,  &c.  332  to  335 

His  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  and  the  five 
CommiiTioners  of  State,  &c.  on  Tho. 
Lloyd's  requefl  and  other  affairs;  with 
the  names  of  the  Members  of  Affembly.  Ibid. 

Account  of  an  Inaian  falfe  alarm,  or 
intended  infurrection  to  deftroy  the 
Englifh  in  Pennfylvania.  335  to  338 

Short  memorial  of  Caleb  Pufey,  a  mem- 
ber of  Council,  &c.  Ibid. 

Captain  John  Blackwell  appointed  De- 
puty Governor  by  the  Proprietary.  339 

Blackwell's  inflfudions,  &c. 


Index.  499 


*  689.  He  meets  the  Aflembly,  difagrees  with 

the  Council  and  returns  to  England.  340 

Caufe  and  defign  of  Blackwell's  appoint- 
ment, &c.  with  the  names  of  the  Mem- 
bers of  Council.  Ibid. 

Reafons  why  William  Penn  may  juflly  be 

fly  led   The  father  of  bis  country.  341  to  343 

Three  of  his  epiflles,  or  letters,  to  his 

friends  in  Pennfylvania.  Ibid* 

Inflitution  of  the  firft  public  grammar 
fchool  in  Pennfylvania  by  the  Qua- 
kers; —  its  different  charters,  and  prin- 
cipal defign,  &c»  343  to  345 

George  Keith  firfl  mailer  of  faid  fchool; 
his  falary,  character,  &c.  with  the 
common  terms  for  teaching  fchool  in 
thofe  times,  &c.  Ibid* 

1690.  William  Penn's  troubles  and  difficulties 

at,  and  after  the  revolution,  in  England, 
greatly  to  his  lofs,  and  the  difadvan- 
tage  of  the  province,  which  much 
needed  his  prefenceand  affiflance.  346  to  350 

1691.  His  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd  on  this  fub- 

jec~l  and  other  affairs.  Ibid. 

William  Penn,  being  obliged  to  retire  in 
private,  for  a  time,  writes  feveral  va- 
luable treatifes  in  his  retirement,  &c.  Ibid. 

His  epiflle  to  the  yearly  meeting  of  his 
Friends,  the  Quakers,  in  London,  on 
his  prefent  fituation,  &c.  35  * 

Difagreement  between  the  province  and 

territories.  Ibid. 

Proceedings  of  the  former,  in  reference 
to  this  difference;  —  with  the  names  of 
the  Members  of  Affembly  in  1690, 
and  propofals  of  the  territories  refpect- 
ing  faid  difference,  &c.  3£2  to  35$ 


Index. 

Anno.  Proteft  of  the  territories  againft  the  pro-  Page* 

1691.      ceedings  of  the  province.  355 

Endeavours  of  the  province  to  reconcile 
them,  in  vain ; — with  Prefident  Lloyd's 
letter  to  the  feceding  Members  of  the 
territories,  for  chat  end.  356 

Thomas  Lloyd  made  Governor  of  the 
province,  and  William  Markham  of 
the  territories  by  the  Proprietary,  tho' 
this  divifion  was  difagreeable  to  him.  357 

The  Proprietary's  letter  to  a  friend,  ex- 

preflmg  his  grief  on. this  account,  &c.  358 

Proceedings  in  this  ftate  of  government, 
&c.  with  the  names  of  the  Members 
of  the  Provincial'  Council.  359  to  362 

The  province  &  territories  unite  in  writ- 
ing to  the  Proprietary  to  relieve  his  ap- 
prehenfions  refpecling  this  feparation.  362 

Schifm  and  feparation  between  George 
Keith  and  the  Quakers,  with  the  alle- 
gations on  both  fides,  &c.  363  to  365 

He  is  difowned  by  them; — with  their 
declaration,  or  teftimony,  of  denial 
againft  him,  &c.  365  to  3% 

His  conduct  afterwards,  &c.  $$9  and  370. 

1-692.  Account  of  fome  judicial   proceedings       * 

againft  him.  371  to  374 

The  Magistrates'  declaration  of  their  rea- 

fons  for  faid  proceedings.  374  to  376* 

This  affair  of  George  Keith  gave  the 
Quakers  and  William  Penn  much 
trouble  j — his  trial  more  particularly 
appears  to  have  been  difpleafing  to 
William  Penn.  376 

William  Penn,  by  means  of  his  ene- 
mies, at  court,  deprived  of  the  go- 
vernment of  Pennfylvania  in  16925 — 
•with  the  caufes  alledged,.  &c*  377 


Index.  501 

Anno.  The  King  and  Queen's  commiflion  to  Page. 

1692.  B.Fletcher,  Governor  of  New- York, 

for  the  government  of  Pennfylvania.  378  to  380 

1693.  Fletcher's  letter  to  Deputy  Lloyd,  upon 

his  receiving  faid  commiffion.  380 

Governor  Fletcher  arrives  at  Philadel- 
phia;— to  whom  the  government  ap- 
pears to  have  been  furrendered  with- 
out any  previous  order  from  England 
to  the  authority  in  Pennfylvania.  381 

Names  of  the  Members  of  Aflembly  con- 
vened by  Fletcher.  382 

The  Councils  addrefs  to  Governor  Fletch- 
er;— with  the  alteration  of  the  mode 
of  adminiftering  the  oaths  and  tefts  to 
the  Aflembly,  &c.  383  to  385 

This  change  of  the  government  hardly 

confident  with  flriS  juftice,  &c.  385 

The  Queen's  letter  to  Governor  Fletcher, 

refpecting  the  defence  of  Albany.  386 

Proceedings  of  the  Aflembly.  387 

Affembly's  addrefs  to  Governor  Fletcher, 

with  his  anfwer.  388 

Aflembly's  remonftrance,  &c.  390 

Further  proceedings  of  the  Aflembly.       390  to  394 

A  law  impofing  one  penny  per  pound 
value  on  all  eftates,  real  and  perfonal, 
and  fix  millings  per  head,  &c.  Ibid* 

Death  and  memorial  of  John  Delavall.  Ibid, 

Aflembly's  petition  to  the  Governor.  394 

A  refolve  of  the  Aflembly; — with  a  pro- 

teft  of  eight  Members,  395 

Governor  Fletcher  agrees  to  the  petition 
of  the  Aflembly;  and  afterwards  dif- 
folves  them,  at  their  own  requeft; — 
appoints   William  Markham  his  De-    . 
puty,  and  goes  to  New-York.  '  395 'and  396 


Index. 

Anno.  Governor  Fletcher's  application,  by  mef- 

1693.  ^aSe'  to  the  Affembly  of  Pennfylvania 
in  1694,  for  afliftance,  to  prefv  rve  the 
friendihip  of  the  Five  Indian  nations.  396 

William  Penn  afterwards  blamed  the 
Affembly  for  their  backwardnefs  in 
affifting  New- York,  &c.  397 

Death  and  character  of  the  former  Depu- 
ty Governor  Thomas  Lloyd; — with 
fome  of  his  death  bed  expreffions,  &c<  397  to  4.00 

William  Penn  acquitted  of  the  accufati- 
ons  againfl  him; — and  his  govern- 
ment of  Pennfylvania  foon  after  re- 
ftored,  through  the  mediation  of  cer- 
tain noble  Lords,  his  friends.  &c.  400 

The  Proprietary's  letter  to  certain  friends 

in  the  Province,  on  this  affair,  &c.      401  and  402 

Death    of   his    wife,    Gulielma   Maria, 

Twelfth-month,   1693.  4022 

1694.  Copy  of  the  grant  by  which  the  Proprie- 

tary was  reinftated  in  his  government.  403 

TheProprietarycommiflionsW.Markham 
his  Deputy  Governor,  Ninth-month, 
24th.  1694.  Ibid- 

Ancient  teftimony  of  the  People  called 
Quakers,  refpe&ing  the  King  and  Go- 
vernment about  this  time.  405 

The  Proprietary's  various  good  fervices, 
in  England,  for  divers  years  after  this 
time,  very  confiderable.  Ibid. 

1696.  His  fecond  marriage; — and  death  of  his 

eldeft  fon  Springett.  406 

William  Penn  vifits  his  friends,  the  Qua- 
kers, in  Ireland,  &c.  Ibid* 

Governor  Markham  meets  the  Affembly 
in  1695; — ^h  tne  form  of  his  writ, 
for  calling  faid  Affembly.  407  and  408 


Index.  503 

.  Proceedings  between   Governor    Mark-  Page* 

1696.  ham  and  the  AfTembly,  in  1696.  409 

Remonftrance  of  the  AfTembly  to  Gover- 
nor Markham  exhibiting  fome  tranf- 
aclions  in  the  preceding  year.  409/0414 

Further  proceedings,  &c.  wherein  feve- 
ral  laws  are  agreed  on  and  paffed; — 
with  a  third  frame  of  government,  &c.  415 

1 697.  Governor  Fletcher  of  New- York  folicits 

for  more  money  to  affiil  the  Indians, 
&c.  but  does  not  fucceed;  names  of 
the  Members  of  Council  and  Affembly; 
flate  of  the  Province  about  this  time.  416 

169 8.  A  proclamation  of  the  Governor  and 

Council  againfl  vice  and  illicit  trade.        417  to  420 

1699.  The  Proprietary,  with  his  family,  fails 

for  Pennfylvania,  and  arrives  there 
after  a  diftemper,  called  the  Yellow 
Fever,  had  ceafed,  &c.  420 

Extract  from  William  Penn's  valedictory 
epiftle  to  his  friends,  the  Quakers,  in 
Europe.  421 

Thomas    Story's    account  of  the  effect 

of  faid  Yellow  Fever  in  Philadelphia.  Ibid. 

Memorial  and  character  of  Tho.  Story.  42 1  and  422 
Death  of  A.  Cooke  and  T.  Fitzwater.  Ibid, 

The  Proprietary  meets  the  AiTembly,  who 

take  meafures  againll  piracy,  &c.  423 

1700.  William   Penn  lays  before    his  friends, 

the  Quakers,  at  their  monthly  meeting, 
in  Philadelphia,  his  concern  for  the 
Indians  and  Negroes ;  exhorting  them 
to  their  duty,  refpecting  thefe  people.  Ibid. 

He  meets  divers  affemblies,  at  different 
times,  while  in  the  country; — paries 
100  laws,  and  prepares  a  new  charter.  424 

An  order  of  Council  for  placing  a  watch 

on  the  fea  coaft,,  Ibid. 


504  fndest. 

1701.  The  Proprietary  lays  before  the  Affembly  Page. 

the  King's  letter,  requiring  350!.  fter- 
ling,  towards  the  fortifications  on  the 
frontiers  of  New  York,  &c.  425 

The  Affembly's  addrefs  to  the  Proprietary, 
excufmg  their  non-compliance,  for  the 
prefent.  Ibid. 

The  nature  of  faid  requifition  feemed 
rather  unreafonable,  confidering  the 
prefent  circumftances  of  Pennfylvania,  426  to  428 

Articles  of  agreement,  between  William 

Penn  and  the  Sufquahanna  Indians.    428*0432 

The  Proprietary  reprefents  to  the  Council, 

the  abufes  in  the  Indian  trade,  &c.      432  and  433 

The  Proprietary's  adminiftration,  though 
attended  with  difficulty,  is  managed 
with  prudence  and  paternal  care;  and 
the  colony  profpers,  &c.  434 

Neceflity  and  reafon  for  the  Proprietary's 
return  to  England,  with  an  extract: 
from  Anderfon  on  trade,  £c.  435 

The  Proprietary's  fpeech  to  the  Affem- 
bly,  on  the  neceffity  of  his  return  to 
England,  &c.  with  their  anfwer; — 
with  the  names  of  the  Members  of  this 
Affembly.  436  to  438 

The  Affembly  prefent  an  addrefs  to  the 
Proprietary  refpefting  his  fucceffor, 
privileges  and  property,  &c.  with  his 
anfwer  to  certain  parts  of  it,  &c.  439 

The  Indians  come  to  take  leave  of  the 
Proprietary,  with  part  of  his  fpeech 
and  advice  to  them,  &c.  440 

Difagreement  between  the  province  and 
territories  again  difcovers  itfelf ; — with 
proceedings  between  them  and  the 
Proprietary  on  the  fubjeft,  &c.  440  to  442 

The 


Index.  50  j; 

.Anno.  The  Proprietary's  letter  to  the  Affembly  Page. 

1701.  on  their  difagreement ; — he-prevails  on 

them  to  a  prefent  accommodation.  Ibid. 

The  laft  charter  of  privileges  .granted  by 

William  Penn,  October,   1.701.  443/0451 

The  Proprietary  conftitutes  a  'Council  of 
ft  ate  for  the  province  and  territories, 
with  their  charter,  &c.  451 

He  like  wife  grants  a  charter  to  the  inha- 
bitants of  Philadelphia,  conftituting  it 
a  city,  &c.  452 

Andrew  Hamilton,  of  New-Jerfey,  ap- 
pointed Deputy  Governor,  and  James 
Logan,  Secretary  of  the  province.  Ibid. 

Soon  after  the  Proprietary's  arrival  in 
England,  the  caufe  of  his  return,  or 
the  attempt  to  reduce  the  Proprietary 
governments  into  regal  ones,  was  dropt.  453 

1702.  Death  of  King  William; — fucceffion  of 

the  Princefs  Anne  of  Denmark  to  the 
crown; — William  Penn  in  favour  at 
court,  -&c.  454 

Governor  Hamilton's  adminiftration  and 

death.  Ibid. 

1703.  The  province  and  territories  irreconcile- 

able; — they  at  length  agree  to  a  fepa- 
ration; — Edward  Shippen  Prefident  of 
the  Council,  &c.  Ibid. 

Firft  refolve  of  the  Provincial  Affembly 

on  this  occafion.  455  and  456 

Declaration  and  teft  of  the  Members.  Ibid. 

John   Evans  arrives  Deputy  Governor 

from  England,  Twelfth-month,  1703.  457 

1704.  Governor  Evans  augments  the  Council, 

and  convenes  the,  Affembly  of  both  the 
province  and  territories; — names  of 
the  Members  of  Council,  &c.  Ibid. 


506  Index* 

1704.  He  endeavours,  in  vain,  to  unite  them.  453 

The  Governor  being  difpleafed  with  the 
members  of  the  province  for  refufmg 
to  comply  with  his  recommendation  to 
unite  with  the  territories  and  for  fome 
other  affairs,  occafions  the  beginning 
of  an  unhappy  difagreement.  Ibid. 

Account  of  David  Lloyd,  Speaker  of  the 

Affembly.  459 

The  Governor  meets  the  Aflembly  of  the 
territories  at  New-caftle; — his  procla- 
mation for  railing  a  militia,  &c.  .Ibid. 

The  Aflembly  of  the  province  remonflrate 
to  the ,  Proprietary  againil  Governor 
Evans,  and  Secretary  Logan.  460 

The  Governor  requires  to  fee  a  copy  of 
their  remonftrance,  as  well  as  fome 
other  principal  perfons,  but  are  refufed.  Ibid. 

1705.  Part  of  Governor  Evans's  fpeech  to  the 

Aflembly,  relative  to  the  reception  of 
faid  remonftrance  with  the  Proprieta- 
ry;— reflecting  on  their  conduct,  &c.  461  and 462 

A  very  great  change  in  the  Aflembly, 
elected  October,  1705; — more  har- 
mony between  them  and  the  Gover- 
nor;— and  names  of  the  Members.  462 

Thomas  Chalkley's  vifit  tothe  Indians; — 

with   a  ihort  memorial  of  him.  463 

The  war,  at  this  time,  between  England 
and  France  and  Spain  produces  diffi- 
culty in  Pennfylvania,  and  that  the 
Quakers  in  fuch  cafes,  were  liable  to 
be  mifreprefented.  464  to  467 

A  fingular  act  of  Aflembly,  in  Connecti- 
cut, againft  the  Quakers,  &c.  repeal- 
ed by  Queen  Anne,  £c.  with  the  Qua- 
kers' addrefs  to  the  Queen,  on  the 
occafion,  Sec.  Ibid. 

Governor 


Index.  507 

An.m*  Governor  Evans  did  not  fufficiently  ftudy  Page. 

1705.  the  genius  and  diipofition  of  the  peo- 
plej— his  contempt  of  the  Quakers' 
principles,  and  favouring  mealures  to 
incommode  the  province,  productive  of 
ill  ccnfequences,  &c,  4.67  and 468 

*  1706.  Account  of  the  falfe  alarm,  &c.   with 

Thomas  Makin's  mention  of  the  fame.  468  to  47 i 

Exactions  at  New-cattle,  &c.  47  a 

Means  of  redrefs  of  this  grievance,  by 
Richard  Hill,  Ifaac  Norris  and  Sa- 
muel Prefton,  Quakers,  &c.  with  fliort 
memorials  of  theie  three  perfons.  472  to  476 

Aflembly's  addrefs  to  the  Governor  in 
1707,  relating  to  the  affair  at  New- 
caftle,  &c.  Ibid. 

Proceedings  and  difagreement  between 
the  Governor  and  Aflembly,  refpect- 
ing  the  bill  of  courts,  &c.  in  which 
the  latter,  being  difappointed  by  the 
Governor,  direct  their  refentmeat  a- 
gainft  the  Secretary,  James  Logan.  477^2^478 

Chara£lervand  memorial  of  James  Logan.  478  and  ^jf^ 

The  province  not  entirely  free  from  party 
fpirit: — which  is  only  injurious  in  the 
extreme,  &c.  4/g  . 

Governor  Evans's  adminiilration  being 
difagreeable  to  the  Aflembly  and  peo- 
ple;— the  Aflembly  attempt  to  impeach 
the  Secretary  before  the  Governor,  but 
are  by  him  prevented  in  their  defign,  480 

1707.  The  Aflembly  remonftrate  to  the  Propri- 
etary, and  try  to  get  Governor  Evans 
removed,  &c.  Ibid. 

Heads  of  their  remonftrance  againft  him 

and  the  Secretary  James  Logan.  481  to  483 

Continuation  of  thefe  difputes  till  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1 709,  when  Go- 
vernor Evans  was  removed.  483  to  485 


508 


Index. 


Anno.  Names  of  the  Members  of  Council  aud  Page. 

1707.  Aflembly  about  this  time.  Ibid. 

1708.  The  Proprietary  being  under  difficulties, 

mortgages  the  province,  &c-  485 

Th.efe  difputes  of  fome  of  the  AflTemblies, 
with  his  embarr  aliment,  probably  con- 
ducive to  his  difpofing  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  crown,  &c.  486  and  487 

Oldmixon's  account  of  William  Penn's 
difficulties  and  treatment  about  this 


time;  with  the  names  of  the  officers  of 
government  in  Evans's  adminiftration. 


Ibid. 


Errata,  and  Emendata,  in  this  Volume* 


fflge.  Line.  Errata. 

7  —  laft  line  —  bat  then  do,         -         <* 
94  —  5  —  Bemen  and  the  Hague,   -         - 
158  —  8  —  or  their  religious  fociety,      - 
165  —  5  —  Queen  Ann,  - 

419—18  —  States,         -   .  -  - 

Ill  —  IO—  -fort/king,  " 

Ill  —  Note  —  their  is,  « 

223—   4—  Or,          ----- 
223  —  Note  —  part  of  country,        -         *• 
l6o  —  2O  —  Peter  Styrefant,        - 
276  —  37  —  nor  never  will,  ;  -         - 

34!  —  Note  —  and  a-  make  wall,  -          - 

342  —  ditco  —  to  enjoy  and  ufe  of  the  world, 
344  —   i  —  found,  - 

344—25—  offered,  -  -  - 

344—37—affeaed,  -  -_         -      _     - 

354  —  conclufion  cf  the  note  omitted,  viz.    -     otLertvlfe  reprefinted, 
359  —    *  —  re">~iution,        -  refolution. 

•j^p  —  7  —  bit^.  which  appear  to  have  been?  bill,  which  -off  ears  to  have  been  paflfeu 
pafled  into  la-ws,  -  3  into  a  lata. 


Emendata. 

But  then  does,  for  doth.j 
Bremen  and  the  Hague. 
of  their  religious  fociety. 
C^ueen  Anne. 
State. 
Jlouri/bing. 
there  is. 
nor. 

part  of  tic  country. 
Peter  Styvrfant. 
nor  ever  will. 
and  make  a  wall. 
to  enjoy  and  ufe  the  world. 
founded. 
effcftcd. 


377  —  19  —  the  word  (or)  to  be  omitted. 

378  —  1  8  —  advife,  -          -          - 
^yi  —  Note  —  and  be  further  enabled, 
395  —  ditto  —  (hall  be  caft,     -         -         - 
4/j2  —  ditto  —  Edward  Smont,  - 

4^  g  —  ditto  —  James  Cents,  -         - 

461- 


adiiicz. 

and  be  it  further  ena&ed, 

ihall  be  caft. 

Edward  Smout. 

James  Coytt. 


463  —  Note  —  much  han'ng, 

464  —  5  —  nor  yet  gain, 
469  —  NotS— 


much  learning. 
nor  get  gaitv* 


* 


